đŸ Archived View for library.inu.red âș file âș miguel-amoros-rock-for-beginners.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 12:26:57. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
âĄïž Next capture (2024-06-20)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: Rock for Beginners Author: Miguel AmorĂłs Date: August 5, 2013 Language: en Topics: music, culture, youth, US Source: Retrieved on 11th May 2021 from https://libcom.org/library/rock-beginners-miguel-amor-s Notes: Translated in January 2018 from a revised copy of the original text entitled, âRock para principiantesâ, obtained from the author in December 2017. Published in Spanish in a paperback edition by Ediciones el SalmĂłn /Argelaga, 2014. The original Spanish text may be consulted online at: Part one: http://kaosenlared.net/rock-principiantes-primera-parte/][kaosenlared.net]] Part two: [[http://kaosenlared.net/rock-principiantes-segunda-parte/
âRockâ, properly speaking, refers to a particular musical style created
by Anglo-Saxon youth culture that spread like wildfire to every country
where the modern conditions of production and consumption had reached a
certain qualitative threshold, that is, where capitalism had given rise
to a mass society of socially uprooted individuals. The phenomenon first
took shape after World War Two in the United States, the most highly
developed capitalist country, and then spread to England; from there it
returned like a boomerang to the country of its origin, irradiating its
influence everywhere, changing peopleâs lives in different ways. To get
a better understanding of rock, we will first have to review the
concepts of subculture, music and youth.
The word âsubcultureâ refers to the behaviors, values, jargons and
symbols of a separate milieuâethnic, geographic, sexual or
religiousâwithin the dominant culture, which was, and still is, of
course, the culture of the ruling class. Beginning in the sixties, once
the separation was imposed from above between elite culture, reserved
for the leaders, and mass culture, created to regiment the led, to
coarsen their tastes and brutalize their sensesâbetween high culture and
masscult,1 as Dwight McDonald called themâthe term would be used to
refer to alternative consumerist lifestyles, which were reflected in
various ways in the music that was at first called âmodernâ music, and
then pop music. The mechanism of identification that produced youth
subculture was ephemeral, since it was constantly being offset by the
temporary character of youth. In this volatile stage of life, without
either responsibilities or economic functions, with a proletariat that
was giving no signs of combativeness, the notion of subculture was
easily conflated with that of fashion, and of freedom, with that of the
look. The role of the communications media, which had previously hardly
shown any interest in traditional subcultures, would be decisive in the
spread of juvenile fashions. However, these fashions harbored a more
disturbing reality. While opposition to the adult world took the outward
form of a generation gap, it was in fact an unresolved social crisis. As
it turned out, the âage-old crisis of youthâ ended up converging with
crises of other kindsâstudents, labor, race, politicsâand forging an
authentic ethical, artistic and social alternative to the values and
lifestyles of domination. Rock was its soundtrack. It could no longer be
called a subculture, since it did not seek accommodation within the
dominant culture like its predecessorsâsuch as, for example, the
American existentialists (hipsters), the neighborhood and biker gangs of
the United States, or the teddy boys and mods of Great Britainâbut
rather sought to subvert it and overthrow it: it was a true
âcountercultureâ, only much more dangerous, because its popularity was
not restricted to young people.
Pop music, on the other hand, has almost nothing to do with what we
understand as music. While, technically speaking, it may be considered
to be an organization of sound in time, it is not an art, but instead a
product of the entertainment industry, a commodity of show business. We
would prefer call it âlight musicâ, as opposed to great music or genuine
music (which began to be known as âclassical musicâ after the onset of
âpop musicâ). It was characterized by simplification and
standardization; it was created as an accompaniment to dancing and to
serve as entertainment and means of escape. Its compositions were short,
repetitive and syncopated, predictable, without any aesthetic
pretensions. It did not claim to reveal the essence of reality at the
immediate level, like art, but to stimulate and amuse. It sought to
entertain, not to challenge the status quo. It was therefore a music for
passing, and killing, time, for consumption rather than for thinking. It
was a genre of music that became a Trojan horse for the rationality of
the commodity in everyday life. Theodore W. Adorno said that, âOne is
forced to have fun in order to be well adjustedâ, and that was just what
this kind of music essentially did: dance tunes represented the
musically sublimated rhythms of labor and of everyday misery. They
promoted conformism rather than revolt. Nor was the mass culture of
which it formed a part really a culture, either, but rather a particular
industry that infiltrated everyday life through the mass media. Those
who called the shots in the media played the leading role in that
culture which, far from spotlighting and exacerbating the contradictions
of capitalist society, obscured and blurred them, making them more
endurable. This was the principal characteristic of the new capitalism
based on consumption, that is, on the industrialization of life. Thus,
although pop music was by no means an expression of the social situation
of the exploited class, it could at any given moment and under certain
circumstances be transformed into a vehicle for expressing the demands
for freedom manifested by the least domesticated sector of the
population, the sector that was most aware of the crisis, the youth. It
therefore became the vehicle of truth, which, according to Hegel, is
also beauty, and spontaneously manifested, in a subjective and
incomplete form, appealing to the sensesâor âgood vibrationsââmore than
just reason, the spirit of the modern social revolution.
Thirdly, youth, that period between infancy and adulthood, which lasted
longer among the offspring of the bourgeoisie, but was very brief among
the offspring of the workers, did not play any special role in classical
capitalism. Then, it was a period of initiation to âresponsibleâ life in
which no other principles or tastes found a place beyond those that were
already established by tradition. The discovery of the existence of a
rebellious and combative youth that questioned the rules of the world of
its elders was traumatic not only for the ruling class but also for the
submissive members of the other classes, since these elements were all
in favor of patriarchy. For a few years, the movie industry allowed a
few intellectually honest directors to address some of the disagreeable
aspects of the cold, hard reality. World War Two was followed by the
âCold Warâ, an era of political tension exacerbated by the Russian
manufacture of the atomic bomb, Maoâs seizure of power in China and the
beginning of the Korean War, events that unleashed a wave of patriotism
and anticommunism in the United States that was capitalized on by
Senator Joseph McCarthy, the organizer of a âwitch huntâ that profoundly
affected intellectual and artistic work. The years of âMcCarthyismâ,
between 1950 and 1956, were disastrous for the formal liberties that had
once prevailed in the culture of a State that, by becoming the leading
world power, felt threatened domestically by a wave of dissent led by
intellectuals. In this suffocating climate, any display of dissidence
was tarred with the brush of communism and treated with the utmost
severity. Edward Abbey, however, an anarchist in the tradition of
Thoreau, a pacifist and practitioner of civil disobedience, dared to
publish an indictment of the horrors of industrial civilization in those
dark times, calling for desertion from that civilization, The Brave
Cowboy [1956], which was adapted for the screen in 1962 by Dalton
Trumbo, the most subversive screenwriter of his time. In movie industry,
the condition of the working class was taboo; trade unionists could only
be depicted as gangsters, and anarchists as solitary fugitives and
outlaws, while informers and snitches were portrayed as heroes, as in
Elia Kazanâs film, On the Waterfront. The race question would not be
portrayed for a broad public audience until 1960 with the release of
John Fordâs film, Sergeant Rutledge, and Harper Leeâs novel, To Kill a
Mockingbird, released as a film in 1962. The youth problem, however,
ignored by the new inquisitors, was openly addressed in the public
arena. In 1953, Laszlo Benedekâs The Wild One made its debut in movie
theaters, based on a true story: the invasion of a peaceful small town
by a violent motorcycle gang on a rampage. The contrast between the
townsfolkâs respect for law and order and the disrespectful and lawless
behavior of the young gang members reached its climax when, asked just
what he was rebelling against, the star of the movie, played by Marlon
Brando, replies, âWhadda you got?â The nihilism of the message
scandalized respectable opinion leaders; the motorcycle manufacturer,
Triumph, protested against the negative image associated with its
product, and the British government would not allow the film to be shown
in movie theaters until 1967; and even then it could only be shown in
X-rated theaters! In 1955, another film, entitled Rebel Without a Cause,
directed by Nicholas Ray, gave a new twist to the youth culture theme,
bringing it from the margins to the center of American society: a middle
class youth, played by James Dean, bored and dissatisfied, lost in a
social milieu that did not understand and did not want to understand why
he found it absurd, reacted by allowing himself to do just anything,
without any apparent reason, only because, âYouâve gotta do somethingâ.
