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Title: Beyond the Peasant International Author: Anonymous Date: 2007 Language: en Topics: agriculture, Brazil, China, class, communist, EZLN, Honduras, India, Latin America, marxist, neoliberalism Source: Retrieved on 16 October 2010 from http://libcom.org/library/the-ecological-challenge-three-revolutions-are-necessary Notes: From Wildcat (Germany), #82
As ongoing struggles confront new conditions in the escalating crisis,
fighting will be concentrated along two main frontlines. Once the
struggles along these two lines merge and communicate things will heat
up: it could be the precondition for finally putting an end to this
system and starting something new and better! At one frontline the urban
working class of the highly productive web of factories, offices and
informal economy will have to smash the increased polarisation between
over-exploitation and unemployment. At the second frontline all those
will fight who were subjected to and subjects in the silent and
invisible revolution of the last decades: the rural proletariat of the
global south. The main division of any previous revolution has been
dissolved, the division between the urban working class and the
peasantry. During the last decades the personal relations of
exploitation of the soil and village life have been replaced by a mass
existence of semi-proletarianisation: more than two billion people on
this planet live under this condition, depending both on wage work and
small-scale agricultural activities. Many of those on this âsecond
frontlineâ frequently migrate back and forth across the boundaries
between countryside and town, boundaries which are themselves
increasingly blurred by this labour mobility and by the spread of
infrastructure. Current mass lay-offs in the Chinese and Indian export
zones on one hand, and the increasing push of the rural poor towards the
promises of urban life on the other will engender huge social waves in
both directions. When the anger and desire of these two sections of the
proletariat meet, the end of this system will become visible. And those
in power know about this: the main concern of the Chinese and Indian
ruling class was to prevent a situation in which the overproduction
crisis of the global north and the ensuing flow of cheap agricultural
products would increase the turmoil in the countryside. The WTO summit
in July 2008 failedâ at least in propaganda termsâ when it came to the
question of the poor Indian peasants. Currently the Indian and Chinese
states are coming up with historyâs largest âland-reformsâ (China) and
work schemes (NREGA in India), in order to control the reproduction and
movements of the rural poor. They need a calm hinterland for these times
of crisis, and they have to make sure that the urban/rural divide will
remain as their last steady pillar of power. the food riots this summer
all major think-tanks, ranging from agribusiness to the French
government to the UN, warned that too quick a demise of the small
peasantry could cause even heavier trouble in future. They helplessly
suggested a revival of the small rural petty producer, who would exist
at starvation level, but at least in a stable, isolated and controllable
starvation. While those in power are engaged in an existential battle
with global proletarian mobility, large sections of the left still
havenât abandoned the ideological notions of the long-gone world. They
still ponder in Maoist and Leninist terms about possible alliances
between workers and peasants, or they create new ideologies of
small-scale subsistence as a social alternative.
On these two front-lines, merely âanti-neoliberalâ ideologies and the
âpeasant romanticismâ of the left will do the most harm to prospects of
radical change. In the current social turmoil these ideologies will
become handy tools in the capitalist rescue-kit rather than helping us
to grasp the potential for liberation within the ongoing developments.
With the following text on the âagrarian question and peasant
movementsâ, published this summer in issue 82 of the German magazine
Wildcat, we want to contribute to the debate for a revolutionary change
and to help make the waves meet. Letâs spill!
The WTO summit in July 2008 failed â at least in propaganda terms â when
it came to the question of âthe poor Indian peasantsâ. In the supplement
to this issue of Wildcat [n.82] we emphasise that the situation in the
new industrial centres in India and the dynamics of the local class
struggle can only be understood against the background of the situation
in the rural parts of the country. Furthermore in recent years the âNew
Peasant Movementsâ have repeatedly been the focal point of global
campaigns. Their struggles raise the really fundamental questions â the
conditions of the majority of the (poor) global population,
environmental problems, the question of how we produce our food â and
they give answers! By appropriating means of production and livelihood,
e.g. by occupying land, the possibility of âanother worldâ seems to
manifest itself in a direct manner. Within the experience of âcenturiesâ
of struggles led by âsmall factionsâ of this movement, e.g. by the
Indigenas in Central and South America, the history of 500 years of
capitalism is condensed. By fact the global movements fighting against
agro-corporations, the WTO and World Bank are the new âInternationalâ â
in contrast to the the globally fragmented situations of exploitation in
factories, call centres and offices. Juxtaposed to this view, the
historian Hobsbawn proclaimed the âdemise of the peasantryâ in the mid
90s. For him the fact that the majority of humanity is not engaged in
direct production of means of subsistence any more constitutes the âmost
significant transformation of class relations since the Neolithic [1] In
earlier phases of history humans used to produce their means of
subsistence in small communities and they were dependent on the natural
fluctuations of production. In contrast to that capitalism created the
world market right from its start, and its main productive force
(machinery) is itself a product of human labour. The general context of
a global society becomes the basic condition of our existence and
reproduction (âSecond Natureâ) and in this sense it is the real human
community. Only since humansâ livelihood started to depend on social
rather than on individual labour have we been able to raise the question
of collective appropriation of the means of production at all â and
nowadays actually on a global level! In contrast to the Russian
Revolution and to the phase of âNational Liberation Movementsâ after
1945, today the âalliance between peasants and workersâ is not the issue
anymore. We finally have to get the Leninist (âworkersâ vanguards form
alliances with the peasantsâ) and Maoist (âsurrounding of the towns by
the rural massesâ) perspectives out of our heads; both perspectives were
ideologies justifying the development dictatorships of capitalist
catch-up. Today itâs not about capitalist development âfrom aboveâ
anymore, but about re-composition as a global class from below. The
following article wants to contribute to the debate by trying to assess
the so-called âNew Peasant Movementsâ.
