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Title: Mirrors and Mirages in Slumil KâAjxemkâop Author: taller ahuehuete, Lluvia Benjamin Date: 2021 Language: en Topics: Zapatistas, anti-colonialism, autonomous communities, anti-capitalism, critical theory, colonization, indigenous, mexico, people of color, Chiapas, Spain, Europe, art, aesthetic, communization, commodity Source: https://ahuehuete.substack.com/p/mirrors-mirages Notes: *Mirrors and Mirages in Slumil KâAjxemkâop*. By Lluvia Benjamin and taller ahuehuete. Translated from the original article in Mexican-Castilian as seen on CaminoAlAndar and Comunizar. November, 2021. Translated from the original article in Mexican-Castilian as seen on CaminoAlAndar and Comunizar. November, 2021. By Lluvia Benjamin and taller ahuehuete.
âItâs not that what is past casts its light on what is present, or what
is, present its light on the past; rather, image is that wherein what
has been comes together in a flash with the now to form a constellation.
â
â Walter Benjamin, âAwakeningâ (Arcades, 462)
An aura of mysticism envelops the appearance of the Zapatista insurgent
movement.
The exoticism towards the struggle of the autonomous indigenous people
becomes palpable â almost visible â before the characteristic images
that emerge from the caracoles generally disseminated and absorbed by
the public without the textual mediation of the articles that accompany
them.
They are then absorbed in the way the spectacle taught us to perceive
the TV: static and two-dimensional, and rarely as dialectical images.
Nevertheless, pictorial analysis must surrender to the peculiar
condition of the nature morte, for it is this way in which the average
viewer takes it in. From an aesthetic scope, the contrast between the
darkly-hued balaclavas juxtaposed with the vivid primary and secondary
tones on the clothing of the Tsotsil, Tseltal and other originary
peoples generates an almost morbid curiosity in the mind of the
spectator, assuming that she is a participant in societies whose attire
is dictated by the consumerism of the western capitalist system.
The crisp green (with shades of yellow-highlighter) of the Lacandon
Jungle against the sensual photographs of red bandanas and bellicose
artifacts captivate the observer, regardless of her political alignment.
Captivating an audience in an information-saturated society is thus
worth appraising. After all â and supposing our common experience is
that of a cybernaut in Western geographies â we might not be surprised
to face the fact that the median amount of exposure to images with
commercial content in the 1970s averaged between 500 and 1600, depending
on population density. It is estimated that in 2021 the number of images
we encounter ranges between 6,000 and 10,000 per day.
The precariat, whose presence is limited to the social margins, is
perceived as not worthy of consideration[1] in todayâs cultural
landscape.
As writer and poet John Berger mentioned:
«The poverty of our century is unlike that of any other. It is not, as
poverty was before, the result of natural scarcity, but of a set of
priorities imposed upon the rest of the world by the rich.
Consequently, the modern poor are not pitied⊠but written off as trash.
The twentieth-century consumer economy has produced the first culture
for which a beggar is a reminder of nothing.»
The presence of Zapatismo, with its visual contrasts and the exoticism
to which it is subjected as a public response, is a flagrant
contradiction because no revolutionary vernacular had foreseen an
insurgent struggle with these attributes: devoid of affiliation to a
declared political party, without explicit ideological affiliation as a
banner, anti-identitarian but multifaceted [2], and above all not the
product of a highly educated society (educated, according to the
criteria of the hegemonic academic apparatus, i.e., by Western
standards).
And as it occurs with events of a phantasmagoric character, the auratic
effect exhibited gives light to a mixed mythology, and its discourse
reflects how the human being filters the material world through
ideology. The German writer T. W. Adorno mentioned that:
«Without a doubt, the commodity is the archetype [Urform] of ideology;
however, the commodity itself is not simply a false consciousness, but
is the result of the structure of Political Economy.»