The image of a violent and wayward adolescent, convinced that he had no
future worth living and that all he could do was live intensely in the
moment as if he was going to die that very same day, turning his back on
the adult world that was insensitive to his anxieties, reflected the
moral decadence of a class society that offered dollars instead of
answers. The older generation, self-satisfied and resigned, incapable of
seeing anything beyond its own nose, had become alien to the younger
generation. The picture would be completed by Blackboard Jungle,
directed by Richard Brooks, which was also released in 1955 (in Spain
its title was âSemilla de maldadâ [Bad Seed]). The action of the film
takes place in an inner-city school, where young people from working
class homes, which we would now call âbroken homesâ, trapped in an
educational system that taught them nothing useful for the hard life
that they could look forward to when they turned eighteen, turn against
their teachers and the school. Indiscipline and delinquency were their
response to the lack of perspectives and the fate reserved for losers.
Its soundtrack would distinguish this film from its two predecessors
mentioned above. The soundtracks of The Wild One and Rebel Without a
Cause were written by classical composers in the tradition of Schömberg.
In Blackboard Jungle, however, the students destroy the record
collection of a math teacher because his music means nothing to them.
What they wanted to listen to were songs like âRock Around the Clockâ, a
kind of swing tune with a negro rhythm performed by Bill Haley,
catapulted to instant success by the movie. A new style was born,
unknown to the older generation, but which created a great stir among
their children, rock and roll, and which was therefore a sign of a
profound generation crisis, or, more accurately, of a social crisis that
would have its greatest impact among the young people, to whom the
blacks had brought soul.
Willie Dixon, musician, composer, and blues singer, as well as boxer and
negro civil rights activist, once said, âThe blues are the roots and the
other musics are the fruitsâ, condensing the history of rock into a
single sentence. The source of rock and roll was the American negro. It
was created in 1955 by a rhythm and blues guitarist named Chuck Berry,
when he recorded the hit song âMaybelleneâ, an adaptation of a country
music song. Rock was therefore born, as everyone knows, from a fusion of
rhythm and blues with American âcountryâ music. The year before, Elvis
Presley had recorded âThatâs Alright (Mama)â, a version of the song
first performed by the Delta blues singer Arthur âBig Boyâ Crudup, but
it seemed that most people were not aware of this. The same was true of
âShake, Rattle and Rollâ, recorded by Bill Haley & His Comets. What were
the preconditions that paved the way for the appearance of rock music?
First of all, obviously, the social and moral crisis referred to above,
manifested primarily among the youth. Secondly, the music of a minority
that suffered from discrimination, the Afro-Americans. In 1947 the
journalist Jerry Wexler had christened as rhythm and blues a new style
of boogie that was more well known among its performers as jump blues,
which was a best-seller on the âraceâ record charts and had the
peculiarity of attracting white record buyers. In 1951, a Cleveland
radio program aimed at the youth market broadcast this music, calling it
rock nâ roll, an expression that would often appear in the lyrics of
these jump blues songs. Young white people had discovered a whole new
world in negro music. The blues provided a simple and effective musical
matrix in which feelings, desires, hopes and frustrations could be
expressed. A perfect combination of howls, moans and loud strumming on
the guitar, often arranged around a single musical phrase (riff) that
put some spirit into the pop rock inspired by it. As John Sinclair says
in his book, Guitar Army, the black musicians were the âfreedom ridersâ
who infiltrated the homes of white people and seduced their children by
attacking every taboo. These children then felt much closer to the
people of color than to their white parents. Their music taught them a
new way of love and behavior, less inhibited, more fraternal and, above
all, much more erotic; it showed them an open sexuality and (it was this
that was so intolerable) it incited them to smoke pot. There was more to
life than work, more than school and more than sitting on the couch
watching television. In fact, this was real life, which, philosophically
speaking, erased the distinction between subject and object. Rock nâ
roll was more than just entertainment; it was the music of refusal; the
refusal of the hypocritical morality and culture of the status quo, of
extreme individualism, of no-holds-barred competition and of the endless
changes determined by the iron laws of the commodity. By putting the
accent on rhythm rather than on harmony, it made the antagonism between
the passion to live and everyday boredom more apparent, an antagonism
that young people had tried to escape by way of violence and
transgression, but without ever grasping their situation rationally and
objectively. It was the music of protest against alienation, the music
of awakening (many blues songs began with the words, âI woke up this
morningâ), the music of movement in search of meaning, but not of
revolutionary catharsis. The youth identity that it provided was not
enough to provoke social change, but it timidly pointed in that
direction. A contradiction prevented the awakening of social
consciousness. The rebellious young people despised work, but
nonetheless participated in consumption: they rejected the office and
the factory, but not the commodity, as the quest for an identity based
on music, clothing or a car, was simply fulfilled with an image whose
content was its exchange value. Young people really constituted a new,
expanding market. We must recognize that rock nâ roll, its musical
standard, was still a product of the culture industry, of hit records,
of new record companies like Modern, Atlantic, Chess and Sun Records, of
movies and radio; of the latest inventions in music technology, the 45s
and LPs, jukeboxes, record players and amplifiers. This was the third
precondition that brought rock to the bar, to the living room and to the
bedroom, that is, which introduced it to everyday life. For the first
time ever, one could listen to music at any time, anywhere, at any
volume, music whose main instrument was the guitar, not the piano or the
human voice, thanks to Fats Domino and Jerry Lee Lewis. For Leni
Sinclair, Johnâs wife, âThe turning point in the history of western
civilization was reached with the invention of the electric guitarâ. It
was the instrument of change. The first Gibsons and Fenders became
phallic fetishes suitable for composing short musical phrases or riffs
like those of that memorable electric blues song, âMannish Boyâ,
recorded in 1955 by Muddy Waters. The guitar rendered the orchestra
unnecessary; at most, three or four musicians were sufficient for
accompaniment. Chuck Berry and Bo Diddley were the first rockers who
wrote their own songs to be played on guitar because they did not know
how to play any other instruments; they were models for their white
imitators and provided them with manifestos like the very emblematic
âRock and Roll Musicâ and âWho Do You Love?â One of them, Buddy Holly,
performed to the accompaniment of a rhythm guitar, a bass, and a drum
kit, creating the basic quartet that would set the standard for most of
the pop rock groups of the sixties. Other, Afro-American, artists, like
Little Richard and Larry Williams, for example, went even further, in
âLucilleâ and âBony Maronyâ, paving the way for the prohibited display
of sensuality; Elvis Presley and independent local radio stations did
the rest. Elvis had the advantage of being white in a racist society
that could hardly tolerate negro success, which is why he was the
leading figure of the rise and subsequent fall of rock.
