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Title: The Highland Land War
Author: Stephen Cullen
Date: February 1992
Language: en
Topics: land, The Raven, United Kingdom, 1800s, land struggles, Parliament, Scotland
Source: Retrieved on 3 July 2022 from https://libcom.org/article/raven-17-use-land
Notes: This article was originally written for The Raven Anarchist Quarterly #17: Use of Land, pp. 85–91.

Stephen Cullen

The Highland Land War

On the 25^(th) July, 1970, a memorial cairn was unveiled at Colbost Hill

on the Isle of Skye. The legend on that cairn reads: ‘To Commemorate the

Achievements of the Glendale Land Leaguers, 1882–1886’, and it marks

area of the celebrated ‘Battle of the Braes’, where the crofters of

Glendale fought a pitched battle with police over the issue of land. The

Skye protests were only part of a widespread movement that covered most

of the Highlands and Islands, and that lasted long after the

implementation of the 1886 Crofters’ Act. The Highland Land War saw the

mobilisation of the community in rent strikes, land raids, and deer

killings. The perceived threat to ‘law and order’ was so great that the

government despatched gunboats, marines, soldiers and extra police to

the area. But the solidarity of the Highland community, including its

expatriate members in Glasgow, Edinburgh and London, was such that only

the creation, and favourable operation of, the Crofters’ Commission was

enough to undermine the protest. However, a substantial proportion of

that community, the cottars, were left unsatisfied by the 1886 Act. The

cottars’ struggle was for land itself, but once their erstwhile allies,

the crofters, had achieved their primary aims of tenure and fair rent,

the cottars found themselves alone to continue their land struggle.

Similarly, the Crofter MPs, returned as genuinely popular

representatives of the people in the 1885 and 1886 General Elections,

had, by 1892, lost themselves in the mire of parliamentarianism, taking

the remains of the popular movement into the Liberal Party. Action

through parliament proved, in the end, to be no real answer, and

landless ex-servicemen were, in the late 1940s, still being imprisoned

for land seizures; whilst ownership patterns in the 1990s are little

changed from those of the 1880s.

By the early 1880s conditions in the Highlands and Islands were

extremely difficult. The legal rights of crofters and cottars were

almost non-existent; housing conditions were appalling; the East Coast

fishing, on which many depended to supplement the meagre living on

crofts, was depressed; and the entire community suffered from

landlessness and congestion. The latter problem affected both crofters

and cottars alike. It is difficult to be precise about the exact

differences between these two groups, but G.B. Clark, a leading

campaigner in the land struggle, defined them as: “the crofter is a

small farmer who may live partly by the wages of labour, the cottar is a

labourer who may have some share in the soil”. Generally speaking, the

crofters were in a better economic position than the cottars. However,

that was only a relative measure, for the average crofter had access to

only one to four acres of arable land, along with a part share in hill

pasture, held in common with other members of the township. Under normal

conditions that would have enabled a crofter to support some two to four

head of cattle, and about fifteen sheep. The poverty of the crofters

meant that they were unable to undertake improvements of their arable

land, and that it was generally only fit for growing potatoes. Few

crofters were able to live off their crofts alone, but they were in an

enviable position compared with the largely landless cottars.

Working such small plots of land, the crofters were in no position to

meet rent rises. There was no legal protection against excessive rent

rises, nor did crofters enjoy any security of tenure. In fact, following

the Clearances and the establishment of sheep farming across the region,

crofter rents had played an insignificant part in the income of large

landowners. Rents for crofters were usually only raised in order to

provide an excuse for eviction, whether as part of a general attempt to

clear more land, or as a punitive exercise in tenant discipline.

Although the period of mass eviction that had characterised the

Clearances was over, evictions still continued at a steady rate, with,

for example, sixty families a year being evicted from Skye in the late

1870s. There was no appeal against such evictions, and the prospect of a

rent rise followed by homelessness haunted many crofter families. In

addition to the complete lack of formal legal rights the crofters and

cottars were subjected to continued ‘petty’ harassment by estate

officials. For example, limits of one dog per township were usually

imposed, despite the fact that dogs were vital to keep marauding deer

off the crops.

Housing conditions were abysmal. Most families still lived in ‘black

houses’, long, low buildings, without windows or chimneys, and shared

with cattle. Few lived in the marginally better ‘white house’, that

boasted a primitive chimney, small windows, and was generally

lime-washed. Cottars fared even worse, many of them living in driftwood

shacks on small pieces of land lent to them by their more fortunate

neighbours. Uncertain of their tenancy rights, and lacking money,

crofters and cottars were both unable and unwilling to improve their

homes which might at any moment cease to be theirs.