Chiapas is categorized, commodified, conceptualized, and soon a mirror
of the viewerâs tendentious position. But above all, Chiapas is
perceived in relation to the class and empirical understanding of the
subject, concerning oneâs material experiential in the face of poverty,
scarcity, and our cartography in the history of expropriation. Or,
rather, the primitive mode of accumulation in Abya Yala.
[]
The perplexity that accompanies the territory that declares itself as
Mexico, since its synthesized debut as a nation-state in the face of the
failed agrarian revolution (1910 â 1920) should not astonish us, for we
can find in this ârepublicâ some features not present in the
quasi-homogeneous European society to which Marx was exposed.
The latifundium and hacienda models, which governed what we now know as
the free and sovereign state of Chiapas, could not simply be distilled
to private property, encomiendas, tributes to the caciques and campesino
slave-labor. In this economic system, in this particular class struggle,
other factors not present in the critique of political economy must be
contemplated simultaneously. And these constellations are presently
being dissected outside the academic apparatus. This type of analysis is
predominant within the theoretical margins of the communiqués, and the
accumulated body of literature generated by Zapatismo straight from the
source.
Years worth of critical theory readily available online, and translated
into multiple languages, await anyone with a drop of curiosity. It might
impress a few â especially the many disconcerted-but-well-meaning, the
clueless fellow-travelers â unaware of their entitlement and
condescension, who frequently ask to interview a Zapatista for their
podcast or reading group. Their desire to access the strangely hermetic
ways of the insurgents reflects a reluctance to hear their collective
voices.
The communiqués do not shy away from eloquent allusions to the dominant
value-form and the preponderant bias from the mode of production towards
the commodity by disregarding hindrances (from the perspective of
capital) such as human life and nature.
This concurrent terminology in Zapatista communication would confuse the
European of our previous paradigm â if he were to learn about it â for
he would find the Zapatista voice contaminated by âEurocentricâ Marxist
ideology. When will he realize that this âexotic revolutionary
experimentâ is made up of conscious beings? Endowed with reason, they
have reiterated over and over, and insisted again in June 2021[3]:
«It turns out that, also through studying and analyzing, we have
discovered something that could be important, or not; it depends.
Taking it as a given that this planet will be annihilated, at least the
form in which we currently perceive it, we have been researching the
possible options.
Which is to say, we believe that we have established the identity of the
criminal, their modus operandi, and the crime itself. Those three
characteristics combine to form a system, or a way of relating with
humanity and with nature: capitalism»
Or as documented in 2018, during â300, Part I: A Plantation, a World, a
War, Slim Chances Subcomandante Insurgente MoisĂ©s, SupGaleanoâ:
«The system functions with this contradiction (among others): it wants
to rid itself of the labor force because its âuseâ brings with it
various problems (for example: it tends to organize, protest, strike,
sabotage production, and join forces with other workers); but at the
same time the system needs that âspecialâ commodity to consume other
commodities.
Itâs not the existence of work that defines capitalism, but the
characterization of the capacity to work as a commodity to be bought and
sold on the labor market. That means there are those who buy and those
who sell, and above all, those who have only the option of selling
themselves.
The possibility to purchase labor power is provided for by private
ownership of the means of production, circulation, and consumption.
Private ownership of the means of production forms the nucleus of the
system.
Built upon this class division: the owner of private property and the
dispossessed.
And hiding it as such, are a whole range of juridical and media
simulations, as well as other dominant evidentiary forms: citizenship
and juridical equality; the penal and police system; electoral democracy
and entertainment (increasingly difficult to differentiate);
neo-religions and the supposed neutrality of technology; social sciences
and the arts; free access to the market and to consumption; and a whole
spectrum of nonsense of things like âchange begins within oneselfâ, âyou
are the architect of your own destinyâ, âwhen life gives you lemons,
make lemonadeâ, âdonât give fish to the hungry, teach them to fishâ
(âand sell them fishing poles!â).