The global process of proletarianisation, meaning the separation of
producers and means of production and the transformation of the
producers into wage labourers, is a violent act. But the proletarians
themselves have been and still are driving force towards complete
proletarianisation: capitalists have often tried to avoid having to bear
the total reproduction cost of the labour force. It is in particular
this fact â the fact of the driving force behind proletarianisation â
which is neglected by those arguments presenting âsubsistenceâ as a
social formation opposed to capitalism. These arguments emerged, for
example, during the debates about the IMF riots in the 1980s, during the
romanticizing discussions concerning the âindigenous communitiesâ in
Chiapas and in the current theorisations of the ânew commonsâ.
One reason why struggles of the âNew Peasant Movementsâ and/or the
âsubsistence perspectiveâ are politically presented as being opposed to
the thesis of proletarianisation is the common equation of âproletarianâ
with âwhite, male, permanent factory workerâ. This equation is a legacy
of the traditional labour movement and the communist parties, an
equation which has always been far from matching reality â today more
than ever!
We want to make five points arguing that the âpeasant questionâ has
ceased to exist today, as much as âpeasantsâ have disappeared as a
social class detached from âworkersâ or âproletariansâ.
small and medium-sized towns â in Chile, Brazil, and Venezuela about 20
per cent of the agricultural workers live in towns.
temporary wage labour, migration, farm work on their remaining land or
on land of others, and informal service work â this rural proletariat
can not be understood as âpeasantryâ anymore.
shrinking â e.g. in Latin America only 10 to 20 per cent of the GDP
stems from agricultural production.
A superficial look at agricultural production suffices to show that the
equation of âfood producersâ with âpeasantsâ is far from the truth.
Nowadays global grain production takes place in the metropolitan
countries and it is highly mechanised. In the US the annual productivity
of a agricultural workers is up to 2,000 tons per head; half of the
three billion small peasants worldwide produce less than one ton of
grain per head per year â which does not allow them to survive. In the
periphery peasants grow labour-intensive products like vegetables or
flowers â commodities which would not serve them for their own
nutrition. Industrialisation further aggravates the miserable conditions
of reproduction of the small peasants and agricultural workers: by
reducing the number of jobs available, by causing falling purchase
prices for agricultural products and by displacing people from good
soil.
Since the most remote rural regions are connected with the (world)
market, money has become the means which makes everything available:
everything which is necessary for survival, which makes work easier or
increases the crop, which allows mobility or access to the global
consumer goods (for example radios, bicycles, scooters, new food items
or other stimulants).
Given the connection to the market, wage labour becomes the precondition
for a life without hardship, independently from the vicissitudes of
nature.
After the crisis at the end of the 1960s to mid-1970s the process of
proletarianisation accelerated. Since then only in a few regions
proletarianisation has meant direct transformation into capitalist wage
labour. In the countryside itself âinformalâ small and family
businesses, proletarianised agricultural work and wage labour become
increasingly significant. Or people leave and move directly to the
factories, which are concentrated in a few regions. The world market
factories and special economic zones are classical concentrations of
workers; in 2006 more than 60 million workers were employed in these
concentrations, 40 million in China alone (ten years ago there had been
only 27 million).
Migration is the most important mode of proletarianisation: globally
millions of proletarians are on the move, searching for a better life.
