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Title: Green Desperation Fuels Red Fascism
Author: Klokkeblomst
Date: 08.2021
Language: en
Topics: Andreas Malm, Ecoleninism, Earth Liberation Front, climate justice, pipeline, Denmark
Source: https://konfront.dk/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Andreas-Malms-Authoritarian-Leftist-Agenda.pdf

Klokkeblomst

Green Desperation Fuels Red Fascism

Authoritarianism is on the rise as a key talking point when it comes to

finding solutions to the ecological crisis. The same attributes that

predominate technological society — apathy, fear, cognitive overload and

feeling a lack of agency[1] — are more and more reflected in the

mainstream environmental movement, leading us to believe in new leaders,

figureheads and ideas, such as green growth.[2] More on this later.

Lately, I have come across multiple texts by Andreas Malm, author and

associate senior lecturer at Lund University, who is one such

authoritarian calling for an “Ecological Leninism.”

In his recent interview with Verso books[3] he was asked:

“How do you explain the gap between the relative dynamism of ecological

Marxist theories – in Anglo-Saxon countries in particular – and the

weakness of the political intervention of Marxists in these movements?”

Malm answers:

“Ecological Marxism has a tendency to cripple itself by staying inside

academia. It needs to engage with and reach out to the actual movements

in the field. Anarchist ideas should be combatted; they will take us

nowhere. I think it’s time to start experimenting with things like

ecological Leninism or Luxemburgism or Blanquism. But the weakness of

Marxism in ecological politics is of course inextricable from its nearly

universal weakness at this moment in time (i.e., one symptom of the

crisis of humanity, alongside acidification of the oceans and everything

else).”

Malm represents a Nordic example of eco-modernist authoritarian thought.

Establishing a false dichotomy ( e.g. centralized vs decentralized)

between anarchistic approaches to change making, Malm meanwhile fails to

reflect on the impacts of authoritarian systems in any honest way. This

combines with a detached and warped perception of the environmental

movement’s recent history.

In How to Blow Up a Pipeline, Malm advocates, but also shits on direct

action. Clearly detached from ecological struggles, referring to

anarchists attacks as not big enough, he draws on the work of Micheal

Loadenthal who documented “27,100 actions between 1973 and 2010,” in an

attempt to discredit decentralized action.[4]

“All those thousands of monkeywrenching actions achieved little if

anything,” explains Malm, “and had no lasting gains to show for them.

They were not performed in a dynamic relation to a mass movement, but

largely in a void.”

Ignoring the actions of the remaining Leftist governments (Ecuador,

Bolivia, Venezuela, Nicaragua, etc.), it is clear Malm has no ideas what

these actions advocate, let alone the continuation and intensification

of eco-anarchist attacks in Europe and the rest of the world between

2010–2016 (see Return Fire Magazine, 325, Act for Freedom Now, Avalanche

etc.). More still, many of these actions, especially Earth Liberation

Front (ELF) actions, were supported by local struggles.[5]

He conveniently forgets all the direct actions and sabotage in direct

connection to popular movements that helped save wetlands and stop

motorways across the UK, or the vital role decentralized direct action

and sabotage play in the highly effective struggle of the Mapuche people

to recover their territory, to name just two examples—and there are

countless.

And because environmental justice and social justice go hand in hand, we

shouldn’t forget the vital role that arson attacks and other major

decentralized sabotage actions had in the divestment campaign against

the apartheid government of South Africa in the 1980s, or the change in

public attitudes towards the racist police in the United States

accomplished by direct and decentralized attacks across that country.

Popular rejection of the police is now so strong, many cities face a

shortage of recruits for their police forces, even as local governments

fight to expand funding. This example shows the relative merits of the

decentralized, grassroots action that Malm derides, versus the

government action pushed by leftwing parties. It is also worth noting

that Malm is decidedly uninterested in and uninformed regarding

antiracist struggles, while also using racist tropes and promoting the

technocratic, institutional framework of colonialism in his writings.