Rock preserved a certain degree of creative independence that protected
it from the manipulation of the spectacle, but not for long. Show
business got big enough to annihilate rock nâ rollâs negative power and
forced it to maintain a cordial relation with the status quo. The movie
industry was very attentive to this development. Beginning in 1957, rock
nâ roll was corrupted and transformed entirely into show business. All
kinds of rock musicians performed in banal Hollywood movies like Rock,
Rock, Rock, Letâs Rock and The Girl Canât Help It. The rebel attitude
was replaced by a sociable identity that reconciled a juvenile audience
with the dictates of fashion instead of fostering the development of an
independent collective subject. The sentimentalism and melodrama of the
past expelled dissident attitudes. A gallery of interchangeable
adolescent âidolsâ, for which Pat Boone served as the prototype, were
pressed into its service with teams of producers, songwriters, composers
and sound engineers in order to create a perfect product for
consumption. Well-groomed, neatly-attired and cloyingly sweet, they sang
unimaginative and sentimental songs that, together with the fashion of
the dance styles that made their debut with the twist, dominated the
scene at least until the appearance of the Beatles. Rock returned to the
fold of fun-loving, entertaining commercial pop music, obscuring social
inequalities, unrest and dissatisfaction, moderating its language in
order to be acceptable to the dominant taste, the taste of domination.
Adorno said that âamusement under late capitalism is the prolongation of
workâ. Thus, from being the thorn in the side of mass culture, rock
became the rite of passage of youth in the capitalist system. Elvis
returned to civilian life from the army a changed man, transformed into
a grotesque caricature of his former self. Viva Las Vegas had nothing in
common with âHeartbreak Hotelâ or âJailhouse Rockâ. The main figures of
rock disappeared; in February of 1959, Buddy Holly and Richie Valens
died in a plane crash; one year later, Eddie Cochran died when he
crashed his car into a lamppost. As John Derek said in Nicholas Rayâs
film, Knock On Any Door, âLive fast, die young, and leave a good-looking
corpseâ. Rock had burnt its candle at both ends and was literally dead,
but it was not allowed to rest in peace. A step forward for business had
the virtue of being a step forward for contradiction by allowing a new,
less complacent music to emerge from thin air: a second generation of
young people found in it sufficient stimulus to avoid being imprisoned
in mere identity and to carry on the battle against the old world, more
prepared to face a bigger crisis incubated in the preceding period, but
also more decomposed, more irrational and more unacceptable. With the
coming of the sixties, rock recovered its lost element of subjective
freedom that once again situated it as the antithesis of the statist
mass culture.
For rock, with the start of the sixties, the American scene saw new
contributions. On the one hand, there was a new crop of talented
songwriters, sound engineers and composers. And rhythm nâ blues had
acquired a complexity that gave rise to soul music, combining with the
rhythms and cadences of religious music, but with precise notes, and
without the flourishes of jazz. Performers like Ray Charles, Otis
Redding, James Brown, Wilson Pickett and the great Aretha Franklin soon
made their debuts. A toned-down version for white people, the music of
the Detroit-based label, Tamla Motown, acquired a spectacular notoriety.
Songs like âMy Girlâ, âDancing in the Streetsâ, âMoneyâ and âLouie,
Louieâ were indispensable for any party. Finally, folk music underwent a
resurgence thanks to Woody Guthrie, who inscribed on his guitar the
words, âThis Machine Kills Fascistsâ, and Pete Seeger, who made the song
âWe Shall Overcomeâ famous. Due to its association with ideological
radicalism it gave rise to the âprotest songâ, ideal for performing at
the pacifist civil rights and anti-racial discrimination marches of the
era. A long list of politically engaged singer-songwriters participated
in the emerging social struggles, but Bob Dylan, who seemed least likely
of all to be a political figure, was by far the greatest influence. Some
of his songs, from âBlowinâ in the Windâ to âLike a Rolling Stoneâ, and
from âThe Times They Are A-Changinââ to âItâs All Over Now, Baby Blueâ,
became timeless anthems. What really revolutionized the music scene,
however, was his controversial appearance at the Newport Folk Festival
in 1965 with a Stratocaster electric guitar instead of an acoustic
guitar, together with Mike Bloomfield and Al Kooper. When they began to
play the first notes of âMaggieâs Farmâ, it was like a performance by a
Chicago blues band. His music built bridges connecting with sixties
rock, like Jimi Hendrix, Manfred Mann, Julie Driscoll, The Band, and
especially The Byrds, who took up the standard, and even with the mellow
pop of the Walker Brothers, and spread the spirit of dissent beyond the
politicized university milieu and its devotees of the folk song. His
songs were not âfunâ, but shocking, because they clashed with every
conventional standard. They were not made to be consumed, but to be the
object of intense focus, on their poetry and on their message. Dylanâs
poetry linked up with the writers of the beat generation like Kerouac
and Burroughs, who began to attain some popularity. The poet Allen
Ginsberg was a bridge between them. Folk music elevated the supremacy of
the lyrics over the music to its highest level, and led its audience
towards social critique. In its convergence with rock it politicized it,
turning it into an instrument of non-conformism.