[2] In relation to the general population the flux of transnational
migration is not higher than, e.g., one hundreds years ago. The national
borders and migration laws restrict transnational migration heavily, but
even more important is the fact that they regulate it: The illegal
status or legally worse status of the migrants results in them doing the
bad jobs while the local workers manage to keep their status (downward
rigidity of the division of labour).
The ability of capital to stratify another layer below the local working
classes in order to valorise them productively and control them
politically depends on a continuous influx of new labour power: contrary
to the view of migration as endless, I. Wallerstein assumes that the
global reserve of fresh labour power will be exhausted âby 2025â.
Already today âshortages of labour powerâ point to this trend: the
limits of the âlabour reservoirâ in Eastern Europe, in China and India
are becoming visible.
The argument made above is only valid once proletarianisation is
understood as an irreversible process. Historically there are only a few
exceptional cases of reversion, e.g. the settler colonies. Proletarians
who have got to know the material potential of capitalism through
migration and wage labour will not accept being palmed off with less.
The struggles within the process of proletarianisation are not struggles
against proletarianisation, but rather about its conditions. In the
history of the capitalist world system the peasant/agrarian question has
been raised in a political sense four times, and each time it has also
been a debate about reform or revolution: first during the transition
from feudalism to capitalism (the French Revolution was an urban
revolution against the peasants); then after the end of the 19^(th)
century it emerged within the context of proletarian revolution âin the
westâ and in Russia; thirdly after World War II within the National
Liberation Movements; and now again since the âneoliberal crisis
attacksâ and the emergence of the âNew Peasant Movementsâ.
The first three times the question was raised it was about how a
minority would be able to seize power by forming alliances with others.
The party of the minority (the urban workers) drew their claim for a
vanguard position upon their âhistoric missionâ, which could only be
accomplished by entering in a temporary alliance with the majority (the
peasants). This is âclassical Marxismâ â or namely what Kautsky and
Lenin turned Marx into. The current debate can not be led in that way.
In 1899 Karl Kautsky developed this âclassical positionâ in his works
âThe Agrarian Questionâ: the decomposition of peasantry, the primacy of
large-scale agriculture in socialism. Lenin focused on the struggling
industrial proletariat, which was in the position of a minority and only
had a chance to make the revolution by joining forces with the peasants:
âWe have to support the peasant insurrection in every way up to the
confiscation of the land, but never up to abstract petty-bourgeois
projects. We support the peasant movements to the extend to which it is
a democratic revolutionary movement. We prepare ourselves (immediately,
instantaneously) for the fight against it, in case that it takes on a
reactionary, anti-proletarian character. (Lenin, The assessment of the
Russian Revolution, The lessons of the revolution, 1908, 1910) [3] Loren
Goldner clarifies: Lenin wanted the âworkersâ stateâ to realize
consciously and humanely what, historically, the capitalist state had
realized blindly and bloodily: the transformation of the agrarian petty
producers into factory workers. (It was left to Stalin to realize this
transformation consciously and bloodily.) [4]
It is symptomatic that in any historical period or region once the
peasants become a minority the communist mass parties disappear as well
(or turn into social-democratic parties); they are (or were) the parties
of forced capitalist development and they had their main strongholds in
the countryside (e.g. as late as 1960 the majority of the CPI membership
was formed by agricultural labourers!) [5]
Marx himself focused on the revolutionary potential of the rapidly
growing, visible and struggling working class for a long time, but after
the defeats of 1848 and 1871 had destroyed the hope for a quick victory,
the center of his analysis shifted towards finding out what made
capitalism âunstable and stableâ at the same time. Once more he had a
close look at what was happening in the world. In the exchange of
letters with Vera Zasulich he wrote about a âspecific historical
opportunity: When the crisis of the âAsiatic form of production in
Russia coincides with the crisis of capitalism in the countries of
western Europe there is a chance that the struggles of the workers come
together with those of the rural population. As a result of this,
something revolutionary and ânewâ could develop. Marx had elaborated the
âinherent dualism of the Russian village community: collective property
and the private production. A revolution in Russia could be able to stop
the demise of the village community, and once the collective moments in
the given âhistorical surroundings (the crisis of the western
capitalism) come together with the âworkersâ revolutionâ they might
become the starting point of a new form of communisation
[Vergemeinschaftung]. Usually these letters are taken as evidence that
Marx did not have a âdeterministic view of historyâ after all or that he
wanted to propagate the âdirect leapâ out of the pre-capitalistic
communities [Gemeinwesen]. However, more important is the way how Marx
approached these concerns. Marx tackled the question through notions of
âglobal recompositionâ â however, today we are able to, and must, debate
this question in a different manner, e.g. today it will be less about
âthe coming together of the best of two different worldsâ...
