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Title: EMU Steps Out Author: Solidarity Federation Date: Summer 1998 Language: en Topics: EU, money, Direct Action Magazine Source: Retrieved on April 8, 2005 from https://web.archive.org/web/20050408024044/http://www.directa.force9.co.uk/archive/da7-features.htm Notes: Published in Direct Action #7 â Summer 1998.
Emu is all set for take-off. Will it spread its wings and fly, or
crash-land predictably? More importantly, what dark secrets lurk behind
emuâs innocent façade?
Despite widespread scepticism that the project was doomed to fail, it is
now certain that the European single currency, the Euro, will be
launched next January.
The fact that European monetary union (emu) has got this far, is itself
a tribute to the combined political will of European leaders.
The politiciansâ road to emu has been a tortuous one. The struggle to
meet the arbitrary conversion criteria has caused mass unemployment. At
the same time, the whole convergence process descended to the level of
farce, most notably when the German government attempted to re-value its
gold reserve, only for the move to be blocked by the Bundesbank. At the
final hour, most countries only met the conversion criteria by resorting
to a large dollop of highly imaginative creative accounting.
Undeterred, the leaders of 11 European countries have driven the whole
project forward, often against the wishes of their own electorate.
However, when politicians go to such lengths and are prepared to take
such risks with their own careers and reputations, a healthy dose of
scepticism is called for. We have to question just what they are up to â
just why are European leaders prepared to push so hard?
Unfortunately, we cannot hope to find the answer in what passes for the
debate in Britain. The debate here has been dominated by crude
nationalism. Emu has been portrayed as little more than an attempt by
âJohnny foreignerâ to rob Britain of her sovereignty. This nasty racist
approach has been encouraged by a Labour Party fearful of losing support
by appearing unpatriotic.
It is no surprise that the level of debate in Britain has been so
moronic. Behind the âfree marketâ thinking, which sadly now underpins
all the mainstream partiesâ policies, all are deeply divided on the
issue of emu. Being undecided, they are unable to take part in any real
debate. The result has been a descent into little more than a squabble
among academics and various factions among Britainâs elites â a squabble
often motivated more by petty self-interest rather than logic. Thus, we
have seen senior mandarins within the Foreign office, fearful of
becoming isolated from Europe, pushing for Britain to join, while the
bank of England, fearful of being reduced to merely a branch of the new
European central bank, have been campaigning against entry.
The failure of free market ideas to give a clear lead is an important
point. In principle, free market orthodoxy favours the setting up of
broad currency zones such as that intended under the Euro. This not only
reduces the cost of exchanging money, it also tends to lead to lower
interest and inflation rates. The issue that has divided the free market
camp, is not whether there are gains to be had from emu (there is broad
agreement that there are), but the key point of difference is whether
emu is feasible within the European union.
Free market orthodoxy argues that, for a currency zone to work, there
have to be a number of social and economic conditions present. For
example, there should be no cultural, linguistic or legal barriers to
hinder labour mobility across frontiers. On this, and almost all the
other conditions, the EU fails to qualify as a candidate for a new
currency zone.
This has led to a war of words breaking out amongst economists within
the academic world over the viability of emu. Amidst all this petty
squabbling, the real issue of what is on offer from emu has been largely
lost. This is a pity, because on closer inspection of what free market
orthodoxy claims can be gained from emu, it quickly becomes clear that
it is risky, the sums do not add up, and emu should not go ahead.
According to market theory, the main prize to be had from emu is low
inflation and interest rates. However, viewing these supposed gains from
the perspective of the prime instigator of emu, Germany, it immediately
becomes clear that there is no logic in its favour. Germany has enjoyed
both low inflation and low interest rates for many years.
Far from gaining economic stability, entering emu with unstable
economies, such as Spain and Italy, is in fact putting Germanyâs
cherished post war prosperity at risk. For what reason? To reap the
saving gained from doing away with the cost of exchanging money? The
European Commission estimates these savings will amount to no more than
0.5% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Is it really feasible that
Germanyâs leaders are abandoning their precious mark to gain 0.5% of
GDP? Letâs be serious. The truth is that the answer as to why Germany is
pushing ahead with emu cannot be found within the narrow confines of
free market economics.
So, we need to look beyond Britainâs free market pre-occupations for a
moment, and examine the issue with a somewhat broader economic and
political outlook. However, this does present a problem. Free market
ideas now exercise such a stranglehold on Britainâs political life, it
has become hard to discern even a squeak of an alternative view. One of
the few examples of such commentators is William Hutton, editor of âThe
Observerâ, who has been mounting a rear guard action against free market
orthodoxy. Through his paper, Hutton has not only railed against
Britainâs jingoistic approach to the single currency debate, he has also
presented a much more plausible argument as to why the Euro is going
ahead from a social market perspective.