In Europe, which was still undergoing post-war reconstruction, the
social crisis that was taking place in America remained in an incipient
stage, although it did give some unmistakable signs of life. In the
United Kingdom, the novels, Absolute Beginners, by Colin MacInnes, The
Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner, by Alan Sillitoe, Baronâs Court,
All Change, by Terry Taylor, and Lucky Jim, by Kingsley Amis, were
better introductions to the sixties than any sociological analysis. The
high demand for labor put money in the pockets of the suburban youth who
gladly spent it on clothing, shoes, motorbikes and blues, rhythm nâ
blues, soul and rock nâ roll records. Consumption was extended to
younger teenagers because of the influence of television, which replaced
radio as the leading vehicle for mass communications. Black musicians,
still mistreated in their own country, gladly traveled to England, where
they were treated as geniuses, and the habitués of the music scene
dressed like them and imitated them. British rock rapidly took shape on
this basis, represented by groups of four or five members rather than by
solo guitarists who cultivated the image of misfits in the American
style. During the course of this transformation, rock lost its rural
roots and became entirely urban. In 1963, one of these groups, the
upbeat and likeable Beatles, were transformed overnight into an
unprecedented mass phenomenon, which the media dubbed âBeatlemaniaâ. The
nearest approximation to this phenomenon, Elvis, was completely
overshadowed. âSinglesâ featuring trite songs like âPlease, Please Meâ,
âShe Loves Youâ, and âI Want To Hold Your Handâ, all released during the
same year, were sold in unimaginable quantities. In the following year,
another group, this one with an aggressive and rough image, the Rolling
Stones, added fuel to the fire. Its music was more arrogant, its lyrics
more provocative, and its attitude more contrary to accepted standards
of behavior. If the Beatles represented the Yin of British rock, the
Stones were the Yang. The âfansâ of the former were high school
students, teenagers addicted to fashion, glossy illustrated magazines
and television programs, prone to herding together in their thousands to
get a glimpse of their idols, screaming like lunatics, which really
shocked the world. The spectacle of masses of hysterical children was
too tempting for a medium like television, and a TV show on this
phenomenon had an enormous impact in the United States, in anticipation
of a U.S. tour by the Beatles. In February 1964, their appearance on the
âEd Sullivan Showâ was watched by 74 million people, that is, by half
the population of the United States. The door was thrown wide open for
all the others, too: first the Rolling Stones, then the Animals, the
Yardbirds, the Kinks, the Who, the Hollies, the Spencer Davis Group, Van
Morrisonâs Them, and many others, were disembarking on the other side of
the Atlantic and revolutionizing musical styles and ways of thinking
with their reinterpretations of black music. During this same period,
the doors of Britain and Europe were opened wide to brilliant bluesmen
who were almost unknown in America because they were black, like John
Lee Hooker, Sonny Boy Williamson, Howlinâ Wolf, Muddy Waters, Willie
Dixon, etc. Any English rock group would have considered it an honor to
play on the same stage with such incomparable masters without whom they
would literally never have existed (the Rolling Stones, who had taken
the name of their band from a Muddy Waters song composed by Dixon,
recorded their second or third album on Chess Records in 1964, and chose
B.B. King, who called all his guitars âLucilleâ, to accompany them on
their U.S. tour in 1969). Meanwhile, British pop music received a
powerful impulse in limiting the field of influence of the conservatism
that dominated the media executives of that country, which led to the
appearance of pirate radio stations installed on ships that broadcast
rock music twenty-four hours a day. The best example was perhaps Radio
Caroline, created in March of 1964. Three years later, in another
somewhat different situation, that of the âSummer of Loveâ in San
Francisco, California, the first âfree radioâ station appeared, an
experiment that was destined to have a very long life.
The so-called âBritish Invasionâ unleashed a wave of âgarage bandsâ that
obtained a public audience, and therefore a market, for the first time
ever. Rock returned to its dissident origins by providing a platform for
non-conformists. The success of a song like âSatisfactionâ has no other
explanation. Two details not directly related to music played a part in
this. In Europe, the use of hashish, a concentrated form of marijuana
that encouraged sociability; the Beatles smoked their first joint in a
hotel in New York with Bob Dylan. In America, the longhairs so
scandalized the law-and-order types that, as Jerry Rubin claimed in Do
It!, long hair was for white rebels what skin color was for the negroes.
There was also a bad side to all of this, however; rock drove the
culture industryâs sales to new highs, generating huge profits, as was
verified by the recognition it obtained from the established
hierarchies, symbolized by the awarding of medals of the Most Excellent
Order of the British Empire to the Beatles. In Europe such commercial
imperatives were never so dominant, but it was otherwise in the United
States, the privileged scene of the revolt against consumer society.
The March on Washington of August 1963 for negro civil rights had such
an impact that in less than one year, despite the assassination of
President Kennedy, legislation was passed that put an end to racial
discrimination, at least on paper. Economic and social discrimination,
however, continued, protected by the white police, as the preacher
Malcolm X had announced, assassinated in February 1965, and as the riots
in Watts demonstrated in August of the same year, which led Frank Zappa
to write a song about the days when people who were not black were
attacked for being white, âTrouble Cominâ Every Dayâ, which was later
released on the Mothers album, Freak Out!. Norman Mailer, in âThe White
Negroâ, pointed out: âAny Negro who wishes to live must live with danger
from his first day, and no experience can ever be casual to him, no
Negro can saunter down a street with any real certainty that violence
will not visit him on his walk.â The need for self-defense led to a
radicalization of Afro-Americans, and the formation of the Black Panther
Party in October 1966. The marijuana used in the ghetto, the rebirth of
black pride and the new tactics of black self-defense had an enormous
influence on the white rebels of the sixties. Furthermore, the civil
rights struggle was reinforced by opposition to the War in Vietnam. By
rebelling against the war, young people were also protesting against the
society that provoked it, and indicting the class interests that lay
behind it. The demands for racial equality, peace, free dialogue, the
decriminalization of drugs and uninhibited sexuality, clashed with a
hypocritical morality created to defend inequality, exploitation,
political authoritarianism and the patriarchal family, the foundations
of the system. If anarchism and Marxism in their many versions were
insufficient to explain the modern revolt, Zen Buddhism, on the other
hand, advocated by the non-violent, socially self-marginalized types
that began to be called hippiesâin the sense of Bohemians, followers of
the beat tradition and readers of Alan Wattsâoffered ways to disconnect
from the system, internally and externally, and to simultaneously seek
harmony with the universe, ideas that were not very congenial with the
idea of revolution preached by anarchism and Marxism. This contradiction
was not a cause of factionalism during the period of the build-up to the
crisis, when its exacerbation was assumed to necessarily lead to less
confused and more efficacious theoretical-practical perspectives. The
spread of Maoism, Fanonism and Guevarism, the outcome of the
identification of the dissidents with the false enemies of the system,
that is, communist China, the Castro regime and the national liberation
movements, helped prevent this confusion from being dissipated. There
were musicians like Country Joe [of Country Joe and the Fish] who fell
into the trap, as âCountry Joeâ was the nom de guerre used by Stalin; or
like Joan Baez, who paid homage to La Pasionaria, the worst kind of
Stalinist sleazebag; there were others, however, who did not fall into
the trap, like the sardonic Frank Zappa, who referred to both left
wingers and right wingers as people who were âprisoners of the same
narrow-minded, superficial phoninessâ. For many people, however,
spiritual experience was more important than political experience. This
is why social liberation was reduced to âfreeing your mindâ, as William
Blake advocated in âThe Marriage of Heaven and Hellâ, a poem quoted in
1954 by the essayist Aldous Huxley: âfor when the doors of perception
are cleansed, âeverything appears to man as it isâinfiniteâ.â After
reading Huxleyâs book about his experiences with peyote, The Doors of
Perception, Jim Morrison was inspired to call his group âThe Doorsâ.
