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Title: The Red Association Author: Mikhail Bakunin Date: 1870 Language: en Topics: organization Source: Retrieved on 8th August 2021 from https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/writings/ch05.htm
Political Freedom without economic equality is a pretense, a fraud, a
lie; and the workers want no lying.
The workers necessarily strive after a fundamental transformation of
society, the result of which must be the abolition of classes, equally
in economic as in political respects: after a system of society in which
all men will enter the world under special conditions, will be able to
unfold and develop themselves, work and enjoy the good things of life.
These are the demands of justice.
But how can we from the abyss of ignorance, of misery and slavery, in
which the workers on the land and in the cities are sunk, arrive at that
paradise, the realization of justice and manhood? For this the workers
have one means: the Association of Councils.
Through the Association they brace themselves up, they mutually improve
each other and, through their own efforts, make an end of that dangerous
ignorance which is the main support of their slavery. By means of the
Association, they learn to help, and mutually support one another.
Thereby they will recall, finally, a power which will prove more
powerful than all confederated bourgeois capital and political powers
put together.
The Council must become the Association in the mind of every worker. It
must become the password of every political and agitation organization
of the workers, the password of every group, in every industry
throughout all lands. Undoubtedly the Council; is the weightiest and
most hopeful sign of the proletarian struggle an infallible omen of the
coming complete emancipation of the workers.
Experience has proved that the isolated associations are not more
powerful than are the isolated workers. Even the Association of all
Workers’ Associations of a single country would not be sufficiently
powerful to stand up in conflict with the International combination of
all profit making world capital. Economic science establishes the fact
that the emancipation of the worker is no national question. No country,
no matter how wealthy, mighty, and well-served it may be, can
undertake--without ruining itself and surrendering its inhabitants to
misery--a fundamental alteration in the relations between capital and
labor, if this alteration is not accomplished, at the same time, at
least, in the greatest part of the industrial countries of the world.
Consequently, the question of the emancipation of the worker from the
yoke of capital and its representatives, the bourgeois capitalists, is,
above all, an International question. Its solution, therefore, is only
possible through an International Movement.
Is this International Movement a secret idea, a conspiracy? Not in the
least. The International Movement, the Council Association, does not
dictate from above or prescribe in secret. It federates from below and
will from a thousand quarters. It speaks in every group of workers and
embraces the combined decision of all factions. The Council is living
democracy: and whenever the Association formulates plans, it does it
openly, and speaks to all who will listen. Its word is the voice of
labor recruiting its energies for the overthrow of capitalist
oppression.
What does the Council say? What is the demand it makes through every
association of these who toil and think, in every factory, in every
country? What does it request? Justice! The strictest justice and the
rights of humanity: the right of manhood, womanhood, childhood,
irrespective of all distinctions of birth, race, or creed. The right to
live and the obligation to work to maintain that right. Service from
each to all and from all to each. If this idea appears appalling and
prodigious to the existent bourgeois society, so much the worse for this
Society. Is the Council of Action a revolutionary enterprise? Yes and
no.
The Council of Action is revolutionary in the sense that it will replace
a society based upon injustice, exploitation, privilege, laziness, and
authority, by one which is founded upon justice and freedom for all
mankind. In a word, it wills an economic, political, and social
organization, in which each person, without prejudice to his natural and
personal idiosyncrasies, will find it equally possible to develop
himself, to learn, to think, to work, to be active, and to enjoy life
honorably. Yes, this it desires; and we repeat, once more, if this is
incompatible with the existing organization of society, so much the
worse for this society.
Is the Council of Action revolutionary in the sense of barricades and of
violent uprising or demonstration? No; the Council concerns itself but
little with this kind of polities; or, rather, one should say that the
Council takes no part in it whatever. The bourgeois revolutionaries,
anxious for some change of power, and police agents finding occupation
in passing explosions of sound and fury, are annoyed greatly with the
Council of Action on account of the Council’s indifference towards their
activities and schemes of provocation.
The Council of Action, the Red Association of these who want and toil,
comprehended, long since, that each bourgeois politic--no matter how red
and revolutionary it might appear--served not the emancipation of the
workers, but the tightening of their slavery. Even if the Council had
not comprehended this fact, the miserable game, which, at times, the
bourgeois republican and even the bourgeois Socialist plays, would have
opened the workers’ eyes.
The Council of Action, ever evolving more completely into the
International Workers’ Movement, holds itself severely aloof from the
dismal political intrigues, and knows to-day only one policy: to each
group and to each worker: his propaganda, its extension and organization
into struggle and action. On the day when the great proportion of the
world’s workers have associated themselves through Council of Actions,
and so firmly organized through Council of Actions, and so firmly
organized through their divisions into one common solidarity of
movement, no revolution, in the sense of violent insurrection, will be
necessary. From this it will be seen that anarchists do not stand for
abortive violence which its enemies attribute to it. Without violence,
justice will triumph. Oppression will be liquidated by the direct power
of the workers through association. And if that day, there are impatient
pleads, and some suffering, this will be the guilt of the bourgeoisie
refusing to recognize what has happened, through their machination. To
the triumph of the social revolution itself violence will be
unnecessary.