The lack of land forced crofters to raise extra income, often by

fishing. On the West Coast inshore fishing was normal. However, the

almost complete lack of harbours and slipways, combined with the

smallness of the crofters’ boats, made fishing a dangerous task. From

1850 to 1885, 292 Lewismen drowned whilst fishing. The lack of safe

harbours hit home in the bad winter of 1881–2, when a single storm

destroyed crops and over 1,200 Skye boats. For the cottars, fishing

meant the East Coast herring industry. This had proved a lucrative

source of income for much of the 1870s, but by the early 1880s the

herring industry was in recession, and the introduction of new payment

practices meant that earnings in the 1884 season were as low as ÂŁ1, and

the cottars had to beg their way home.

The people themselves had a very clear idea of the causes of their

sufferings. Historically, the Clearances stood as a great divide between

a happy past and a hard present. There was an almost universal belief

that the problems of overcrowded land, bad housing, dependence on

fishing, low cattle prices, and lack of security of tenure all stemmed

from the Clearances. To a large extent this view was correct, and in any

event it was a widespread belief. Of great significance was the

continuing validity of pre-Clearance cultural values amongst the

crofting community. Despite the fact that crofters had always paid rent

for their land, they had never seen it as a payment for land use, rather

it had been seen as a tribute to the Clan Chieftain. The land itself was

seen as the property of the community at large, not the property of a

single man. This view of communal land holding meant that the Clearances

were seen as an illegal act, and the private property rights of

landlords were similarly viewed as being based on an alien tradition.

New economic circumstances increased the pressure on crofters and

cottars in the early years of the 1880s. Poor harvests, low cattle

prices, the collapse of the East Coast fishing, and events like the

1881/2 storms on Skye pushed the community towards conditions not far

removed from the famine years of the 1840s. The early 1880s also brought

new pressures, but also opportunities, for the landlords. With the new

trade in Australasian and North American sheep, landlords found that

their sheep-based economy was, for the first time, under threat. Sheep

prices fell, and landlords were unable to find replacements for their

farmers who had gone bankrupt. But just as the wider economy threatened

their prosperity, so did it provide a new opportunity, in the form of

deer. The establishment of the mature industrial economy further south,

in the central belt and in England, meant that a new leisured class had

arisen, a class that was keen to spend part of its time in the

Highlands, hunting deer. Landlords were quick to respond, and where

sheep had once replaced people, so deer replaced sheep, and more people.

The opening years of the decade saw a dramatic increase in the seizure

of pastures, and increased numbers of rent rises and evictions, all for

the extension of the deer forests. This was to prove the catalyst for

the land war.

Although the early 1870s had seen isolated resistance to evictions, like

that in Brenera on Lewis, in 1874, the Leckmelm affair of 1879 set the

pattern for the war itself. The attempts of Alexander Pirie to turn his

estate near Ullapool into a deer forest, evicting crofters in the

process, quickly became a cause célÚbre that held public attention for

most of the year. This time the resisting crofters had a new ally in the

shape of the Federation of Celtic Societies, that linked expatriate

Highlanders in Glasgow, Edinburgh and London into an effective national

voice for the crofting community. Pirie was forced to abandon his plans,

only to try again in late 1880, when he faced the same opposition, and

was forced to abandon his plans permanently. The pattern had been set,

effective and united resistance to rent rises and evictions by the

crofters themselves, combined with political pressure in key cities,

especially London, by a politicised cultural movement.

A tour of Skye in 1881 by John Murdoch, a leading land campaigner who

had links with the successful Irish Land League, and owned the

campaigning The Highlander paper, seems to have helped galvanise Skye

crofters into action. In February 1882 crofters there began the Braes

rent strike, and made demands for the return of grazing land that they

had previously had access to. Lord Macdonald’s attempt to break the

strike by attempting evictions led to confrontation, when 100 men met

the sheriff’s officer and burnt the writs. This event was followed by

the arrival of Sheriff Ivory, 50 Glasgow police and 19 Skye police.

Their attempt to take arrested men from the Braes led to the violent

clashes celebrated as the ‘Battle of the Braes’. The ‘battle’ was

covered widely by the press, and the Highlands and Islands suddenly

became newsworthy. The success of the Glendale protesters acted as a

spur for others throughout the region, and, fearing a general rent

strike throughout Skye, the Lord Advocate appealed to London for

military aid, which, at that stage, was not forthcoming. A potato blight

and crop failures drove many into declaring rent strikes in the winter

of 1882/3, simply because they could not pay. In response to these

pressures, the government announced, in February 1883, the setting up of

a Royal Commission under Lord Napier.

The setting up of the Napier Commission did nothing to stem the tide of

protest. The immediate response of Highlanders in London and Edinburgh

was to set up the Highland Land Law Reform Association (HLLRA), whilst

crofters and cottars began land raids. For example, Milvaig crofters and

cottars occupied the Waternish farm in early 1883, and successfully

drove off a police assault on their new land. The HLLRA was very active,

sending lecturers throughout the region to speak to the people, whilst

the crofters and cottars themselves set up the first Highland branch of

the association in Glendale. By the end of the year the Home Secretary,

Harcourt, had agreed to despatch gunboats and marines to the Western

Isles; they arrived in the new year.

