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Title: Nonviolent Anarchism Author: Geoffrey Ostergaard Date: 9 February 2016 Language: en Topics: non-violence, pacifism, violence Source: http://www.satyagrahafoundation.org/nonviolent-anarchism-the-convergence-of-pacifism-and-anarchism/
The development of Christian Anarchism presaged the increasing
convergence (but not complete merging) of pacifism and anarchism in the
20th century. The outcome is the school of thought and action (one of
its tenets is developing thought through action) known as ‘pacifist
anarchism’, ‘anarcho-pacifism’ and ‘nonviolent anarchism’. Experience of
two world wars encouraged the convergence. But, undoubtedly, the most
important single event to do so (although the response of both pacifists
and anarchists to it was curiously delayed) was the dropping of the
atomic bomb on Hiroshima on August 6, 1945. Ending as it did five years
of ‘total war’, it symbolised dramatically the nature of the modern
Moloch that man had erected in the shape of the state. In the campaign
against nuclear weapons in the 1950s and early 1960s, more particularly
in the radical wings of it, such as the Committee of 100 in Britain,
pacifists and anarchists educated each other.
The single most important intellectual influence helping to shape
anarcho-pacifism is that of M. K. Gandhi (1869–1948), who began his
career as a disciple of Tolstoy. Tolstoy’s great weapon for undermining
(rather than overthrowing) the state was the refusal by individuals to
cooperate with it and obey its immoral demands — the weapons defended by
Henry David Thoreau in his classic 1849 essay, ‘Civil Disobedience’, and
the one used by pacifist conscientious objectors. But Gandhi, in the
course of the whole Indian movement for national liberation, showed that
there is a whole range of weapons, collective as well as individual, in
the armoury of those who are prepared to resist oppressive structures.
In doing so he shifted the emphasis from passive non-resistance to
active nonviolent resistance. He also emphasised the theory of power
underlying their use: the theory of ‘voluntary servitude’, originally
outlined in 1548 by the father of political philosophy, the French
thinker Étienne de la Boétie, namely that structures of power, even when
they seem to rely on physical force, depend in the last analysis on the
co-operation, however reluctant, of those over whom power is exercised.
Gandhi clarified the relationship between means and ends, particularly
with reference to the use of violence. Means, he insisted, must not
merely be consistent with ends; this principle, though preferable to
‘the end justifies the means’, is based on a misleading dichotomy. Means
are ends, never merely instrumental but also always expressive of
values; means are ends-creating, or ends-in-the-making. One implication
of this view is that we can forget what are called ‘ends’ and focus on
‘means’, confident in the knowledge that if the ‘means’ are pure, then
the desired ‘ends’ will follow. Another is that our conceptions of
desirable futures, our ‘utopias’, are only mental constructs for guiding
our actions here and now. We realise our ‘utopias’, insofar as they are
realisable at all, by acting now as if ‘utopia’ had already arrived.
Lastly, Gandhi developed the concept of nonviolent revolution, to be
seen not as a programme for the seizure of power, but as a programme for
transforming relationships. The concept sits neatly with the observation
of the German anarchist Gustav Landauer (1870–1919): ‘The state is a
condition, a certain relationship between beings, a mode of behaviour;
we destroy it by contracting other relationships, by behaving
differently.’
Gandhi’s ideas were popularised in the West in books such as Richard
Gregg’s The Power of Nonviolence (1934), and Bart de Ligt’s The Conquest
of Violence (1937). [1] The latter is particularly important for
anarchists since, as one himself, de Ligt specifically addressed those
who lust for revolution. ‘The more violence, the less revolution’, he
declared. He also linked Gandhian principled nonviolence with the
pragmatic nonviolent direct action of the syndicalists, who propose an
economy in which industries are owned and managed by the worker. The
General Strike is an expression of total non-cooperation by workers,
though it should be added that most syndicalists believed that armed
workers should defend the revolution.