Huttonâs thesis is that emu is being introduced in order to establish a
European super-state, powerful enough to challenge the political and
economic power of the USA. He argues that a challenge to the USâs âworld
leaderâ status is needed because the political power currently wielded
by the US no longer bears any relation to its economic strength.
Furthermore, the US uses this disproportionate political power to make
up for its economic failings â to the cost of European and world
stability.
Thus, US political power is maintained by the status of the dollar as
the worldâs trading currency. The US uses the dollar strength both as a
lever to exercise political power over dollar-dependent nations and to
insulate its economy from the rigours of the free market. This enables
the US to devalue the dollar at will, making US goods cheap, free from
the fear of speculative attack and the need to raise interest rates. In
effect, the US is using cheap money to export unemployment to Europe,
while ignoring its structural trade deficit by simply printing dollars
to pay for expensive imports.
Hutton goes on to argue that these two advantages are the reason the US
blocks any moves to introduce regulation of the worldâs volatile
currency markets. Regulation would mean pegging the value of the dollar,
making US exports expensive, which would mean the spectre of US
recession. Equally, regulation would restrict the ability of US
financiers to move capital around the world, thus threatening their
dominance of the financial markets.
Following this logic, the introduction of the Euro will provide a
competitor to the dollar, bringing to an end the many advantages the US
gains by the dollars near-monopoly position as the worldâs trading
currency. Countries who are currently forced to accept US âleadershipâ
through their dollar-dependency, would be able to switch their foreign
currency reserves away from dollars into Euroâs, as well as starting to
trade in Euroâs. This would lead to dollars being exchanged for the
Euro, imposing market discipline on the US economy and opening it up to
speculative attack. The result? Regulation of the currency market
suddenly becomes in the US interest, which then ends the economic
instability caused by speculation.
Thus, in Huttonâs view there is much to be gained from emu. The Euro
will reduce US political power to a level into line with its declining
economic power, bringing stability to the world currency markets in the
process. Conversely, European political power will increase
proportionately with its growing economic power, enabling Europe to
pursue its own independent global strategy, leading to the opening up of
the worldâs markets to European exports. In short, emu will turn Europe
into a new economic and political superpower capable of competing with
the US.
Heady stuff indeed. If Hutton is right, not only will emu restore
worldwide economic stability, it will ensure an economic boom that will
allow Europe to maintain its social market base, which is now under
threat as a result of the long European recession. From this viewpoint,
it is easy to understand why Germany is willing to sacrifice its mark to
ensure a wider European currency zone is established. However, a look at
Huttonâs ideas from a revolutionary perspective exposes flaws in his
thinking, and also offers us some more real reasons for emu going ahead.
Short history lesson â are you reading attentively? The US emerges from
the Second World War with its economy intact and the long battle for
economic supremacy with Britain and Germany won. By 1950, the US economy
accounts for 47.8% of total world production. Everyone wants dollars,
both to purchase better quality and cheaper US goods, and as a safe
haven for their currency reserves. The dollar becomes the worldâs
trading currency, as enshrined in the Bretton Woods agreement (the
dollar was given a fixed gold value, with the worldâs currencies in turn
being fixed to the dollar). A system of fixed exchange rates is
established.
However, as modern technology rebuilds the war-torn German and Japanese
economies, the US economic and technological dominance begins to falter,
leaving it with a major dilemma. In order to compete, US goods must be
made cheaper by devaluing the dollar, but devaluation risks the dollarâs
world currency status. A compromise is sought. The dollar is to be
gradually devalued, in an attempt to retain market confidence, ensuring
retention of world dollar-dominance. But slow devaluation, by its very
nature, implied the ending of the fixed exchange system.
Finally, in 1971, the dollarâs link to gold is suspended, in effect
floating the dollar on the worldâs currency markets, and bringing a
flexible, market based exchange rate system.
It is here that we part company with Hutton and with social democracy in
general. Huttonâs argument is that the US attempt to engineer a âsoft
landingâ for the dollar, through gradual devaluation, succeeded. This
apparently threw the currency market out of equilibrium, resulting in
too many dollars being in circulation, giving the US an unfair
advantage. He argues that the introduction of the Euro will restore
competition, bringing market forces back into play, and so breaking the
dollarâs near-monopoly position.
With the market forces back in operation, it is then only a question of
European and US governments bringing in regulation for currency order to
be restored. This reflects Huttonâs social market view that, although
the free market system is flawed, it remains the only option for
economic organisation, and that it can be made to function through state
regulation.