And, highly fashionable today, efforts to âhumanizeâ capitalism by
making it good, rational, and objective, that is: capitalism light.»
And with his characteristic tendency to jest, Subcomandante Insurgente
Galeano adds, so that there is no doubt as to the referential source:
«The system advances in its reconquest of the world without concern for
what is destroyed, preserved, or made superfluous; anything is
disposable as long as the maximum profit is obtained at maximum speed.
The machine is returning to the methods of its originsâthatâs why we
recommend you read The Primitive Accumulation of Capitalâwhich is to
conquer new territory via violence and war.»
[]
In Slumil KâAjxemkâop, direct participation in Chiapas â that is, having
previously visited the area â was a detail that escaped from the mouths
of the interlocutors as if it were a job interview and one randomly
mentioned having graduated from a prestigious institution.
Chiapas, during conversations initiated by those seeking a new and
horizontal society, was often transformed into a sacrosanct symbol; a
social medal, a trophy to quickly distinguish the international militant
from the insurgentâs hierarchy. Chiapas was an emblem, a badge for the
ranks of the average activist: that is, distinct from the provincial,
regionalist, or awkwardly theoretical one whose presence lies at the
bottom of the ânon-existentâ pyramid of tendency.
The EZLN, which in Mexico is criticized as passé by the demographic body
that claims to be conglomerated as âmestizoâ (often an erroneous synonym
for âMexican citizenâ), in Europe possesses different characteristics.
«A picture is worth a thousand words» it is suggested.
The emphasis on appearances should not surprise the reader. But what is
known concretely about Zapatismo outside the political sphere? What is
mediated externally if one does not absorb the Mexican discursive
apparatus, which is the mouthpiece of the state and of capital, and
which claims the movementâs irrelevance despite the fact that the
Journey for Life has demonstrated the contrary in this odd land?
The EZLN, its orientation towards direct action, and its antagonistic
position to the bloodthirsty State confuses the standard European.
Atomization rules the societies at the core of capitalism. The mode of
production is so far ingrained that the reproduction of this economic
structure is not only limited to our labor force, to our null possession
of the means of production, but our perception of the holistic reality
as well, for this too is fetishized.
The unquenchable thirst for capital accumulation appears as the only
need regarded as genuine, the sole priority and only magnitude of our
societies. Aware of the valuable work done by bourgeois economics and
liberal ideology to sustain its reign, capital discovered that promoting
individuality would thus ensure its absolute triumph.
The subject, the free individual, the egalitarian citizen!
Or, rather, the best alibis used by the capitalist to hide our
irrefutable class struggle. As in Marxâs time, production today is
determined by the social conditions in which consumers find themselves,
and these same conditions are rooted in class antagonism.
We are dismembered to the marrow: that is, we are nothing more than
entities merely capable of selling our labor-power in a predefined
manner for the benefit of the capitalist, who in turn converts our share
into surplus-value.
This existential particularity, this shameful reality â or rather,
identity â is our communal standardization: we share this
characteristic, that is, we are sisters in deprivation. And in turn,
this same homogenization of the working class compels our
non-identification with the reason for our subjugation: wage labor, or a
double dependence to it.
The words of Karl Marx in his 1844 Economic and Philosophical
Manuscripts resonate like an echo still pertinent to our era:
«Political economy can therefore advance the proposition that the
proletarian, the same as any horse, must get as much as will enable him
to work.
It does not consider him when he is not working, as a human being.»
However, contrary to what was envisaged in orthodox Marxist theory and
the optimism of the various workersâ movements, the position of the
worker in relation to her exploitation has not been the emancipatory
route, nor the necessary equation for the social exodus from the prison
to which the value-form chained us. But as beardy reminds Kugelmann:
«The history of the world would indeed be very easy to make, if the
struggle were carried on only on condition that opportunities were
unfailingly favorable.»