Morrison himself discussed the impulse that led him to explore what he
understood by the limits of reality: âI used to think the whole thing
was a big joke. I used to think it was something to laugh about. And
then the last couple of nights I met some people who were doing
somethinâ! Theyâre tryinâ to change the world! And I wanna get on that
trip!â The grass, the LSD, the mescaline and the mantras were more
appropriate for this kind of liberating change, understood as a mental
âtripâ, than the classic methods of agitation. This is why the ritual
good times of festivals were preferable to protest marches. The
counterculture press spoke of a ânew concept of celebrationâ emerging
from within people in such a manner that the revolution could be
conceived as âa rebirth of compassion, conscience, love and the
revelation of the unity of all human beingsâ. This is the path that rock
followed. LSD, still legal, popularized by Timothy Leary, Ken Keseyâs
Merry Pranksters (the author of One Flew Over the Cuckooâs Nest) and
Neal Cassady (the Dean Moriarty of On the Road), produced in vast
quantities and distributed for free at the big hippie festivals, was the
vehicle that got musicians and their audiencesâwhich were at first not
strictly separated, since the community environment was standard in
these milieusâhigh. The Grateful Dead, the death that announced
rebirthâand therefore something to be grateful forâwere âthe groupâ of
the hippies par excellence. In The Electric-Kool-Aid Acid Test, Tom
Wolfe described the band through the mouth of one of his characters:
âThe Deadâs weird sound! Agony-in-ecstasis! Submarine somehow, turbid
half the time, tremendously loud but like sitting under a waterfall, at
the same time full of sort of ghoul-show vibrato sounds as if each
string on their electric guitars is half a block long and twanging in a
room full of natural gas, not to mention their great Hammond electric
organ, which sounds like a movie house Wurlitzer, a diathermy machine, a
Citizenâs Band radio and an Auto-Grind garbage truck at 4 A.M., all
coming over the same frequencyâŠ.â Eric Burdon ironically dedicated one
of his songs to Sandoz, the multinational corporation that manufactured
acid (its current name is Novartis). In January 1966, psychedelic music
lifted off with the LP, Youâre Gonna Miss Me, by the garage band, the
13^(th) Floor Elevators, the first band to refer to their music as
psychedelic, created under the influence of hallucinogens. It should be
noted, by the way, that the letter, âMâ, the first letter in the word,
âMarijuanaâ, is the 13^(th) letter of the alphabet. Drugs would not be
mentioned in the bandâs lyrics, however; similarly, during the same
period, another trailblazing band, The Charlatans, saw how their record
label would not allow their version of the song, âCodeineâ, written by
the folk singer-songwriter Buffy St. Marie, to appear on one of their
albums because it was about codeine addiction. The new philosophy was
summarized by Timothy Leary at the big hippie gathering in 1967 in
Golden Gate Park in San Francisco, the Human Be-In, with a laconic
phrase: âTurn on, tune in, drop out.â
Acid was the ingredient that made the fusion of rock, folk, blues, soul,
free jazz and country possible, producing the music of the American
revolution. It purged the frustrated urban middle class of its
negativity, giving the fugitives from the complacency which that
lifestyle offered a positive, simple and free vision of the future, but
which seemed to function in homogeneous, relatively small, collectives
that fed on the scraps of the empire. The radical yippie Abbie Hoffman,
in his book suggestively entitled, Steal This Book, recounted hundreds
of alternative experiences that functioned outside of the circuits of
money. In a leaflet entitled, âPlans for the Destruction of the
Universitiesâ, reproduced in his other book, Revolution for the Hell of
It, he recommended building a radical community, while simultaneously
claiming: âOur message is always: Do what you want. Take chances. Extend
your boundaries. Break the rules.â Young musicians, both British and
American, were not far behind and sought new sounds to express
previously unexplored states of mind. To convey these states of mind,
two- or three-minute long songs were insufficient, as were the little 45
rpm singles; the big LPs were more suitable. In 1966, âGood Vibrationsâ,
by the Beach Boys, was released as part of an unfinished LP [Smile];
that same year, âPaint It Blackâ was released on the American version of
the Rolling Stones album, Aftermath; and finally, that same year, the
Beatles LP, Revolver, was released; seeking to cultivate a less
frivolous image, the Beatles abandoned their pop orientation and decided
not to perform at any more live concerts. Technology had a major impact
on the listening experience. Recording studios facilitated all kinds of
mixing. New sound effects for guitar were made possible by pedals that
the performer operated with his feet, producing the sounds referred to
as wah-wah and fuzz, as exemplified in the songs, âVoodoo Childâ and
âPurple Hazeâ, by Jimi Hendrix. The Mellotron, the predecessor of
samplers, allowed the musician to use a keyboard to reproduce sounds
that had been previously recorded on tape (the trumpets of âStrawberry
Fields Foreverâ were produced in this way). We could recite a whole list
of various instruments like electric violins, twelve-string guitars,
various keyboard instruments, the theremin, banjos, sitars, bongos,
bottles, etc., which added their grains of sand to the forge of
psychedelic rock. One band, Lothar and the Hand People, which produced
an extraordinary Space Hymn, listed its Moog synthesizer (âLotharâ) as
the leader of the group. The main characteristic of psychedelic music
was improvisation. Songs were subject to momentary invention, live, on
stage, and gave way to long, spontaneous guitar solos, expressing an
escape with acid from the neurotic life of the city that absorbed
everyday reality. We may randomly cite as examples: âEight Miles Highâ,
by The Byrds; âThe Pushermanâ by Steppenwolf; the album, East West by
The Paul Butterfield Blues Band (the whole album is one long
instrumental song); âThe Endâ, by The Doors; and all the live
performances of the Grateful Dead, from âViola Lee Bluesâ to âMorning
Dewâ. We could also cite the eerie song, âSister Rayâ, by the Velvet
Underground, but this band was situated at the extreme opposite end of
the spectrum from the world of the hippies, belonging instead to a
pessimistic and self-destructive scene that substituted heroin for acid.
Although Canned Heat and Janis Joplin instilled acid into the blues more
effectively than any other bands, and the Jefferson Airplane captured
the hippie spirit in memorable songs like âSomebody to Loveâ, it was the
charismatic performers of the Dead, a group whose members displayed
incredible musical talents, that served as the models for psychedelic
creation and music par excellence during the generalized decline of the
genre at the end of the decade. Listening to them these days, one
understands that without rock, life would have been a mistake.
San Francisco, and particularly the Haight Ashbury district, full of
dilapidated mansions where various well-known rock groups lived, became
a pole of attraction for the hippies. John Phillips, of The Mamas and
the Papas, composed a song for Scott McKenzie that began with the verse,
âIf youâre going to San Francisco/Be sure to wear some flowers in your
hairâ, perfectly capturing the beauty of the moment. The local
authorities were alarmed over the prospect of a possible invasion of
vagabonds and bohemian freaks, in expectation of which about thirty
counterculture collectives, including the Family Dog commune, the
Diggers, the Straight Theater and the underground newspaper, The San
Francisco Oracle, with the assistance of local churches, organized a
âSummer of Loveâ, a summer festival where everything would be free:
music, food, acid, medical care, clothing, sexâŠ. The Monterey Pop
Festival attracted a huge crowd. San Francisco filled up with adolescent
runaways, curiosity-seekers, people with nowhere else to go, drug
addicts, drug dealers, small-time crooks, freeloadersâŠ. The success of
the Summer of Love surpassed the expectations of even the most
optimistic of its organizers, threatening the very existence of the
Haight Ashbury community to the point that it staged a âHippie Funeralâ
in October, a festival where it was insistently recommended that the
dropouts should stay home and carry out the revolution in their own home
towns because the revolution in San Francisco was already finished. Now
it was the turn of the Flower Children, the children of the comfortable
classes who dressed up in garish multicolored flowery shirts on the
weekends and wore headbands in their hair. A rudimentary Zen for idiots
served them as a sort of alibi. The Seeds wrote an anthem for them. The
hippie style was transformed into a fashion and the freaks abandoned the
city, leaving it to the tourists. Music lost its soul, and once again
became entertainment. Concert organizers began to charge for admission.