Malm’s limited view is not just a defect of his own thinking. The

tendency of technocrats to reduce the interrelated problems of

widespread ecological devastation, borders and migration, global hunger

and lack of food sovereignty caused by the so-called Green Revolution,

is a huge problem.

It opens the door to eco-fascism, and gives the fascists and other

racists a seat at the table. If we only think about climate, as though

it were distinct from all the other entangled social and ecological

problems, then we are forced to focus narrowly on bringing down Co2

within the existing institutional framework of states, NGOs, and

corporations. This means that ultimately, each state (as the chief

administrative unit) is responsible for bringing down its own emissions.

This leads to an entire accounting game of pushing off emissions

responsibility onto poorer countries, closing borders, blaming

immigrants, promoting socially and ecologically destructive technologies

(e.g. ‘smart’ cities, low-carbon infrastructures, idiotic conservation

schemes). From Austria to the UK, Green Parties and mainstream

environmental movements have already been making alliances of

convenience with far right parties and organizations. Now, Malm is

trying to put Leninism back on the table, mirroring the resurgence of

classical fascist groups and authoritarian governments.

Malm unapologetically remains politically naïve to the realities of

repression and state violence endured by people engaging in non-violent

sabotage and vandalism actions. In a review by Gabriel Kuhn, an Austrian

political author based in Sweden, he calls Malm’s ignorance of struggles

and movements “offensive,” pointing out how he ignores “The Green Scare”

and how, despite minimizing decentralized action, the ELF and

eco-anarchist actions were labeled by the FBI as the “number one

domestic terrorist threat.”[6]

People are fighting, dying, and serving extended sentences in prison

(9–22 years, see June11.org or any Anarchist Black Cross), which Malm

flagrantly disrespects for his pseudo-academic circus and attempted

revival of Leninism. More importantly, however, many fighters are

getting away with these actions inflicting economic costs and real

delays. Right now, supposedly ecologically militant people like Malm,

should be working to socially normalize committed non-violent (but not

pacifist) struggles and spread it to this new generations of “climate

youth” continues who are eager to make a difference. Yet Malm instead

vomits political ignorance, authoritarian romantics, flagrant disrespect

and concerted hostility to the people engaged in this fight.

Malm does not have to be a self-absorbed academic unaccountable to

reality. All of us, instead, can think like outlaws, like feral cats,

and organize with our friends to destroy what destroys us. While I am

unsure if their actions were “performed in a dynamic relation to a mass

movement” (whatever that means), most participants were entrenched in

various “activist” or non-activist communities (for better and

worse).[7] There is a relatively small, but viral

movement—everywhere—already in place risking life and limb to confront

mines, pipelines, energy infrastructure and the authoritarian systems

that maintain them.

Malm’s analysis widely ignores how environmental struggles have so far

required all kinds of actors, from saboteurs to lawyers, journalists and

lawmakers: There is no either or. Rather than making a career out of

bashing them and for a perverse authoritarian leftist agenda, Malm

should be part of organizing prisoner support for eco-warriors, curating

information nights on struggles, securing lawyers, influencing public

policy to eliminate terrorism enhancement charges and so on. There is so

much people can do in general, but also established academics. Why not

support Indigenous land defense, eco-anarchist attack and actually begin

organizing against the sources of ecological degradation, instead of

promoting some hair brained Leninist scheme? The Trotskyites at Verso

should also take a good look into the mirror and reconsider their

political values, but more so it seems unwise to publish and give a

platform to uneducated and poorly researched work like this. Where is

the pushback?

Solutions?

In a video interview with Critical Theory in Berlinv[8] he proposes to

set up a planned economy to reduce emissions yearly and instate

sanctions forcing corporations to pursue technocratic solutions (e.g.

drawing down Co2 from the atmosphere) in a bid to recuperate the power

of the state for planetary salvation.

In a co-authored editorial Seize the Means of Carbon Removal: The

Political Economy of Direct Air Capture,[9] he plays through different

scenarios of carbon removal from the air and demands that the “the left”

confront it. Natural carbon sinks cannot possibly do all the work, so

what remains apparent is the inherent need for new technological

advancements and centralized planning to make capture solutions viable.