The Napier Commission reported in 1884, and was judged unsatisfactory by

the crofters and cottars. Instead, they adopted their ‘Dingwall

Programme’, calling for a land court to oversee a compulsory

redistribution of land to crofters and cottars. At the same time, the

HLLRA agreed to stand candidates at the forthcoming general election, in

which many crofters would, for the first time, be eligible to vote.

The period from 1885–1888 saw the high watermark of the land movement,

but it was also a period in which the previous solidarity of the

campaigners began to crack. The HLLRA was successful in the December

1885 general election, sending four Crofter MPs to Westminster. By then

there were 90 Highland branches of the movement, with a membership of

over 10,000 crofters and cottars. The Liberal government had tried to

introduce a Napier-style bill, but had collapsed before it was passed.

This added further impetus to direct action protest in the Highlands and

Islands. In the winter of 1885/6, all of the north-west of the region

was on rent strike, acts of intimidation against those suspected of not

being pro-HLLRA were frequent, and the destruction of landlords’ and

crofters’ property by HLLRA supporters was widespread. Responding to the

election of the Crofter MPs, and the violence, the new government passed

the Crofters’ Act in 1886. Despite the establishment of a Crofters’

Commission to adjudicate in fair rents, the Act was widely condemned for

not tackling the twin problem of overcrowding and land hunger. In

response to the Act the HLLRA conference at Bonar Bridge in September

pledged to continue the fight for the compulsory break-up of sheep farms

and deer parks in order to provide land for crofters and cottars.

But this proved to be the swansong of the movement (now renamed the

Highland Land League). The government began a new campaign of law

enforcement in the area. This was opened with the arrival of 50 police,

and 250 marines on Tiree to arrest eight crofters, five of whom were

sentenced to six months each in Edinburgh. By December 1886, even Skye

had been quietened by the strong military and police presence. Further,

the operations of the Crofters’ Commission proved to be more favourable

than the crofters had imagined, thus driving a wedge between the

previous crofter/cottar alliance. The first Crofter Commission rent

adjudications were made in January 1887, reducing rents by 30% at

Waternish, and 20% on the Macleod estates. Within the HLL a new struggle

had begun, with a faction, led by Angus Sutherland, trying to deliver

the movement into the hands of the Liberal Party, something that he

eventually succeeded in doing. But conditions were still desperate for

the crofters and cottars. That desperation drove them to mount the

‘Great Deer Raid’ on Park, Lewis, in November. In three days the

crofters and cottars killed large numbers of deer, thus showing their

preference for land for people, rather than deer. All this was reported

by journalists of the North British Daily Mail, who accompanied the men.

Lewis now took over the mantle of the leading area in the protest, with

Lewismen being involved in a vicious clash with Royal Scots, Marines and

police in January 1888, when 14 men were arrested. However, Lewis apart,

it was clear that other land raids were almost without exception the

work of the landless cottars. The crofters had been split from their

allies in the struggle against landlordism. By the end of September the

worst of the unrest was over, and the military were withdrawn from the

region, even from Lewis.

In addition to the operation of the Crofters’ Commission, the government

began a policy of investment in the infrastructure of the region,

allocating ÂŁ61,500 for such work in December of 1890. But that, of

course, did not address the cottars’ need for land. Cottars occupied the

derelict township of Ornsay, and continued to destroy fences and dykes,

especially on Uist. However, the land-hungry cottars could expect little

assistance from the HLL, which had become merely a part of the Liberal

organisation in the region, whilst its leading lights stood as various

HLL/Liberal candidates in the 1892 general election. The HLL finally

split, and the two most radical leaders, G.B. Clark and D.H. MacFarlane,

attempted to revive the old HLLRA. But in 1895 the HLLRA was forced to

cancel its annual conference. The crofters, with their new tenancy laws,

had abandoned the movement, and the cottars were left completely

isolated, and still land-hungry. Sporadic cottar land seizures occurred

in North Uist, Bornish and Ormaclett in 1901, Tiree and Vatersay in

1902, and again in 1906 and 1907 when crofts were built by the land

raiders. The pre-war Liberal government did attempt some legislation

aimed at helping the cottars, but the House of Lords killed all attempts

at settling the cottars’ grievances, and industrial and urban concerns

had greater claims on the Liberals. Even the establishment of the Board

of Agriculture, and the Scottish Land Court failed to meet the hopes of

the landless that land would be compulsorily transferred on a large

scale to those that needed it — something that no government

contemplated. The Board was empowered to create new crofts, but its

slowness in doing so led to a fresh round of cottar land raids in 1913

and 1914. For the cottars, little seemed to have changed.

Bibliography

for the Land, Stornoway, 1979.