The free and disorderly counterculture was transformed into a planned
product of consumption. The industry of the spectacle accumulated more
power, buying off the best artists in every band in order to turn them
into pop stars at the beck and call of the almighty dollar. If the
Airplaneâs Surrealistic Pillow represented the face of psychedelic
music, the Beatlesâ Sgt. Pepperâs Lonely Hearts Club Band represented
its demise, its well remunerated rise to official status. The Mothers of
Invention depicted a grotesque parody of this Beatles album cover on the
cover of their own album entitled, Weâre Only In It For the Money. We
would have been more forgiving of the Beatles if they had not accepted
the BBCâs invitation to write a song reflecting all the flower power
themes, âAll You Need Is Loveâ, broadcast for the first time to the
whole world via satellite. Those were bad times for real peace and love;
the hawks who wanted to escalate the war in Vietnam were not impressed
by the hippie incantations. Deserters, however, were organizing, racial
minorities were engaging in armed self-defense, demonstrations were
organized to march on the Pentagon and Wall Street, the universities
were being occupied, and initially peaceful demonstrations ended in
violent confrontations with the police. In 1968, non-violence seemed to
lose its purchase on reality, following events instead of leading them.
The streets were in turmoil. In March, a huge anti-war demonstration in
peaceful London in front of the American embassy ended with many of the
demonstrators being beaten by the police. The Rolling Stones released a
single, âStreet Fighting Manâ, with an image of police violence on its
cover. The cover of the LP that included the song, Beggarâs Banquet,
featuring a photograph of a wall with offensive graffiti, was also
censored. A good background for what was probably the best song of the
decade, âSympathy for the Devilâ, the bastard offspring of âThe Flowers
of Evilâ and âThe Master and Margaritaâ by Baudelaire, and Bulgakov,
respectively, the latter work having appeared posthumously in 1966, a
merciless denunciation of the bureaucratic paranoia of the Stalinist
regime, which for its part had silenced Bulgakov throughout his entire
life. The Rolling Stones was the only rock group that paid any attention
to the French May, and obviously that month did not serve as a theme for
any rock nâ roll repertoire.
In the United States, a police patrol opened fire indiscriminately in
Orangeburg, South Carolina, on a demonstration of black students,
killing three and wounding twenty-eight. Martin Luther King was
assassinated by a sniper. The FBI was engaged in its criminal enterprise
to put an end to what was designated as Public Enemy Number One of the
State, the Black Panther Party. With so many killings, the days of the
tactic of non-violence were numbered. Many people concluded that the
system could not be changed by way of good deeds, and began to plan
instead to change it by way of bad ones. The anti-war movement played
its last trump card in Chicago, however, where the National Convention
of the Democratic Party was scheduled to take place in August to select
the partyâs presidential candidate. The radicals convoked a
demonstration of a festive type. Graham Nash, of Crosby, Stills, Nash &
Young, later wrote a song about the events. No radio station in Chicago
dared to play âStreet Fighting Manâ, which had just been released prior
to the Convention, for fear of inciting violence, although no one had
called for any fighting. As usual, the demonstrators put their faith in
the media impact of alternative actions as an instrument of political
pressure. Various rock groups had indicated their intention to attend
the demonstration, but in the end only the MC5, the vanguard of the
White Panther Party, which considered rock music as a revolutionary
weapon, showed up. Norman Mailer covered the events for Harperâs
magazine and William Burroughs covered it for Esquire. At first
everything proceeded peacefully; the pig, Pigasus, was named as
presidential candidate amidst great merriment, but the repressive zeal
of the democratic mayor exacerbated the situation and the war against
the war ended in street fighting. There were large numbers of injured
persons and many people were arrested, leading to a trial of the most
famous radicals. In November, Richard Nixon won the presidential
election, which made it very likely that there would be more repression
and zero tolerance not just for radicalism, as was demonstrated by the
assassinations of Black Panther militants, but also of ordinary
delinquency, as was demonstrated by the sentencing of John Sinclair to
ten years in prison for the possession of two joints. With tempers still
running high, the Woodstock Music Festival was announced for August 1969
in New York State, with an impressive lineup of rock groups.
Approximately half a million people attended, many more than were
expected. The organization of the concert was chaotic, it rained the
whole time and some of those who showed up to see the show, including
the Motherfuckers, âa gang with an analysisâ, were furious because they
were denied entry. They broke down the fences and everyone occupied
their couple of square feet in the mud. The monetary losses were
subsequently recouped by the sales of the record album and the box
office receipts from the movie. The radicals distributed their
propaganda, spoke of peace and love, and called for the release of
Sinclair; all with a sense of dĂ©jĂ vu. Jimi Hendrix âdeconstructedâ the
Star-Spangled Banner before an audience that was half-asleep. Woodstock
represented the new conformism of the American youth, comprised for the
most part of white people without any economic problems, incapable of
doing anything but keeping quiet, âgoing with the flowâ, while watching
musicians who had been turned into stars by those who felt a fetishistic
devotion towards them, with the good conscience of just being there:
ïżœïżœThere is never anything but the presentâ, as Alan Watts would say.
Herding together passed for fraternity, and getting high passed for
liberation. These âbeautiful peopleâ would commit themselves for nothing
in the world, nor would they participate in anything more serious than a
rock concert. Woodstock reproduced the spectacular separation between
audience and actors, between reality and image, the one being as
irrelevant as the other is profitable. It was nothing but a sum of acts
of no subversive importance at all in an atmosphere of cliché
rebelliousness and fictitious ecstasy, an apparent ruin that would later
give way to a real coup de grace, as if to confirm the pessimistic
vision of the film released that same year, Easy Rider, directed by
Dennis Hopper, which concludes with its hippie protagonists being gunned
down by ârealâ Americans. A little cross-country tour that ended badly.
A premonition. In September the Chicago Eight were brought to trial,
charged with conspiracy and incitement to violence. There was a great
deal of concern that the trial would prove to be an occasion for
rioting, and Nixon sent the National Guard to suppress demonstrations at
gunpoint. In court, the defendants took advantage of the opportunity to
turn the tables on their accusers and ridicule the American justice
system. Bobby Seale, the leader of the Black Panthers, called the judge
a fascist pig, which caused him to be tried separately and to be
sentenced to four years in prison for contempt of court. The other
defendants, without any convincing evidence of wrongdoing on their part,
were released. That same month, the apostle of LSD, Timothy Leary,
pursued his own private grudge against the government of the United
States by running for governor of California against the
ultra-conservative Ronald Reagan. The Beatles wrote the song, âCome
Togetherâ, for his bizarre campaign. The song was boycotted by the BBC
because the censors thought that the line, âhe shoot Coca-Colaâ was a
reference to cocaine. Leary, who had in the meantime publicly repudiated
drugs, was later sentenced to ten years for two marijuana âroachesâ
found in his possession during a police search.