The oppressed human being prefers to dispense of the characteristic that
links her to the rest, choosing instead to define herself â or, as the
spectacle would more aptly describe it, she prefers to express her
identity in other ways.
As a commodity, the worker has thus been categorized in the most
dehumanizing way. Multiple categories of atomization continue to emerge,
turning us into infinite suffixes and prefixes.
If in the past the human being was defined and transformed by how she
interacted with nature (that is, by the fruit of social activity: vital
activity, work and interaction with her milieu), today the categories
that emerge daily like mushrooms in the forest after the rain define us
by the stratification we suffer, which is tangible and real and which,
nevertheless, only reflects the multiple wounds from the hydraâs heads
and not the actual wound inflicted holistically by the core.
This very reduction of our reality has produced categories that seem
more real than the extant dominance of capital over our lives. Our
perception ignores the material, which in turn ignores that it is this
very structure that allows our daily, constant and suffocating
subjugation [4].
«Capital can only increase by exchanging itself for labor power,
engendering wage labor. And the labor power of the wage-laborer can only
be exchanged for capital by increasing it, by strengthening the power of
which it is the slave. The increase of capital is, therefore, increase
of the proletariat, i.e., of the working class.»
The self-identification process also exists in left-wing movements,
which see Chiapas from a distant perspective as a mirage. The continuous
retelling of this mythology prevents a materialistic â and not an
idealist â analysis of the situation that mobilizes Zapatismo.
The tyranny and despotism that subjected the originary nations for
centuries was precisely the âenough is enough!â of their struggle.
Subcomandante Moisés describes with an erudition difficult to find among
the ranks of academics the intricacies of this primitive mode of
accumulation. The Zapatistas suspected that it was true, that although
they had not witnessed this incessantly hindered status, their struggle
was rooted in the desire for a dignified life, a characteristic
perpetually denied (which continues to be denied) to them. Their
intuition told them that,
«to live is not only not to die, it is not to survive.
To live as human beings is to live with freedom. To live is art, is
science, is joy, is dance, is struggle.»
The Zapatista Maritime Squadron 421 expressed it more concretely during
their powerful speech on August 13^(th) in commemoration of the 500
years of indigenous resistance to colonialism coinciding with the siege
of TenochtitlĂĄn:
«Then there is someone or something that prevents us from living, that
snatches our freedom, that deceives us, that swindles us, that corners
us, that takes the world away from each one of us with bites, with
stabs, with wounds: capitalism.»
The âenough is enough!â of the originary people is transmitted through
theory and practice, contemplation and struggle.
âMarx never renounced praxis,â admitted Theodor Adorno, âmuch less did
he leave a manual with clear instructions.â He understood that the
conditions of the people and the individual in pursuit of emancipation
would be different in each terrain and nevertheless general, for
subjugation was materially inflicted. In the words of the author Jasper
Bernes[5]: You cannot unteach hunger. Adorno[6] put it this way:
«Praxis is a source of power for theory, but it cannot be prescribed by
it.
It appears in theory simply, and indeed necessarily, as a blind spot, as
an obsession with what is criticized.»
[]
The critique of their material conditions, the Zapatista âÂĄya basta!â
has taken a violent toll, as happens to revolutionary movements in
search of communal autonomy: they become, from the beginning, a time
bomb. Blood, corpses, casualties, sorrow, grief, tears, violence.
Capital and the State have declared themselves owners of everything and
everyone. Our labor force is the only thing we possess, and it exacts a
certain value. Our identity is this, what the mode of production has
reduced us to. As beardy reminded Kugelmann:
«Once the interconnectedness is understood, any theoretical belief in
the permanent necessity of the existing conditions collapses before its
failure in practice.
Therefore, it is absolutely in the interest of the ruling classes to
perpetuate a meaningless confusion.»
The identity movement, incorporated into the language of the hydra,
thrives on obfuscation in our logic. In the words of SupGaleano on June
2021:
«According to the big Hollywood blockbusters, the way out of a global
catastrophe (always something external: aliens, meteors, inexplicable
pandemics, zombies [âŠ]) is for all the governments of the world to join
together (headed by gringos).