Since the 1990s the âNew Peasant Movementsâ have been conceived as being
the global vanguard of the struggle against âneoliberalismâ and as being
an important part of the anti-globalisation movement. Their forms of
struggle are diverse and spread out into all corners of the planet:
peasant unrest in China, Vietnam and Egypt, land occupation in Brazil or
elsewhere, blockades, actions against âlarge-scale development projectsâ
to the point of armed struggle in Latin America, Mexico, India and in
the Philippines. Within this movement organisations comprising hundred
or a thousand members (e.g. like the rural labourersâ union SOC in
Andalusia) are active along with mass organisations like the MST in
Brazil or the Indian peasant/farmersâ organisations whose membership
touches a million. Since 1993 Via Campesina, an umbrella organisation,
coordinates the global peasant movement and the actions of its
affiliated organisations, including participation in World Social Forum
and the presence at/against the G8 summits. In terms of power politics
the âshift towards the political leftâ in Latin America (Brazil,
Bolivia) is attributed to these movements.
The uprising in Chiapas was decisive in this development. The EZLN did
not place their emphasis and hope on the potential and realities of
proletarianisation, the experiences of rural and urban wage labour, the
experiences of migration. [6] Despite the fact that their own base is
composed of (re-migrated) rural proletarians, the Zapatistas right from
the start emphasised the values of indigenous communities and looked for
alliances with the global political movements. This attempt to defend
themselves against the permanent encirclement by the Mexican army and
âagainst neo-liberalismâ remained weak. The subsequent effort to rely
less on an ominous civil society and left-wing parties, but to create a
net-work with independent and more radical groups instead â the Other
Campaign â was not able to prevent the intensification of repression. In
December 2007 Subcomandante Marcos announced the preliminary withdrawal
from the public, referring to the âlacking social response of the
International Civil Societyâ and the âsmell of warâ. Particularly the
examples of Brazil and Bolivia show that the âmove to the political
leftâ happens at the expenses of the movement which had helped the new
governments to seize power (see below) â the movements had focused on
the political arena disregarding the possibility of taking more radical
steps due to the current social turmoil and transformation [UmwÀlzung].
Classical Marxism and Maoism categorised the rural population according
to their land-property: big, medium and small farmers and rural
labourers. This made sense for the so-called âcentreâ, for those
countries which were industrialised between the end of the 19^(th) and
the mid-20^(th) century. In the US and in Europe the share of workers
employed in industries touched 40 per cent as early as before World War
I. In the period between 1870 and 1970 the numbers working in
agriculture shrunk to five to ten per cent or even lower (in the US
today the proportion is below two per cent). In England, the US, Germany
and France the agricultural sector has been transformed into
capitalistic relations â a process which was still happening up to the
1960s! â with the result that âin the westâ the peasant question has
ceased to exist. In the so-called Third World the rural population is
sucked in by a process of dependent industrialisation: agricultural
production for the world market. In some regions strong labour movements
emerged in the course of this process (e.g. in South Korea in the
1980s). Unlike in the countries of the âcentreâ, in those of the
âperipheryâ the trichotomy of big, medium and small peasants/rural
workers makes little sense. In these regions the social strata are
polarised between big farmers and small peasants/rural workers; the
process of semi-proletarianisation of the small peasants and rural
labourers described above is the material background for the âNew
Peasant Movementsâ.
In the following we narrow our focus to India, Brazil and parts of
Central and South America, anything else would go beyond the scope of
one article.
India is the country of villages harbouring the contradictions between
landed peasants, big farmers and a class of the landless. Many
households became small peasants no earlier then during the time of land
reforms 30 years ago â a process of âpeasantisationâ taking place on
little and bad land which results in a continuous flow back and forth
between agricultural production and wage labour. The average size of
land per household has halved since the 1960s (1961: 2.6 hectares â
1992: 1.3 hectares) and the number of families holding less than 0.2
hectares has increased from 62 per cent in 1971 to 71 per cent in 1992.
About 42 per cent of the rural population does own land at all. The
approximately five per cent of big and middle-size farmers hold 42 per
cent of the land. 80 per cent of the Indian peasants are not able to
survive by plowing their land, only 35 per cent of the average landed
rural householdâs income stems from agricultural production. The poorest
part of the population stays on the countryside, because moving to the
city requires a minimum of resources (a piece of land).
