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Title: Follow the leader? Author: Alan MacSimoin Date: 1993 Language: en Topics: leaders, leadership, Workers Solidarity Source: Retrieved on 10th October 2021 from http://struggle.ws/ws93/leader38.html Notes: Published in Workers Solidarity No. 38 â Spring 1993.
A CYNICAL EYE is directed at anarchists whenever they speak of
organisation. Is not anarchism the opposite to organisation? The simple
answer is NO. Is it then the opposite of large or complicated
organisation. The answer is equally simple, NO. So where do such
mistaken ideas come from?
Anarchists want an end to the present system and its replacement by a
socialism that is indivisible from freedom. Being just as realistic and
practical as anyone else they know that the bosses are well organised
and have the forces of the state at their disposal. To bring about such
a fundamental change will require a very high degree of organisation. So
where do the accusations that anarchists are incapable of organisation
come from?
It is not just that our opponants will tell lies about us. Of course
that happens, one only has to read the papers of Leninist groupings who
take great delight in using the word âanarchyâ to describe chaos. These
groupings do not have the excuse of ignorance, their misrepresentation
is a case of petty and childish slander. But this hardly explains the
confusion as their readership is not exactly massive. However similar
misrepresentations in the Independent, Press, Herald, Times, Star,
Examiner, Newsletter, Irish News, Echo, on radio and TV do have such an
effect that the anarchism = chaos idea is widely accepted by those who
have not yet met an anarchist.
This is not to claim that there is a conspiracy by broadcasters and
newspaper editors to tell lies about anarchists. That would be quite an
absurd proposition to put forward in Ireland today. Our numbers do not
yet inspire so much fear in the ruling class that they would go to such
lengths. The reason is that anarchists reject the view that there must
always be a division of people into rulers and ruled. The rich and
powerful (and those who would like to be rich and powerful) cannot
accept this. In their eyes, because of their own sense of superiority
and self-importance, to live without rulers could only lead to chaos.
The working class, they believe, are too stupid to run their own lives,
let alone the whole of society. They are absolutely convinced that the
absence of a small ruling group can only lead to disorder.
So then, what type of organisation should we seek to build? Two forms
are possible. The first is the one we are all used to whether it be the
DĂĄil, in our trade union or even in a campaigning group. This is a
structure where the decisions are made at the top and most of the
electorate/members have no effective say in the decision making process.
We are expected to simply obey. Though the handful of people at the top
may have been elected we have no real control over them. In no way are
they really accountable to the rest of us.
In recent years the best example was the Fianna FĂĄil slogan of âHealth
cuts hurt the old, the sick and the handicappedâ. As soon as they got
their behinds onto cabinet seats they proceeded to savage the health
service, breaking all their election promises. And when health workers,
other trade unionists and concerned individuals took to the streets in
protest we were told that our behaviour was undemocratic, that we should
abide by the democratic election result!
Organisation based on a small leadership telling everyone else what to
do is always opposed by anarchists. We have no desire to be ruled,
ordered round or dictated to. But is this not an unrealistic position
that takes no account of the real world? Back in 1912 miners in South
Wales began a discussion[1] about structures in their union. They looked
at both sides of the leadership issue. Although that was eighty one
years ago, what they found still provides food for though today and it
is worth quoting from. (The language of their document reflects both the
sexist ideas of those times and the lack of women in the mining
industry).
One decided man, who knows his own mind is stronger than a hesitating
crowd. It takes time for a number of people to agree upon a given
policy. One man soon makes up his mind.
As a responsible leader, he knows that his advice is almost equivalent
to a command, and this ensures that his advice will have been carefully
and gravely considered before being tendered.
All too frequently, âWhat is everybodyâs business is nobodyâs businessâ,
and if no one stands in a position to ensure order and system, many
things are omitted which will cause the menâs interest to suffer.
In the sphere of public usefulness there is a great field of emulation.
The good wishes of the masses can only be obtained by new aspirants for
office showing a higher status of ability than the then existing
leaders. This tends to his continued efficiency or elimination.
Hero worship has great attractions for the hero, and a leader has great
inducements on this side, apart from pecuniary considerations to remain
faithful and honest.
Leadership implies power held by the leader. Without power the leader is
inept. The possession of power inevitably leads to corruption. All
leaders become corrupt, in spite of their own good intentions. No man
was ever good enough, or strong enough, to have such power at his
disposal, as real leadership implies.
This power of initiative, this sense of responsibility, the self respect
which comes from expressed manhood, is taken from the men, and
consolidated in the leader. The sum of their initiative, their
responsibility, their self respect becomes his.
The order and system he maintains is based upon the suppression of the
men, from being independent thinkers into being âthe menâ or âthe mobâ.
Every argument which could be advanced to justify leadership on this
score would apply equally well to the Czar of all the Russias and his
policy of repression. In order to be effective, the leader must keep the
men in order, or he forfeits the respect of the employers and âthe
publicâ, and thus becomes ineffective as a leader.