Or, worse, for the United Statesâ government to be synthesized in an
individual [un/a individuo/a] who has the politically-correct racial and
gender characteristics but still wears on their chest the mark of the
Hydra, because the machine has learned by now that the farce should be
inclusive.»
And since our existence is summed up â according to the present mode of
production â only to our labor force for sale in the labor market in
exchange for survival (âcost of livingâ), and this corresponds to a
numerical sum, everything can be bought in the eyes of the capitalist.
âEverything and everyone has a price,â scoffs the capitalist, without
comprehending that this is not a deontological defect, nor a tragedy
intrinsic to human nature, but the result of the total vulnerability and
dull compulsion to which the system subject us.
[]
As Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés states in his illustrative exposition
of the trajectory made from the period of primitive accumulation of
capital in the finca system to our present day, in âThe capitalist world
is a walled plantationâ (April 12, 2017):
«In capitalism there are no countries, thatâs how we see it.
Capitalism is going to turn the whole world into a plantation [...]
because the one who rules is no longer the one who rules. The capitalist
boss is the one in charge. [...] The governors are the overseers.
The municipal presidents are the gaffers.
All of them act in the service of capitalism.
This means that the master, capitalism, is going to turn the whole world
into its hacienda, that is, if we allow it.
Our question there as Zapatistas is: why do they â the capitalists â get
to change their mode of exploitation? And why donât we change our form
of fighting to save ourselves from that outcome?»
[]
The German dreamer and philosopher Walter Benjamin declared that «the
tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the âstate of emergencyâ in
which we live is not the exception but the rule.»
The violence inflicted daily on Zapatista communities does not reach the
ears of those who glorify the movement until a communiqué explicitly
expresses the urgency of a larger manifestation of cross-cultural
solidarity (Chiapas al Borde de la Guerra Civil, Enlace Zapatista,
2021), as they consider Zapatismo a concluded, finished and victorious
concept. They perceive it, after all, in the same way as the multiple
identities contrary to the status quo they adjudicate to themselves: a
succinct narration of their fetishized existences, an appearance.
Zapatismo in Slumil KâAjxemkâop is often reduced to this: an exception
to the rule, a hypnotic and victorious experiment. A mirage of
insurrection at a distance.
There is reticence in Slumil KâAjxemkâop. The sensual images of the
insurgent movement (âanarchist! anti-state! anti-capitalist!
communist!â, as they try to define it under their familiar
categorizations) are soporific for the European nonconformist. The dream
of critical reason, which produces monsters unwilling to conduct a
proper assessment of our material conditions, takes hold of these
anti-systemic figures. Their revolutionary dichotomy allows only one
duality: barricade or trench, occupation or liberation, revolution or
reform, victory or defeat.
In the face of the multiple paramilitary interventions within the
Autonomous Municipality of Lucio Cabañas, and the harassment of the
paramilitary group âLos 40â, the ears of the defiant in Slumil
KâAjxemkâop are muffled.
The murder of SimĂłn Pedro in broad daylight, that is, the deathly shot
in the head that the member of the pacifist civil organization âLas
Abejas de Actealâ received in front of his son did not reach the ears of
the insubordinate. It was one more statistic, another headline to
overlook.
Before the constant threats and disappearances reported by the FRAYBA,
or before those met without punishment that the networks of resistance
and rebellion describe in their summons for solidarity, the audience in
Slumil KâAjxemkâop seems disturbed, incapable of processing this
information until it is emphasized in the most direct way; they appear
detached because Zapatismo represents a concluded project, a strange
one, but concluded. An odd, but a triumphant movement. A historical
exception.
«A historical exception that can only manifest itself in the jungle, far
away, and not here in civilization.