Malm, however, believes if the “means of removal” were socialised,

capital accumulation could be off the table and the process would help

repair climate damage, never mind the ecological and energetic costs of

those technologies.

To be clear, large-scale carbon capture and storage technology is merely

a hype, not a viable technology at our disposal. It remains unproven at

scale, with current test facilities shutting down due to repeated

mechanical failures[10] and exorbitant operating costs.[11]

It requires vast industrial complexes and a further scarring of the

environment, all the while releasing more Co2 to the atmosphere than

sequestered (as seen in Norway’s Sleipner Facility,[12] currently the

best facility on Earth).

From geoengineering utopia, Malm continues during his interview, and I

am paraphrasing: If we can lock up people inside their houses for a

period of time, surely we can say you can’t eat beef from Brazil any

longer. Even if a State is able to stop industrial beef production in

the tropics for all groups and people, is this really the way to create

lasting social change? Swedish authoritarianism, and the state naiveté

fabricated by social democracy, shines through his political theory.

Malm’s authoritarian desires continue in Corona, Climate, Chronic

Emergency. Here he plays with ideas such as “mandatory global

veganism”[13] and invokes the “duty” of the “richest countries” to “lead

and assist a global turn to plant-based protein” to oppose the

consumption of “bushmeat”[14] in other parts of the world. “Bushmeat”

here, refers to how Indigenous people, farmers and low-income households

hunt and subsist on local animals (e.g. rabbits, snakes, iguanas, deer,

gazelle, etc.), as they have for centuries. Malm exhibits colonial

hubris, meanwhile demonstrating an uncritical belief in industrial food

systems and the relationships they engender.

The careless, and ultimately Eurocentric and racist, assertions by Malm

are even more dumbfounding considering his credentials as a human

geographer, situated at among Sweden’s most prestigious universities.

Human geography research is famous for revealing the ecological harms of

colonial land management schemes and, later, “fortress” and “community”

conservation programs.[15] These programs have been largely ineffective,

failing to curtail “commercial poaching” and intensifying attacks on

Indigenous people, militarizing forests and regimenting ecologically

destructive practices.[16] Enforcing authoritarian relationships over

land, especially against so-called “subsistence poachers”—or acquiring

“bushmeat” in Malm’s words—has been a resolute disaster extending

colonial practices of land control, degradation and warfare into

nature.[17]

This insanity extends to silence regarding the Indigenous people under

constant attack by mines and wind turbines in Sweden. As Kuhn points

out, Malm “does not mention the Sámi with a single word,” although they

see themselves as “radical environmentalists by the very nature of their

traditional livelihood.”[18] Kuhn explains this might be because “all

Swedish leftists do” this, or because it is “easier to point to

struggles far away,” or even that he has “political reasons” for

ignoring them (e.g. they not talking about “fossil capital”?). At the

same time, he goes into great length telling of his own involvement in

an action group horribly named “Indians of the Concrete Jungle.” In

essence, he likes Indigenous peoples when they resist in

attention-grabbing news headlines, but demonstrates radical disinterest,

if not contempt, for their lifeways, culture and autonomy with his

political philosophy and proposals.

Climate Justice is Anti-Authoritarian

In many Native struggles, colonial states employ divide and conquer

strategies and violent tactics as a means to gain access and control

over indigenous territories.[19] Historically, “patriarchy [...] is a

system of oppression that precedes and can exist independently of the

State,” remaining one of the first steps of colonization undertaken by

Europeans to break apart pre-existing social fabrics. Nowadays,

government funding for Native bureaucracies and corporate bribing of

local leaders is a factor dividing struggles against infrastructure

projects, resulting in internal conflicts that hamper organized

resistance.[20]

Within the Northern European movement however, one might feel

hopelessness when confronted with police batons and long-winded court

cases, or, rather, in my circles, overwhelming amounts of scientific

reports foreshadowing ecosystem collapse and doom.