The âNew Farmersâ Movementâ (it is often called a âfarmerâ instead of
âpeasantâ movement) which emerged at the end of the 1970s are a product
of the so-called Green Revolution [7]. The new layers of medium and big
farmers who produce for the market are its active core. They are held
together by populist ideologies (e.g. rural population against the urban
society) and their common interest in higher prices for agricultural
products. Since the 1980s these strata of farmers, who managed to
prosper during the Green Revolution, are confronted with decreasing
prices and profits: the climax of the movement happened in the mid-late
1980s in the states of the Green Revolution (Maharastra, Uttar Pradesh,
Punjab, Haryana). Back then hundreds of thousand people took part in the
mobilisations, thousands got arrested during actions, dozens got killed.
Shetkari Sangathana in Maharastra, the Bharatiya Kisan Union (BKU,
mainly Punjab and UP) and the KRRS in Karnataka are the biggest
organisations. These rural movements are titled ânewâ, because they
hardly ever address the question of land distribution, instead the
prices take center stage (fertilizer, electricity etc., and market and
state-guaranteed agricultural product prices). The forms of action are
âof the activist typeâ: railroads are blocked, state officials are
denied access to the villages; agro-products are withdrawn from the
market, bills are boycotted... In parts of the movement women play a
decisive role, âwomen-specificâ demands are raised, amongst others
against the dowry-system, against alcohol abuse and for the same right
to land ownership. Shetkari has its own womenâs organisation â in 1986
about 150,000 women gathered during a meeting â while the BKU represents
the rather patriarchal north.
In general the agrarian elite â the big and medium farmers, the upper
landowning castes â dominates the movement. Right from the beginning for
the majority of the rural proletariat these movements offered only
limited future promises. Shetkari regularly spoke positively about the
potential of the global trade agreement and during the founding
conference the issue of the âsituation of the agrarian labourersâ was
dropped from the agenda. During the Bombay textile workersâ strike in
the 1980s Shetkari had better relations with the associations of the
small entrepreneurs of the trade and transport sector than with the
urban unions. The BKU didnât even want to discuss the minimum wage for
agricultural labourers. During the end of the 1980s the more militant
actions were renounced more often given that it had become clear to the
leadership of the organisations that the leap into official politics was
about to happen (e.g. Shetkari-boss Joshi got the status of a minister
in 1989 and the chairman position of the permanent government council
for agricultural questions).
Originating in the colonial plantation economy, an extreme polarisation
between large-scale land ownership and a class of landless workers
developed. Only in a few niches are small peasants able to sustain
themselves. Along with the doubling of the amount of land used for
agricultural production since the 1940s, the number of minifundias
(small family enterprises) doubled too. These enterprises are not a
âproduct of disintegrationâ, but rather the outcome of a
latifundia-based economy (latifundia: large-scale landholding) and the
extension of agricultural industries. Out of a total population of 188
million nearly 5 million households are not able to live off their land,
and 4.5 million households donât own land at all. Officially the number
of rural proletarians has halved since the 1970s. As a consequence of
mechanisation, wage-labour is on the increase in agricultural factories,
even in the form of permanent employment, while workers of small/family
businesses change employment between rural labour, wage labour in
agro-businesses or other kind of wage labour. At the same time the
increasing number of agro-factories and marginalised minifundias results
in forms of bonded labour becoming more common again. [8]
The MST was founded in 1984. The organisation has a membership of two
million, although there are sources which state significantly lower
numbers. In October 2007 17,000 people took part in its 5^(th) National
Congress.
The issue of land occupation was on the agenda right from the beginning.
The organisation refers to article 186 of the Brazilian constitution
according to which there is the legal right to occupy âunproductive
landâ. The occupations are part of an effort to form a broad-based
organisation as part of the union movement. Three
political-organisational problems are at the centre of this effort: the
relation to the Brazilian Workers Party (PT), police/military repression
and the âeducationâ of the organisationâs own rank-and-file membership.
Parts of the MST membership are former rural labourers, children of
small peasants, migrants for whom the city ceased to be a destination.
They gather in camps pitched up alongside the central roads. It is an
intentional practice of the organisation that they are gathered,
educated and trained in the acampamentos, visibly at the road-side. They
live in simple huts made of plastic tarpaulin, and are known as âfilhos
da lona prentaâ (children of the black tarpaulin). They grow food or
work in the surrounding areas, and their children go the school in the
nearby settlements or towns. In many cases a broad support-network is
built, with bus connections established. The camps are the starting
point for land occupations. The second part of the MST lives on the
actual occupied land, the settlements of agrarian reform. During the
first decade of its existence the MST tried to set up âproduction
cooperativesâ in those settlements. In most cases these efforts have
been stopped since the mid-1990s, given that differentiations along the
boundaries of family clans occurred and that many people didnât see the
âreturnâ to the land as being permanent. Mainly the younger folks leave
again, with about 30 per cent of the families leaving the settlements
after a few years.