Zapatismo cannot be reproduced here, in normal societyâŠÂ»
In normal society. This adjective â an ad verbum quote heard in Slumil
KâAjxemkâop â describes the person expressing it more than the entity it
is intended to denote.
In light of this, in their epistolary exchange regarding aesthetics (and
politics, I would previously have said, but it would be redundant. All
aesthetics is political, even that which is self-described as
âapolitical,â meaning reactionary) the late Subcomandante Insurgente
Marcos remarked from the mountains of the Mexican southeast to John
Berger:
«âThis does not happen here,â says the readerâs vision of the photo,
âthat is Chiapas, Mexico, a remediable, surmountable historical
accident, and... far awayâ.
There are also other readings that confirm this: advertisements,
financial figures, stability, peace.
That is the purpose of the indigenous war at the end of the century, to
revalorize peace. Just as a stain highlights the target that suffers it.
âI am here and this photo takes place in another place, far awayâŠâ says
the âreadingâ that distances itself.»
The Journey for Life has as its purpose the dialogue and the weaving of
struggles on the margins of society between the multiple narratives and
afflictions that oppress us. The travelers from Chiapas understand the
multiplicity of pains on earth that we experience as our own. They
understand, as they clearly stated, that:
«We are differentiated and distanced by lands, skies, mountains,
valleys, steppes, jungles [âŠ] lagoons, races, cultures, languages,
histories, ages, geographies, sexual and non-sexual identities, roots,
bordersâŠÂ»
The Zapatista communities come to Slumil KâAjxemkâop to listen, to
dialogue, but above all to listen. Not in an anthropological mode
reversed, with the object of study (the dehumanized noble savage that
delighted and continues to delight the field) now interviewing the
interviewee, for the project lacks that vindictive quality. But why? It
is not a question of mobilizing on the basis of what separates us:
executioner and victim, or exploited proletariat versus capitalist, as
the rhetoric of the workersâ movements of the last century tried and
failed to do.
This strategy remains embedded in the capitalist narrative, subjugated
to the value form, still functioning within it. Zapatismo proposes
something different, but not by contesting the axiom that history is
written by class struggle. No, it maintains that principle above all
else: the heart of the capitalist hydra is the target.
It reiterates the question in a different form. The strongest incentive
toward mobilizing, the Zapatistas argue, is not that of our palpable
subjugation, the class struggle we experience daily, or exploitation as
the norm. Through a model of constellations, they prompt us to ask
ourselves â understanding that the question is not addressed to a
homogeneous audience â âwhat would life be like if another world were
possible? And why isnât it?â
Subcomandante MoisĂ©sâ words resonate like the constellation-form of
Benjamin (The art that is neither seen nor heard. July 29, 2016):
«Each person must struggle, and we must support each other, but that
support cannot substitute for each otherâs struggle.
Whoever struggles has the right to decide the direction of his path and
with whom he travels it.
If others insert themselves, then they are no longer supporting that
struggle, but supplanting it.
To support is to respect, not to try to direct or command [...] No one
is going to liberate us but ourselves.»
Mobilize ourselves, then, by the potentiality of the many worlds we may
create. Can we even envision what a more tender and logical vision than
the lust for surplus-value extraction would look like? In the face of an
unquenchable thirst for capital, life. In the face of exploitation, the
search for paths to dignity for all. In the face of injustice, dignified
rage, that is, strategic mobilizing by sentipensar[7]: praxis based, as
Adorno just mentioned a few paragraphs ago, on the rage that is born
naturally, through critical observation, as a result or âas an obsession
of what is criticized.â
The past century has shown us that it is impossible to organize solely
on the basis of our position in the mode of production; that is, as
exploited members of the working class without volition. According to
the analysis of contemporary thinkers Aaron Benanav and John Clegg[8]:
«The domination of capital over labor was reinforced in the organization
and arrangement of factory production.
In fact, capitalists were able to take the divisions running through the
labor market and import them.