Unfortunately, some also develop these feelings towards the people

inside decentralized movements themselves, viewing their actions as

ineffective, disorderly and naïve. The failure that some people perceive

is because of the way it is dealing with urgency and climate science,

leaving only fleeting opportunities for change. Yet, we must ask: who is

actually disrupting and destroying the means—logistics—of extraction,

political control and profit and who is reproducing and maintaining it?

The question whether to prevent further harm to ecosystems arrives not

from numbers, hours or levels of urgency. This means ending our habits

as consumers and dependents on states and corporations, and reconnecting

with ourselves, our place and, in many instances, ancestral knowledge.

It helps to recognize where our actual strengths lie. From northern

France to the outskirts of Moscow to Lakota territory occupied by the US

to Mapuche territory occupied by Chile and Indigenous communities in

Borneo, the movements that have actually stopped extractive industries

and destructive infrastructure projects have been decentralized and

anti-authoritarian, often led by Indigenous peoples in resistance.

Meanwhile, many of the ecocidal projects that have been halted, from

industrial wind farms to forestry plantations and palm oil biofuel

plantations, are actually a part of the so-called solution being

proposed by academics, NGOs, and other technocrats flush with corporate

money.

People must know themselves first, really ask why they are struggling

and deliberate on the question: “How shall I live my life?”

The many Faces of Authority

The complicity of nationstates, NGOs and corporations in creating

ecological degradation showed itself again recently, when Denmark

announced its plans (praised by Greenpeace as a historic event) to phase

out oil drilling in the North Sea by 2050.[21] Parallel to their

ambitious goals, Denmark builds hundreds of kilometers of new

infrastructure for fossil fuels with the European Baltic Pipe

project.[22] This project will also connect to Danish sugar factories on

Lolland,[23] an industry releasing the second highest Co2 emissions in

Denmark,[24] making it clear that Denmark’s ‘green’ ambitions are

heavily misrepresented.

Green NGOs like Greenpeace continue to keep inventory on the destruction

of nature and bargain the details of destruction with corporations. In

2010 Greenpeace entered an agreement supporting logging companies in the

Canadian Boreal Forest Agreement[25] and, recently, praised Mærsk — the

planet’s largest shipping company and, until 2017,[26] a big player in

the oil industry – merely for refusing to ship a specific Antarctic

toothfish.[27] NGOs collaborate with state and capital constantly; they

are businesses in and of themselves and constantly sell out movements

defending forests, rivers and marine ecosystems.

Promoting a notion of “net zero” emissions and subsequent carbon trading

schemes is leading to a major land grab in the Global South. Industrial

scale green energies, which increase the total energy market rather than

decreasing fossil fuels, also lead to new profits for energy companies

and devastate vast sacrifice zones in poor areas. It is no coincidence

that all these technocratic solutions proposed by green NGOs are also

supported by energy corporations.

The guises of authoritarianism are plenty and its attempts to resolve

environmental issues have failed and led to increased degradation.

Representative democracy, and other systems based on bureaucratic

authority, have taught us change comes through politicians,

corporations, NGOs and, of course, personal consumer choice. The

underlaying implication of this narrative is that chaotic organizing,

viral direct action (and unrestrained) and immediate change in conduct

is not the answer.

We need to recognize that authoritarianism and human-centric claims to

supremacy over the earth have and continue to be the root of

socio-ecological crisis. This happens via the church, the State,

urbanization and modern mechanical science,[28] all of which seek

domination and control over the systems of our planet. This is not to

say modern science is not useful, but to remember that it comes at a

material and energetic cost.