Once Lula took over government the MST got under double pressure. The
MST always emphasised its independence from any political party, first
of all from Lulaâs PT. Nevertheless the MST always received support from
the state, and agrarian and welfare policies are of major importance for
the MSTâs ability to mobilise. The promised land reform did not take
place under Lula either: the government bets on production for export
and of agrofuels. In 2004 as many people were expelled from the land as
got hold of land through agrarian reform. Despite this fact the numbers
of land occupations have drastically shrunk since Lula took over
government in 2002: in 2003 there were still about 300, in 2004 there
were 150, in 2007 not even 50. The numbers of acampamentos have
alledgedly decreased by 60 per cent since 2003. Instead of carrying out
land reform Lula redistributed welfare money on a low level: today about
eleven million families receive the so-called Bolsa Familia, a kind of
âfamily benefitâ. As a result the life in the towns becomes more
attractive again, compared to the âhard lifeâ in the camps. âThe people
from the urban areas have always been our target group, but now they
donât want to return to the land and bear the hard life in the camps.
[9]
In Bolivia there is a landless movement, too. The Movimiento Sin Terra
(MST) was founded in 2000. Similarly to the MST in Brazil the
organisation comprises proletarians who âlive in between countryside and
townâ. Its strongholds are in the eastern provinces, where the
polarisation between agro-factories and landless/rural proletariat is
the most pronounced. Land occupations have been successful time and
again despite repression, and have resulted in the membership of the
movement increasing to 50,000. Shortly before Moralesâ government took
over, the MST split: amongst other reasons over the question of whether
the movement should continue the land occupations in future. This
controversy was the entry point Moralesâ government tried to use to get
a foot in the door: The movementâs participation in the governmental
debates concerning the constitutional assembly [verfassungsgebende
Versammlung] was only granted on the condition that the land occupations
would be suspended.
There are two main reasons for the collapse of subsistence farming among
small peasants in Honduras: international agricultural regulation and
the proximity to the US. At the beginning of the 1990s rice â after corn
and beans the third most important food-stuff in Honduras â was produced
by 25,000 rice farmers; by 2005 their number had shrunken to 1,300. The
reason behind this development is the imports from the US. Between 1994
and 2000 the prices of the five leading rice importers decreased by 40
per cent while consumer prices increased by over ten per cent. For the
small peasants this meant that they are forced to eke out a living
changing between subsistence farming and work migration in a âdouble
senseâ: some of them migrate to the US or to the industrial areas of the
Maquiladoras in Latin America; the survival of their relatives back home
is based on their money transfer. As a consequence more and more people
leave their soil, looking for different sources of income. The
production on their own patch of land just about covers the daily need
for food-stuffs.
...when it was founded in 1993 La Via Campesina was an expression of the
broad base and strength of the âNew Peasant Movementsâ, but fifteen
years later the limitations concerning its political content (âthe
peasantsâ) and organisational forms (ânetworkingâ) have become obvious.
It was not by chance that La Via Campesina was formed 1993 in Central
America and that between 1996 and 2003 the main office was situated in
Honduras. La Via Campesina was product of an initiative of peasant
organisations from North, Central and South America and Europe. The
1990s were âthe decade of the NGOsâ: many of the initial
member-organisations of Via Campesina were financially and
organisationally dependent on these NGOs. La Via Campesina learnt from
this and made an effort to become more independent. Since the 1990s the
âglobal campaign for agrarian reformâ was a focal point of its
activities. Via Campesina criticised the impact of the land reforms
sponsored by the World Bank (âreforms determined by the marketâ) and
opposed these policies with demands for a âtrue land reformâ: the
strategy of the organisation can be summed up as âexpose and opposeâ. A
strategic blend of media campaigns, well-publicised presence at big
global events and local support of peasant movements, but also meetings
with representatives of the FAO (the agrarian organisation of the UN)
and IFAD (International Fund for Agricultural Development, another UN
institution).
In the meantime the gains are evaluated according to self-defined
criteria: did we manage to impose the topic? Was it possible to put
pressure on political actors? Did they change their attitude? Did this
result in real changes? Criteria from the world of networking. But even
if we apply such criteria we can state as a matter of fact that
quantitatively not much has been achieved. Essentially there are two
reasons for this: Firstly, the form of the network too often replaces âa
political analysis of reality, often even impedes it (Riles, 2001,
Edelmann 2008). Secondly, the initial strength of the movement
(multi-faceted composition) has turned into a weakness (class
differentiations and political differences). In the Philippines and
India the situation is downright âblockedâ, e.g. in India the KRRS and
the BKU (see above) are the main organisations of Via Campesina. These
two organisations often keep smaller, mostly proletarian groups âoutâ.