Huttonâs belief that restoring market forces will lead to currency
stability is wishful thinking. The reality is the exact opposite.
Capitalist economic stability can only be maintained when market forces
are excluded from the process of currency exchange by a fixed rate
system. Here, currencies remain stable for long periods of time,
allowing less room for speculative activity. For 18 years, between
1949â67, the value of the pound against the dollar remained unchanged.
However, for a fixed exchange system to function it has to be
underpinned by a single dominant economy, ensuring the presence of a
dominant currency, against which all other currencies are fixed â as
during much of the post-war period. But under capitalism, economic
supremacy is not indefinite â at some point a competitor will emerge to
challenge the dominant economy, leading to the breakdown of the fixed
exchange system, and an increase in speculative activity as currency
speculators make money, by âbettingâ on currencies losing their value.
The example here is the late 1960âs onwards, as the German and Japanese
economies increasingly came to challenge US economic dominance.
Currency speculation is only a symptom of the real cause of instability;
the market-led flexible exchange rate system. When a flexible exchange
rate system is in operation, speculative activity cannot be regulated.
The power of currency speculators is too great. Order will only be
restored when a dominant economy once again emerges and a fixed exchange
rate system can once again operate.
The reason why social democratic commentators, whether free market or
otherwise, have difficulty in accepting this argument is that to do so
would mean accepting that capitalism is itself fatally flawed. For, as
we have seen, under capitalism, a fixed exchange system is the only one
that offers the desired stability; but competition ensures that, at some
point, a challenger will emerge, throwing the currency markets into
chaos.
There are two ways to bring this process to an end and ensure long term
economic stability. Either establish a worldwide economy, based on a
single global currency, or bring capitalism to an end and replace it
with a system based on co-operation. Needless to say, neither will ever
be accepted by social democratic commentators, which is why the world
still awaits a social democratic solution to the current currency chaos.
Returning to emu, we can now see it as the start of a bid by Europe, led
by Germany, to become the worldâs dominant economic and political power
and make the Euro the worldâs trading currency. It has been apparent for
sometime that the German economy is too small to begin to challenge US
dominance, and that, to be successful, it would have to broaden its
economic base. This is what is now occurring through emu and this is why
Germany is willing to risk its post war stability to ensure emu
succeeds.
That there should be a challenge to US dominance at this time is no
coincidence. German unification alarmed the rest of Europe, fearful that
an already dominant Germany would become even more dominant. France, in
particular, has pushed for emu as a way of exercising broader European
control of German political and economic decision making. An even more
important factor is the collapse of the Soviet Empire.
After the war, the threat of Soviet power led countries to accept US
dominance, as they relied on the support of its massive military
arsenal. It is very doubtful that emu would be going ahead if the Soviet
army remained camped on Germanyâs doorstep. Now the Soviet threat has
gone, we are seeing a return to the normal state of play under
capitalism of competing economies vying for economic dominance.
Europeâs bid for world leader status will have severe repercussions for
Europeâs working class, already paying the price of emu in the form of a
fresh wave of mass unemployment.
Uneven economic development will remain, ensuring the continued
existence of national economies within the broader Euro currency zone.
However, in the past, weaker European economies could maintain
competitiveness through devaluation of their currencies, whereas in
future this will not be possible. Instead, weaker economies will have to
resort to trying to extract more value from workers by making them work
harder for less.
This will not be possible if Europeâs labour markets remain restricted
through regulation. As emu proceeds, the pressure to deregulate Europeâs
labour market will grow, leading to falling wages and ever-increasing
cuts to welfare spending.
This perspective sheds some light on the British trade unionsâ backing
of emu. It highlights the fact that they have accepted as irreversible
the deregulation of the British labour market. It also shows that they
are hoping to gain from the competitive advantage the unregulated
British economy would gain, in the short term, over a regulated Europe.
In so doing, they are undermining any attempt by European organised
labour to fight off deregulation. In short, a disgraceful act of
betrayal.
However, the implications of European economics go much further than the
effects on Europe. The creation of three super-state trading blocks,
based on the US, German and Japanese economies, are beginning to
struggle with each other for economic supremacy. If past experience is
anything to go by, this economic struggle will, at some point, turn into
a struggle of the more physical kind; a terrifying prospect. Indeed, a
prospect that takes the issue of emu well beyond the petty squabble
about British sovereignty, which is all our party politicians seem to
have managed to produce on our TV screens. This emu is a big one. It is
no white elephant, and it is of concern to us all. Watch the growing
pains carefully.