He is compelled, in order to maintain his power, to see to it that only
those who are willing to act as his drill sargeants or coercive agents
shall enjoy his patronage. In a word, he is compelled to become an
autocrat and a foe to democracy.
Sheep cannot be said to have solidarity. In obedience to a shepherd they
will go up or down, backwards or forwards as they are driven by him and
his dogs. But they have no solidarity, for that means unity and loyalty.
Unity and loyalty, not to an individual, or the policy of an individual,
but to an interest and a policy which is understood and worked for by
all.
An industrial vote will affect the lives and happiness of workmen more
than a political vote. The power to vote whether there shall or shall
not be a strike, or upon an industrial policy to be pursued by his union
will affect far more important issues to the workmanâs life than the
political vote can ever touch. Hence it should be more sought after, and
its privileges jealously guarded. Think of the tremendous power going to
waste because of leadership, of the inevitable stop-block he becomes on
progress, because quite naturally, leaders examine every new proposal
and ask first how it will affect their position and power. It prevents
large and comprehensive policies being initiated and carried out which
depend on the understanding and watchfulness of the great majority.
National strikes and policies can only be carried out when the bulk of
the people see their necessity, and themselves prepare and arrange
them.â
Clearly the bad side of âleadershipâ outweighs the good. The strong
leadership or rule of individuals stifles self-activity and creates
passive dependence. This is not to deny all forms of leadership.
Anarchists do seek to become a leadership, a leadership of ideas rather
than one of âprominent personalitiesâ or unaccountable representatives.
We seek to make anarchist ideas the most widely accepted and supported
within the working class.
A rejection of the âleadershipâ idea does not mean that there is no
co-ordination, efficiency or organisation. Neither does it deny that
some people will know more about particular issues, be better speakers
or have more forceful personalities. Anarchists work for âbottom-upâ
forms of organisation, that is with the rank and file membership
involved in taking decisions.
Such a form of organisation excludes the possibility of a âleadershipâ
emerging which would make decisions âon behalf of the membersâ. When
decisions are taken, accountable delegates should be appointed by the
rank and file to implement these decisions. This means that the
organisation remains under the control of the members, and not under the
control of any âleadership, no matter how well intentioned they may be
at the outset.
Some âsocialistsâ operate with the idea that there is a âcrisis of
leadershipâ, that the working class need a leadership which will, of
course, be the Party of these âsocialistsâ. Without the Party they canât
change anything. The Party is to be the brains, the vanguard of the
class. Within the Party the âbestâ members make up the Central
Committee, and the âbestâ of these becomes the leader.
The process leads to a strict hierarchy in which policies and
instructions come from the top. Not totally dissimilar to the way the
Catholic church works. Democracy gets pushed into the background, if it
doesnât get lost completely (as happened in the Communist Parties and
many of the Trotskyist ones).
This sort of set-up will lead workers nowhere except to more
exploitation and dictatorship as it did in Russia and China. Anarchists,
reject the âtop-downâ, or capitalist, form of organisation because we
know that the means you use will determine what you end up with. A
hierarchical and authoritarian organisation can only result in a
hierarchical and authoritarian society.
Those who would dismiss our objections as ânit pickingâ and our
alternative as âinefficientâ or âunworkableâ usually do so because they
regard their âleadershipâ as all-important. They pay lip service to
Marxâs statement that the emancipation of the working class is the task
of the working class itself but either donât understand what he said or
they disagree with it but wonât say so because to disagree with Marx is
regarded as a type of heresy in many left wing circles.
Anarchists have no objection to organisation. They are all for it. They
were a major force within the first international socialist
organisation, the International Working Mens Association. They were the
driving force behind building trade unions in many countries including
the USA, Argentina, France, Italy, Portugal, Korea, Russia, Switzerland,
Poland and many others. More books have been published about the Spanish
Civil War than any other, so how is it that Leninists still claim that
anarchists have never been capable of organising when each and every one
of those books will tell you that the anarchist CNT union had over one
million members? Surely this would not have been possible without a high
degree of organisation!
All right, says the cynic, but what about today? Things are more complex
and complicated and anarchist forms of organisation could no longer
work.
We only have to look across the sea to Spain once more. The National
Confederation of Workers (CNT-AIT) with several thousand members, the
General Confederation of Workers (CGT) with at least 20,000 members, the
CEEP, better known as âLa Co-ordinadoraâ which organises 80% of the
dockers and the Agricultural Labourers Union (SOC) with about 20,000
members all operate on anarchist organisational principles. They have
found no need to abandon these principles. Neither has the 15,000 strong
Central Organisation of Workers (SAC) in Sweden, nor have the anarchist
influenced unions in other countries. (For a report of a recent
international conference attended by some of them see Workers Solidarity
no. 34.)
[1] The Miners Next Step, Unofficial Reform Committee. Tonypandy, Wales.
1912.