In consequence during the past years there have been various rows inside
the organisation.
The question of how workers and peasants would be able to get together
has been one of the questions of the 20^(th) century, perhaps the main
one. And for a long time the answer of a major part of the political
left was peasant revolution of one kind or the other. Even after the
global movement of 1968 Maoism seeped into the towns of the western
world â if only in the form of ridiculous attempts of party formation of
various self-proclaimed new CPs, but after all that was a global
phenomenon! In the long term however, â1968â was the final blow for
Maoism, as for any other developmental ideology. Today the peasants are
not pressed into service for catch-up capitalist development, today they
are called on as a force to check this development. In this sense, e.g.
James Petras assumes that the âNew Peasant Movementsâ are the vanguard
against imperialism in Latin America. And in this sense since Chiapas
and Seattle the anti-globalisation movement sees the âNew Peasant
Movementsâ at the front-line of the struggle âglobal south against
global northâ.
Our short glimpse at the social composition of the various peasant
organisations sufficed to refute these assumptions. Disregarding all
theoretical-political differences the findings â be it of
left-wing/Marxist agro-experts or of âmainstream economistsâ â are the
same: âsemi-proletarianisationâ is the prevailing form of
proletarianisation, a situation which results in subsistence often not
being available as a âfall-back optionâ any more. âTraditional farmingâ
[10] hardly exists anymore, and at the same time wage labour increases
on a global scale, including factory wage labour. [11]
Even the followers of an independent political representation of the
small peasantry criticise the âsubsistence perspectiveâ as a view from
the ivory tower (e.g. Wienold 2007, Inkota letter 144). It has been the
strong point of the âpeasant movementsâ that they take the real
developments as their starting point instead of starting from ideologies
(âsubsistenceâ) and romanticised pictures which are projected onto them.
During the last 35 years of crisis-attack the peasant movements have
seemed strong; firstly, because the workersâ movements have been weak;
secondly, because the ânew peasant movementsâ took as its starting point
the âuneven and nonuniformâ character of proletarianisation. Some
political approaches try to capture the relation between surplus value
production in the form of industrial commodity production on one side
and the production and reproduction of labour power â the precondition
for capitalist accumulation â on the other. In the 1980s some of them
seemed able to bring together these two poles (Fortunati, Caffentzis,
Meillassoux, Federici). Just like the factory as location for the
struggle of the producers, the labour market and family are places of
struggle over the production and reproduction of the commodity labour
force. In the meantime, based on this debate, G.Caffentzis from the
Midnight Notes has developed a âLabour-Power Production approachâ. He
argues that the defence of âguarantees of subsistenceâ against the
attacks of capital (expulsion from the land, cuts of welfare-state
benefits, the dismantling of the countries of the former real-socialism)
and the struggles over the âcommonsâ are the global front-line. This
seems to be an attractive approach given that it it doesnât seem to be
too difficult to place oneself on the right side of the barricade, but
this idealising perspective is less and less able to clearly see and
understand the actual struggles. This perspective drifts towards a moral
denunciation of the working class in the north and by only focussing on
the âdefence against the attacks of capitalâ misses to notice the
potentials which emerge, e.g. in the class struggles in India or Egypt
(see related articles in the German issue of Wildcat). In China, as
well, the second generation of migrant workers, for whom the return to
the countryside is less and less of an option, indicates a political
re-composition of the working class.
Compared to such brand-new releases of ideology production, Marxâs
effort to relate the crisis of the Russian village community to the
crisis of capitalist production is way more up-to-date: today we
actually experience the formation of a global working class whose
conditions are immensely diverse, but who exist in direct relation to
each other. Against the background of an absoute and relative (to the
total world population) increase of wage labour in the north, south,
east and west, in the towns, in the country-side, in the factories, call
centres and agro-factories, we have to try to capture the global
perspective within forms of exploitation and work and of course within
the struggles against the subordination under the global capital
relation: how does a global working class constitutes itself within
global social cooperation as an acting subject?