Leninism, why not

Red Fascism has its roots in Leninist thought, an analysis dating back

to critiques in 1939 with The Struggle Against Fascism Begins with the

Struggle Against Bolshevism by Otto Rühle[29] and 1921 The Russian

Revolution and the Communist Party by “Four Moscow Anarchists.”[30] The

latter states:

“State Communism [...] is not and can never become the threshold of a

free, voluntary, non-authoritarian Communist society, because the very

essence and nature of governmental, compulsory Communism excludes such

an evolution. Its consistent economic and political centralization, its

governmentalization and bureaucratization of every sphere of human

activity and effort, its inevitable militarization and degradation of

the human spirit mechanically destroy every germ of new life and

extinguish the stimuli of creative, constructive work.”

As Gabriel Kuhn declares in his review of Malm’s recent

publications:[31]

“As long as it is not clear how future Leninism of any stripe –

anti-Stalinist, ecological, whatever – will be able to avoid these

pitfalls, I really don’t find it terribly reassuring to suggest that,

well, somehow it’ll turn out alright this time.”

In a similar fashion, Malm does not add new elements to the discussions

on escalation of tactics in the environmental movement, contrary to his

book’s promise. It might be this hollow radicality that entertains

bourgeois circles and will grant him a broad audience separate from the

core of radical change.

Furthermore, his ability to brag about his own past flirtations with

direct action, from the comfort of middle-class existence in a social

democracy, shows that he really has no understanding of ecological

struggle. People who actually risk themselves struggling for their land,

their survival, our planet, face death or decades in prison. They do not

get to put their actions on their resumé to sell books after just a few

years. To put it plainly, Malm does not know the meaning of struggle.

His expertise is in writing academic papers, securing a comfortable,

privileged existence for himself, and climbing the class ladder.

Malm tries to ridicule James C. Scott for his not very popular nor

influential book Two Cheers for Anarchism (2012), where he makes silly

comments on traffic lights. If you’re familiar with Scott’s work, it

becomes apparent that Malm’s attack might be caused by Scotts critique

of Lenin in Seeing like a State (1998), exposing Lenin as controlling

and elitist. Scott’s work will be mentioned further in the next

sections.

Malm & the State

While anarchists will always threaten Malm’s imaginary Leninist regime

and that might be reason enough for him to oppose them, another reason

is the myth that state power is the driver of history. Academic research

into history and early state formation often talk about the creation of

the nation state to be a process that started in ancient Mesopotamia and

has since shown itself to be the pinnacle of social organization,

largely unchallenged, and therefore we have to work within it.[32]

However, research into state legitimacy is never unbiased or objective.

The idea of a linear path in history (e.g. from worse to better) is an

incredibly eurocentric approach to the reality we are experiencing and

in great extent fuel for white supremacist thinking. Just as much as

academia and mechanical sciences have been deeply rooted in projects of

domination.

Authors like Peter Gelderloos or James C. Scott have been offering

anarchist perspectives on early state formation.[33] They have been

voicing that state building happens everywhere, over and over again, and

there is no deadlock. Groups organizing non-hierarchically throughout

time will experience coercion and domination by neighbouring states and

will be forced to give in under the immense pressure, just to spring up

again in new ways down the line, returning to other ways of social

organization. Just as frequently throughout history, states have been

overthrown by their own subjects and non-hierarchical societies have

been able to successfully resist state formation or defend themselves

from neighbouring states.

Anarchism, therefore, has been able to grow beyond the workers’ movement

in which it first gained a reputation, to recognize parallel roots in

anti-authoritarian struggles on other continents, to become a part of

early anti-colonial struggles, and to play a leading role in the fight

against patriarchy.[34]

In opposition to states, horizontal organisation, local ownership of

low-level power structures, and community empowerment are highly

sustainable and peaceful forces. All the while, these structures are the

ones actively resisting mega projects and protecting habitats. In a much

simpler sense, and this might surprise detached academics:

We are already fighting for the world we want to live in. Where are you?

It sure won’t be televised

A lack of affinity with long-standing cultures of resistance and even

knowledge of other struggles enforces an alienation and helplessness

taught to people throughout their entire lives, especially in areas

where colonization is entrenched and consolidated, such as Northern

Europe. The marketing and cultural promotion of institutionalization,

and disbelief in self-organization, leads people to political

submission, accomplishing the work of state powers: political order and

pacification of the population.