Workers remained divided in terms of gender, language, religion and
regional customs.
To these differences were added new ones: race and nationality, as well
as the emerging and constantly changing hierarchies of skills and
education.
In this sense, workersâ unity remained, for the most part, a unity in
separation: it was a unity mediated by capital; it was therefore
unavailable as a ready weapon in the struggle for emancipation from
capital.»
The indigenous nations affiliated with the EZLN admit that
spatial-territorial solidarity is possible, indeed necessary in spite of
our differences, because it is âthe understanding that it is a system
that is responsible for these painsâ by which we could be united.
«The executioner is an exploitative, patriarchal, pyramidal, racist,
thieving and criminal system: capitalism. It is the awareness that it is
not possible to reform this system, to educate it, to attenuate it, to
iron it out, to domesticate it, to humanize it.»
Benjaminâs words are present as an echo. He is not wrong[9], the
tradition of the oppressed teaches us that the âstate of exceptionâ in
which we live is but the rule.
The Zapatistas recognize that, despite having expropriated the land from
the caciques, the hacienda owners and the State (âthe land is of those
who work itâ), this expropriation is conditioned and subjected to the
threat of continued violence.
Their existence and autonomous social functioning represents a challenge
to the mode of production and, therefore, must be exterminated. The
threat does not end with the success of emancipated territory from the
clutches of capital. Terror and violence are still prevalent even after
an autonomous triumph with respect to the state, and the various
participatory and more egalitarian economies in a communal setting.
The victory over the hydra is not freedom from the
worker-machine-factory triad, nor the cessation of the state of
exploitation. Communization over private property, solidarity over
individualism, dignity over exploitation, comradeship over indifference,
life over profit must be radically disseminated, that is to say, our
mission is to truly extirpate the poisonous weed from the root. Abolish
the value-form, understanding its elusive tendency to reemerge under
different names, by realizing that its appearance is but a continual
metamorphosis.
The land that refuses to give up must abolish its myopic boundaries in
theory and practice. Or all the spatial pockets â that anthropologists
and academics use as exceptions to the rule â will be reclaimed sooner
or later. As Marx reminds us, if money âcomes into the world with a
congenital blood-stain on one cheek,â capital comes dripping from head
to foot, from every pore, with blood and dirt[10].
The call issued in Slumil KâAjxemkâop to choose life and dignity for all
(âin the face of big capital, a common cornfieldâ) must be heard on the
entire (and overheating) surface of the earth.
The weaving of global solidarity is the only rope that will bring us
closer to the lifeline. Otherwise, the gallows will be woven in its
place, tied around Mother Natureâs neck. And with this sentence, our
extinction at last.
We do not have much time left.
«The survival of humanity depends on the destruction of capitalism.»
(Enlace Zapatista)
[]
[1] from Latin considerare âto look at closely, observe,â probably
literally âto observe the stars.â
[2] GonzĂĄlez Casanova, Pablo. SociologĂa de la explotaciĂłn. CLACSO,
Consejo Latinoamericano de Ciencias Sociales, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
2006.
[3] Enlace Zapatista.
[4] Marx, Karl. Wage Labor and Capital (1849)
[5] Marx, Karl. Wage Labor and Capital (1849)
[6] Bernes, Jasper, Revolutionary Motives , Endnotes 5: The Passions and
the Interests.
[7] Galeano, Eduardo (1993â2012) The Book of Embraces . Madrid: Siglo
XXI.
[8] Benanav, Aaron. âCrisis and Immiseration: Critical Theory Todayâ
(with John Clegg), in The SAGE Handbook of Frankfurt School Critical
Theory, eds. Werner Bonefeld, et. al., New York, Sage Publications,
2018.
[9] Benjamin, Walter. * On the Concept of History*, (often referred to
as Theses on the Philosophy of History).
[10] Marx, Karl. Capital Volume One, Chapter Thirty-One: Genesis of the
Industrial Capitalist.