In the 1950s and 1960s anarcho-pacifism began to gel, anarchists adding
to the mixture their critique of the state, and pacifists their critique
of violence. Its first practical manifestation was at the level of
method: nonviolent direct action, principled and pragmatic, was used
widely in both the Civil Rights movement in the USA and the campaign
against nuclear weapons in Britain and elsewhere. These two movements
provided part of the matrix for the emerging New Left. It soon became
clear that what was ‘new’ about the New Left — hardly surprising since
it was triggered by disillusionment among socialists with both Marxian
Communism (Stalinist variety) and Social Democracy — was in large part a
rediscovery and reassertion of libertarian socialism that had been
submerged for over a generation. In its first decade several themes,
theories, actions, all distinctly libertarian, began to come to the fore
and were given intellectual expression by the American anarcho-pacifist
novelist, Paul Goodman [2]: anti-militarism, the rediscovery of
community, community action, radical decentralism, participatory
democracy, the organisation of the poor and oppressed inter-racially,
and the building of counter-culture and counter-institutions (such as
new co-ops, collectives and communes). For a brief period it looked, at
least to anarcho-pacifists, as though these might be woven into a grand
strategy for nonviolent revolution. Then, from 1967, for reasons
explored by the English pacifist Nigel Young, the movement (really ‘a
movement of movements’) experienced a failure of nerve. The prospect (or
dream) vanished, and by the early 1970s the New Left had disintegrated,
the end being marked by, among other things, the bombings carried out by
the New Left’s ‘dark angels’, the Weathermen and the Angry Brigade.
The collapse of the New Left coincided with the exhaustion of the less
well-publicised Sarvodaya (welfare of all) movement for nonviolent
revolution in India, led by Vinoba Bhave and Jayaprakash Narayan, which
had sought through voluntary villagisation of land to realise Gandhi’s
dream of an India of village republics. The implication of Sarvodaya is
brought out by the statement of Jayaprakash Narayan: ‘In a Sarvodaya
world society the present nation states have no place.’ In the India
case the disintegration was disguised by the movement’s venture, sparked
off by students in Bihar, into confrontation politics — a venture which
led to the declaration of a state of emergency in 1975–77 and the period
of unstable politics that has followed.
It would be premature, however, to write off anarcho-pacifism. In India,
Gandhi remains a potent symbol and source of inspiration. And in the
West, since the demise of the New Left, various groups, such as War
Resisters’ International, The Peace News constituency in Britain, the
Philadelphia Life Center in the USA, and the ecological and Women’s
Liberation movements have sought to give clearer definition to the
central concept of anarcho-pacifism: nonviolent revolution. Most
notably, the counter-cultural critique of modern industrial society was
articulated by Theodore Roszak in The Making of a Counter Culture
(Oakland: University of California Press, 1995).
However, the nation state still stands as ‘the norm of modern political
organisation’. It is not likely to be abolished, in the way the founder
of ‘collectivist anarchism’, Bakunin envisaged. [3] But it may be
subverted or transcended. There are forces at work in the world —
multi-nationals and ‘sub-nationalisms’, for example — which are finding
it necessary to use both larger and smaller frames of reference than the
nation state provides. Anarcho-pacifism is only one of these forces and
not, some may think, the most important. But its continued opposition to
war and preparations for war, its clear trans-national orientation and
appeal, and its insistence on the importance of rediscovering community
at all levels from the local to the global — the latter encapsulated in
the counter-culture’s vision of humankind coming home to their ‘global
village’ — make it a potentially significant source of both subversion
and transcendence. These nonviolent revolutionaries do not think that
the nation state is ‘the foundation of world order’: they think it is
the active promoter of disorder, and fear that its various rival agents
will one day start throwing nuclear bombs at each other and destroy the
only civilisation we have. The nation state is not ‘the chief definer’
of their ‘identity’ — it does not ‘permeate’ their ‘outlook’; and even
the atheists among them find it blasphemous to regard it as ‘the main
object of individual loyalties’. They are modern Anabaptists, [4]
fervent advocates of nonviolence, and, like their forebears, they can
recognise an ‘abomination’ when they see it.
[1] Richard B. Gregg The Power of Nonviolence, Philadelphia: Lippincott,
1934; and a recent edition of Gregg, thus: Lamarca (Cyprus): Pieres
Press, 2007. Bart de Ligt The Conquest of Violence, London: Routledge &
Sons, 1937. The most recent edition of the De Ligt title is London:
Pluto Press, 1989.
[2] Paul Goodman (1911-1972) became widely known upon publication of his
groundbreaking study of alternate education methods, Growing up Absurd,
New York: Vintage, 1960 (with many reprint editions since). His
controversial autobiography Five Years, and his novels, especially
Parents Day are still highly regarded. There is a great deal of
information about him in the web, through Wikipedia.org or any of the
search services.
[3] Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876) was a Russian political thinker and
founder of collectivist anarchism advocating the abolition of both the
state ownership of the means of production and the state. Wikipedia.org
has a reliable article as starting point.
[4] The Anabaptists were a Protestant sect that began in Saxony, Germany
in 1521 and were among the first radical pacifists. The name refers to
their doctrine that Baptism should be deferred to adulthood and freely
chosen. Again the Wikipedia.org article is a reliable starting point.