We should value climate science, but we must look at the origin, history

and reality of this accounting—or the lack thereof—as record heats and

marine die offs in the Western Americas and flooding in Germany, Belgium

and France have recently demonstrated. Only after such record-breaking

natural disasters hitting home have newspapers started to call into

question climate sciences projections as underestimated.[35]

While Greta is invited to elite conferences, the cases of two women

(Jessica Rae Reznicek and Ruby Katherine Montoya), sabotaging the Dakota

Access Pipeline around 2016/2017[36] on multiple occasions, however,

went unmentioned by most news outlets, along with countless other

actions (see https://warriorup.noblogs.org/). The networks of autonomous

ZADs, ‘Zones to Defend’ in Western Europe opposing new large and useless

development projects also goes largely unnoticed in international media.

With the Zapatistas as an exception, there are hundreds of struggles for

Indigenous autonomy against infrastructure and mining projects across

the world that go unnoticed by the what the media calls climate ‘youth’

and ‘justice’ activists.

When high expectations are met with incomplete storytelling by news

outlets and academics, desperation takes hold. Lack of information

regarding resistance and alternatives to corporate and state obedience

is no coincidence. Desperation, fear and lack of self-confidence creates

an opening for authoritarian ideologues to take hold within

decentralized movements, selling false hopes and answers through their

utopian techno-fixes and megalomania, big and small.

If this desperation remains unchecked, people will submit to the

existing as well as their institutional conditioning and look to

authorities or leaders. It seems, at times, people just want some

authority to tell them “everything will be okay” so they do not have

change their habits, let alone take direct action.

The Bottom Line

The effectiveness of our actions cannot be measured in the same terms we

measure the decline of our ecosystems. Life, and especially living

resistance, is so much more than actions taken to influence a

scientists’ interpretation of climate meta data and feedback loops.

Measuring our efforts by their effectiveness on the scales of dominant

society is falling for the same ‘return on investment’ paradigm that has

allowed the looting of our habitats.

As long as we do not see our struggles as the continuation of an age-old

fight against domination and state coercion, we will be setting forth on

half measures leaving the old powers alive underneath the surface, which

has only led to an intensification of authoritarianism, ecological

degradation and now climate crisis.

Decentralized organizing, non-hierarchical networks and joyful

resistance have been and will be the most effective tools to fight the

builders of this ecocidal world and to live a life free of oppression.

We don’t need political parties or professional leaders to pacify these

struggles. We need to support them, help them grow and connect, and show

how they already contain the solutions to the interrelated problems of

ecological collapse, poverty, and exploitation.

Situations of desperation and perceived emergency create opportunities

for authoritarians to increase their power, and mislead efforts of

decentralized movements towards tech-fixes that accelerate neocolonial

extractivism. If people have a desire to attempt to appropriate the

state to create more favorable policy conditions for land defenders and

ecosystems or become lawyers, this is understandable. The battle against

ecological and climate catastrophe already exists, the problem is there

are few actually fighting it and taking this battle seriously.

If you are reading this, you are the resistance to ecological

catastrophe and the authoritarianism that put the world in this

desperate situation.

“Just as we refuse to be ruled, we refuse to rule over anyone else.”

Peter Gelderloos

by Klokkeblomst

[1] https://medium.com/@fulalas/from-dispersion-to-apathy-how-technology-makes-us-lonely-1d489ee6004f

[2] Hickel J. (2020) Less is more: How degrowth will save the world,

London: Random House.

[3] https://www.versobooks.com/blogs/4450-it-is-time-to-try-out-an-ecological-leninism-interview-with-andreas-malm

[4] https://www.researchgate.net/publication/328887527_Contemporary_Questions_on_Eco-terrorism_with_Michael_Loadenthal

[5] Leslie Pickering (2003) Earth Liberation Front 1997–2002

[6] https://kersplebedeb.com/posts/ecological-leninism-friend-or-foe/

[7] Anonymous. (2018) Against the World Builders: Eco-extremists respond

to critics. Black Seed: : 84–108.