At the beginning of this article we advocated finally getting rid off
Leninist and Maoist perspectives. We also have to get the perspective of
âthe struggle against neoliberalismâ out of the heads, the reformist
notion of wanting to âtameâ capitalism. [12]
Formulating his thesis of a âNew Proletarityâ in 1994, K.H. Roth tried
to initiate a debate on the global âhomogenisationâ under a global
capital relation. Given the formation of a global working class he posed
the question of âthe tasks of the leftâ. The attempt failed, the thesis
of âhomogenisationâ was misunderstood as a global alignment of living
conditions, the question concerning the formation of a global working
class was made defunct by petty theoretical quarrels. Now would be the
right time to restart from the âglobal patchworkâ of exploitation [13],
after fifteen years of experiences with and within the ânew peasant
movementsâ, with ten years within various no-global movements, against
the background of the current food riots, the food crisis and the
so-called âclimate-questionâ.
WestfÀlisches Dampfboot 2007
Studies No.12
Africa, Asia and Latin America, 2000
Movements in Africa, Asia and Latin America; Zed Books 2005
Movements, April/July 2008; Baletti, Marc Edelmann, Saturnio M. Borras,
Xochtil Bada/J.Fox
Theoretical Review. (Caffentzis 2002:
, S.13ff).
1998â2004, in the web:
Civilization. London: Verso
Â
[1] âThe most dramatic and far-reaching social change of the second half
of this century, which has separated us from the world of the past for
ever, was the death of the peasantry... Once the countryside gets
deserted, the towns begin to grow. The world of the second half of the
20^(th) century was urbanised on an unprecedented scale.« (Eric
Hobsbawn, The Age of Extremes: A History of the World 1914 â 1991)
[2] Since 1960 the absolute volume of transnational migration has
doubled: in 2005 185 million migrants were on the move, this was three
per cent of the world population. The regional concentration of
migration corresponds to the increasing polarisation of the global
society: while in the 1970s only half of the total increase of migration
reached the metropolitan countries, in the 1990s nearly the total
increase of migration ended up in Asia, Europe or the USA. Most of the
Latin American countries have become âdeployment countriesâ.
[3] This quote stems from the German version of Leninâs works, it does
not seem to appear in the English translation of the mentioned two
texts.
[4] âPreobrazhensky posits that the âworkersâ state can consciously and
realize what, historically, the capitalist state had realized blindly
and bloodily â the transformation of the agrarian petty producers into
factory workers. (It was left to Stalin to realize this transformation
consciously and bloodily.)â The article originally appeared in: Critique
23, 1991
[5] See: Wildcat article âWhich way to the revolution please?â or Loren
Goldnerâs article âCommunism is the material human communityâ
[6] For further reading about the intense debate about Chiapas:
[7] The âold peasant movementâ which emerged in the 1930s under the
dominance of the Communist Party turned more and more into a mass
mobilisation for the political parties â up to the coming into power of
the CPs in West Bengal and Kerala. Once it got hold of state power the
CP turned against the more radical wings of the rural movements. The
Maoist movements which appeared in the late 1960s continue to exist to
this day. This movement was formed mainly by agricultural labourers,
students and urban proletariat, less by peasants. Today the Maoist
movement â for example in Orissa and Bihar â has more or less turned
into a militarised army or established itself as local administrations.
[8] In recent years in Brazil 4,000 to 6,000 cases of âdebt-bondageâ or
ânew slaveryâ are officially denounced each year, most of them in the
bigger agro-businesses during the peak period of the harvest. The
penalties can be paid from the petty cash. In contrast to the âold
slaveryâ there is no legal owner-ship of the person in question. Labour
is enforced by violence and âindebtednessâ (e.g. âadvanced food-stuffâ
has to be paid, meaning worked off).
[9] Quotation from the MST, quoted in the German newsletter Inkota 144,
June 2008
[10] âTraditional farmingâ is a heavily debated notion. In the âwestâ,
due to industrialisation, farming wasnât that âtraditionalâ any more
from very early on. The current modes of farming in the periphery are
products of colonialism. Today âtraditional farmingâ is commonly
understood as a unity which employs only little or no alien work-force,
which produces for itself or only sells a small surplus product (family
farming)
[11] ILO figures from 2007: in 2006 there was an official working
population of 2.9 billion, this is 16 per cent more than in 1996. In
2006 out of these 2.9 billion 22 per cent work in manufacturing
industries, in 1996 it has been 21.5 per cent. The number of people
working in agriculture has decreased from 43 per cent in 1996 to 38 per
cent in 2006. In the same period the share of service industries has
increased from 35 per cent to 40 per cent. (lot of âindustrial workâ is
hidden behind the numbers for agricultural work and service)
[12] For further reading: Richard Greeman, Dangerous Shortcuts â can be
downloaded here:
[13] K.H. Roth compared the spread out centres of industrialisation, the
patches of development and underdevelopment with the spots of a leopard.
K.H.Roth: Die Wiederkehr der ProletaritÀt, Dokumentation einer Debatte,
ISP 1994