Since bad things always come in threes, some geniuses thought there
should be a repeat of the Woodstock Festival on the west coast. The San
Francisco police had already closed off the city to any more festivals,
so that in the end the Altamont Speedway, in northern California, was
chosen as the site for the next Free Festival. The Rolling Stones were
the lead act at this festival, whose security was supposed to be handled
by the Hellâs Angels, a motorcycle gang that was an inveterate enemy of
the whole hippie scene. As it turned out, both the audience and the
Hellâs Angels were kept busy. Alcohol mixed with amphetamines, a
psychotropic drug that causes hyperactivity, was consumed in addition to
LSD, and this led to stampedes and fights that affected musicians as
well as members of the audience. Four deaths marked the end of the
âWoodstock Nationâ only four months after its inauguration. And so the
groovy good-times scene came to an end. At Altamont, the drugged and
enraged creeps attending the festival could not even endure each otherâs
presence and in their hysterical breakdown they suffered the
consequences of the lack of self-control of a security team that
performed its task in the same way that the police would have. It was
not just the worst day of rock, it was the death of rock as it had
existed up until that time. It was being transformed into just another
component of mass culture and a real business capable of profiting from
any situation. When, on March 4, 1970, the National Guard opened fire on
college students at Kent State University, in Ohio, killing four of
them, the cycle of the American revolution came to a close. Neil Young,
of Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young, wrote a moving protest song entitled,
âOhioâ. It was a hit, but it did no good; the murderers were never
brought to justice. Young later expressed his regret that in the end the
deaths of the students had only made money for him. On May 15 of the
same year, police opened fire on students at Jackson State University in
Mississippi who were protesting against the American invasion of
Cambodia, killing two and wounding fourteen. And on June 10, after
months of rioting, police sent by governor Reagan brutally attacked
students at the University of California at Santa Barbara who were
demonstrating in the Perfect Park of Isla Vista against the imposition
of martial law in the area, which was a major hotspot of radicalism.
After serious fighting, hundreds were arrested. A formerly clean-cut,
preppy beach-culture band whose music was improved by drugs produced a
song based on âRiot in Cell Block #9â [a 1954 R&B number one hit song]
and called it âStudent Demonstration Timeâ, dedicating the song to the
rebel students, with no repercussions: a whole year had already passed
since the riots at Santa Barbara, the song was not released as a single
and ⊠the group that recorded the song was the Beach Boys, the group
that, it should be recalled, got its start with another remake in a
totally different sense than the original, when it transformed Chuck
Berryâs âSweet Little Sixteenâ into the cloyingly sweet âSurfinâ USAâ.
Show business and the record industry had boldly stolen a march on the
dissidents (the forces of law and order and hard drugs had, of course,
already cleared the way for its success). That same month, in June 1970,
the Cincinnati Summer Pop Festival took place in Ohio, featuring such
cutting-edge bands as The Stooges and Grand Funk Railroad. In August
1970 there was an attempt to reprise the âmagicâ of Woodstock at Goose
Lake, Michigan, sponsored in part by the White Panthers and the STP
CoalitionâServe the People or Stop the Pigs, depending on who was
askedâthat were working for the release of Sinclair and all other
political prisoners. The date chosen for the festival was not mere
coincidence; it was the 25^(th) anniversary of the bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki, that is, the ostensible idea of the festival was to
protest against nuclear war. But this message was nothing but a
decorative excuse. Both old and new groups performed at the concert, all
composed of white band members, among which we will mention in
particular, besides the militant bands from Detroit, Chicago and Ten
Years After, before a crowd of two hundred thousand people, most of whom
were stoned and provided few opportunities for action on the part of a
friendly police force. The presence of heroin was notorious; drugs like
heroin seemed to bring about the virtual unification of everything that
in reality was separated. Oddly enough, people smoking joints, which
were visible in abundance during the marijuana harvest, were not
bothered by the police. Even for the least perspicacious individuals,
this gave the event a bitter overtone of a circus environment, of a
ghetto, of some kind of set-up, which without the slightest doubt marked
the end of an era. Such festivals followed in rapid succession, in
Toronto, on the Isle of Wight, and elsewhere, without causing the least
concern among the forces of order. This was not because Power retreated
before a fighting force that was itself not particularly avid for a
fight, but rather because Power had modernized its tactics. For many
people, hallucinogens were the only way to turn their backs on the
values inculcated by the system, the road to the unity of the liberated
individual, conscious of his innermost being, with the cosmos, and so it
seemed at one time that the system was also aware of this, since it
punished the individualâs transgression with fury. From the moment that
the system itself transformed its values and adapted those of its
critics, however, the function of drugs also changed: they were part of
the mechanism of escape, and not only the opiates and the amphetamines,
but also the sacred plants and mushrooms of the Indians, responded to a
perverse desire for intoxication, not for consciousness, and were
therefore so many tools of re-adaptation. The call to âdrop outâ was an
invitation to turn oneâs back on conventions and mores, leading to
passivity, rather than to the revolutionary transformation of society.
The venue of the outdoor festival, tolerant towards narcotics, served as
an escape valve, a ceremonial of docile indifference, a relaxing pause
between two moments of submission. On the one side the performer, on the
other the drugged audience, and between them the bouncers. The stoned
audience was limited to reproducing stereotyped patterns of virtual
rebelliousness, foreshadowing models of integration that would later be
implemented by the cunning merchants of culture.
Advanced industrial society began to practice a kind of laissez-faire
that it called tolerance, which was more suited to its interests. It was
the kind of repressive tolerance that favored the tyranny of the status
quo, since it corresponded to the necessary capitalist transition from
conservatism to permissiveness. Consumer society is not ascetic and
regulated, but hedonist and transgressive. With unusual haste, the
spectacular-market society finally adopted a lax and utilitarian
morality that was more in accord with its developmental needs and was no
longer scandalized by anything. It did not even respect the dead: the
corpses of Brian Jones, Keith Moon, Janis Joplin, Jimi Hendrix and Jim
Morrison were mercilessly transformed into mythic figures. Live fast,
die young and leave a beautiful poster. And the system that had absorbed
rock, transcendental meditation, psychoanalysis, sex and marijuana, did
not have any trouble at all putting up with the messages of
disillusionment and the histrionic and self-destructive behavior of the
new rockers immersed in a rude and noisy musical style. Songs like Iggy
Popâs âT.V. Eyeâ and Alice Cooperâs âSchoolâs Outâ no longer triggered
censorship. The system, up to a point, looked the other way. There is no
future, meaning no revolutionary future. If there were any events that
clearly revealed the true face of the concealed fascism presided over by
Nixon, they were the assassination of George Jackson, one of the
âSoledad Brothersâ, at the hands of the prison guards at San Quentin on
August 21, 1971, and the massacre of rioting prisoners at the prison in
Attica, New York, ordered by governor Rockefeller a few weeks later. Bob
Dylan recorded two acoustic versions of a song entitled, âGeorge
Jacksonâ, and released them on a single, but they were never included on
an LP. Tom Paxton called attention to the events at Attica with a ballad
in the finest tradition of folk music, âThe Hostageâ, and John Lennon
himself composed a catchy little tune preaching an idealistic and
outmoded pacifism for those who remained unconditionally faithful that
dogma. It might have been the case that this was no time for singing,
but with hundreds of militants turning to urban guerrilla warfare, it
certainly was no time for upbeat pep-talks urging people to âcome
together, join the movement, take a stand for human rightsâ [âAttica
Stateâ, 1972]. Dylanâs advice from âSubterranean Homesick Bluesâ was
more appropriate: âYou donât need a weatherman to know which way the
wind blows.â And in fact, âWeathermenâ was the name chosen by the
largest armed organization in America during the seventies.