[8] https://youtu.be/8LSQLBFQruo?t=1675

[9] https://portal.research.lu.se/ws/files/96341244/HM_DAC.pdf

[10] https://www.reuters.com/article/us-usa-energy-carbon-capture-idUSKCN2523K8

[11] ihttps://ecostandard.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/06/CCS-false-solution-food-water-action-europe.pdf

[12] https://cleantechnica.com/2019/06/12/best-carbon-capture-facility-in-world-emits-25-times-more-co2-than-sequestered/

[13] Andreas Malm, (2020) Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency — War

Communism in the Twenty-First Century, p. 89

[14] Andreas Malm, (2020) Corona, Climate, Chronic Emergency — War

Communism in the Twenty-First Century p. 93

[15] Fairhead, James, Melissa Leach, and Ian Scoones. 2012. “Green

Grabbing: a new appropriation of Nature?” See,

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/03066150.2012.671770

[16] Duffy, Rosaleen. 2016. “War, by Conservation.” Geoforum 69 (1):

238–248.

[17] Kelly, Alice. 2013. “Property and Negotiation in Waza National

Park.” Land Deal Politics Initiative (LDPI), UK.

[18] xviiihttps://kersplebedeb.com/posts/ecological-leninism-friend-or-foe/

[19] xixGelderloos P. (2017) Worshiping Power: An Anarchist View of

Early State Formation, Oakland: AK Press.

https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/peter-gelderloos-worshipping-power

[20] xxDunlap A. (2020) The Politics of Ecocide, Genocide and

Megaprojects: Interrogating Natural Resource Extraction, Identity and

the Normalization of Erasure. See,

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14623528.2020.1754051

[21] xxihttps://euobserver.com/nordic/150287

[22] xxiihttps://www.offshore-energy.biz/saipem-lays-more-than-100km-of-baltic-pipe-pipeline/

[23] xxiiihttps://energinet.dk/Anlaeg-og-projekter/Projektliste/Groen-gas-Lolland-Falster

[24] xxivhttps://www.tv2east.dk/guldborgsund/sukkerfabrikker-udleder-naestmest-co2-i-danmark-er-gas-eller-el-loesningen

[25] xxvhttps://www.canfor.com/sustainability-report/environment/canadian-boreal-forest-agreement

[26] xxvihttps://totalenergies.com/media/news/press-releases/total-acquires-maersk-oil-for-7-45-billion-dollars-in-share-and-debt-transaction

[27] xxviihttps://www.greenpeace.org/usa/maersk-stands-up-for-the-oceans/

[28] xxviiiShiva V. (2002 [1989]) Staying Alive: Women, Ecology and

Development, Carolyn Merchants (1983) The Death of Nature Sullivan S.

(2010) ‘Ecosystem service commodities’ – a new imperial ecology?

Implications for animist immanent ecologies, with Deleuze and Guattari.

See,

https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233502593_’Ecosystem_Service_Commodities’_-_A_New_Imperial_Ecology_Implications_for_Animist_Immanent_Ecologies_with_Deleuze_and_Guattari

[29] xxixhttps://www.marxists.org/archive/ruhle/1939/ruhle01.htm

[30] xxxhttp://marx.libcom.org/library/russian-revolution-communist-party-alexander-berkman

[31] xxxihttps://kersplebedeb.com/posts/ecological-leninism-friend-or-foe/

[32] xxxii P. Gelderloos (2010) Worshipping Power

[33] xxxiiiScott JC. (2017) Against the Grain: A Deep

[34]

A. Dunlap (2020) Compost the Colony: Exploring Anarchist

Decolonization, see

https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/alexander-dunlap-compost-the-colony-exploring-anarchist-decolonization

[35] https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2021/jul/16/climate-scientists-shocked-by-scale-of-floods-in-germany

[36] https://grist.org/protest/dakota-access-pipeline-activists-property-destruction/