The higher you go, the harder you fall. Like every epochal transition,
the early years of the seventies saw the most authentic rock bands reach
the peak of their creative powers during the worst years of the
counterrevolution, producing works that satisfied the tastes of the
moderately rebellious masses that comprised their fan base, before
deciding to form part of the âsilent majorityâ of Nixon and Agnew. Many
of them refused to accept the role of idol which reflected the new
conformist values, so they had no other recourse than to break up (The
Beatles, The Doors) or become parodies of their former greatness (the
Temptations, Sly and the Family Stone). The Rolling Stones, after Exile
on Main Street, never stopped repeating themselves. Heroin, consumed by
the ton, did not help much in this regard. Heroin elbowed acid out of
circulation. There were some bands that gradually faded away, went into
decline or ran out of steam (The Band, The Byrds, The Kinks, The Who),
not to mention others that bequeathed to posterity a boring and
pretentious âopera rockâ. Finally, there were groups that radically
changed their style; as in the case of the Jefferson Starship, the
shameful wreckage of the crash of the Airplane. On the other hand,
legitimate rock music, whose representatives include Captain Beefheart
(âElectricityâ), Tom Petty, Lou Reed, Pattie Smith and the New York
Dolls, went into decline and gradually became depoliticized. In a
destructive, nihilist and angry context, where Chaos was the most
appealing goal, the very word, âhippieâ, acquired connotations of
senility, idiocy and impotence. Beyond certain narrow circles of
resisters, rock had lost its aura and, whether it remained faithful to
its former commitments or yielded to escapism, was becoming predictable
and routine, ostentatious and theatrical; a decadent music performed by
narcissists for the entertainment of an onanistic youth that demanded
its dose of symphonic alienation, or indeed alienation of any other
kind. There was a total break with the blues, a loss of the connection
of rock music with its negro roots, and consequently a complete
dissipation of the rock nâ roll identity. The result was a certain kind
of optimistic, intellectualized music, a music that tranquilized and
relaxed the listener, the kind of music that exactly suited the new
order. The mass concert was revealed to be the ideal way to congregate
masses of young spectators prepared to rally around any progressive
stupidity. Then, noble causes took the stage (like the concert to raise
funds to help the massacred population of Bangladesh, organized by the
former Beatle, George Harrison), where they were transformed into so
many spectacles, allowing a passive audience to exhibit its hypocrisy
and its fake commitment for the modest price of a concert ticket. The
technological innovations of the seventies, such as samplers,
synthesizers, and drum machines, swallowed the guitar, the bass and the
drum kit. âFamily Affairâ, by Sly and the Family Stone, was the first
song to be made with these drum machines, which became very common a few
years later with the onset of disco. The new rock, moreover, was not so
much music as circus: it established a relation with its audience
mediated by the image and glamour. The rock star [vedette] relied on
hairstylists, make-up artists, costumers, canned gestures, and
television, more than on his or her talent. Separation is the rule in
the spectacle that is preserved in the holy communion with the image of
the âidolâ, whether by way of staged sensationalism [âshockâ: in English
in the original] or by getting high on drugs. At home, the promotional
music video acquired great importance; at live performances, the show
was revolutionized with all kinds of special effects, logos, light
shows, fireworks, fog machines, visual projections, cranes, catwalks,
platforms, choreographyâŠ. The âfanâ became the perfect domesticated
animal. The deafening noise of the increasingly more powerful speakers
combined with the drugs, the pills and the mineral water to induce a
kind of autistic frenzy in the audience, a masturbatory form of
stupefaction. This self-induced masochistic frenzy became generalized
with the resurgence of discotheques, only now bigger and more
well-designed than their predecessors, which gave the coup de grace to
live music in pubs, theaters and music halls. A repetitive and simple
kind of music emerged that became enormously popular, dance music,
organized by a new master of ceremonies, the DJ. Lyrics and chords were
reduced to a minimum. The rhythm was simplified as much as possible and
replaced the melody, which degenerated into a monotonous drone. A new
audio device called the cassette tape promised to democratize the
recording industry by making it accessible to any group, but it did not
turn out that way because the function of pop music had changed. Now,
the least important factor in pop music was creativity; now pop just
filled the vacuum of a life that was subject to the imperatives of
consumption. The final result was always the same: conformism. In fact,
the cassette constituted just one more step towards enclosure in private
life and cocooning, bringing this kind of music where vinyl could not
go, especially to the automobile, the prosthesis of the modern alienated
individual and the symbol of his overwhelming powerlessness. Audiences
became fragmented, diversifying the markets according to the age group
and the type of consumer. It was the apotheosis of the hedonism and the
permissiveness of the commodity: of the âraveâ, of fun, of cool poses,
of hip clothing. In short, the complete epiphany of the spectacle.
Television increasingly performed the function of promoting this whole
pile of musical trash. Authenticity came only at the cost of
marginalization. This was the power of mass society. No alternative with
pretensions of integrity could escape the narrow circle in which it was
inscribed, succumbing to repetition and triviality at the hands of its
followers, who were transformed into urban tribes. This is what happened
to heavy metal, reggae, and punk. Rock music no longer served as a
bulwark against modernized barbarism: it was a dead genre, a sterile
medium, a ghost, a relic, a fraud. It was the music of the other side.
Rock music used to exist because there were once many other interests at
play, born in the shadow of the industry of escapism. The revolution and
entertainment no longer walk hand in hand, the former having lost its
playful-popular dimension and the latter having lost its subversive
character. To be convinced of this you need only watch the incredibly
mind-numbingly silly and superficial movie, Rock ânâ Roll High School.
The failures of the revolutionary movements of the recent past can be
more readily understood with reference to the regression that affected
rock music, which reflected the victory of spectacular culture and the
dissolution of the dangerous classes into masses of consumers. It is
true that all the basic elements of this transition were already present
in the sixties, but it was only in the subsequent decade that it
developed exponentially. Since then, many musical styles with better or
worse intentions, or with better or worse luck, have come and gone. None
have broken out of their particular ghettoes, because none were able to
express the universal hopes for freedom and self-realization like the
rock music of the sixties; none have taught us how to unlearn so much,
or to so effectively question the status quo, or spurred so much
protest. Rock caused two or three generations to stray from the beaten
path all over the world by serving as the vehicle for a vital rebellion
that was capable of leaving an indelible mark on the culture of a whole
epoch.