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Title: An Introduction to Anarchism in Archaelogy
Author: Lewis Borck, Matthew Sanger
Date: 1/2017
Language: en
Topics: anarchist analysis, history, archaeology, decolonization, introductory, science, academy
Source: The SAA Archaeological Record Vol 17, Issue 1 2017. http://onlinedigeditions.com/publication/?i=378203#{%22issue_id%22:378203,%22publication_id%22:%2216146%22,%22page%22:0}
Notes: Lewis Borck is a postdoctoral researcher in the Faculty of Archaeology at the Universiteit Leiden and a postdoctoral preservation fellow at Archaeology Southwest. Matthew C. Sanger is an assistant professor at Binghamton University.

Lewis Borck, Matthew Sanger

An Introduction to Anarchism in Archaelogy

Archaeologists are increasingly interested in anarchist theory, yet

there is a notable disconnect between our discipline and the deep

philosophical tradition of anarchism. This special issue of the SAA

Archaeological Record is an attempt to both rectify popular notions of

anarchism as being synonymous with chaos and disorder and to suggest the

means by which anarchist theory can be a useful lens for research and

the practice of archaeology.

Popular notions of anarchists and anarchism can be found in movies,

television shows, and a variety of other media. In many of these

representations, governments collapse and violence erupts when society

attempts to operate without leaders. While the Greek root of anarchy is

an (without) ark- hos (leaders), this does not necessarily entail lack

of order. Indeed, the Western philosophical tradition of anarchism was

born out of an interest in how individuals could form cooperative social

groups without coercion. Instead of chaos being implicit, anarchism

assumes a level of order and cooperation among consenting parties.

Interest in voluntary organization has a lengthy history (Marshall 1992)

and predates the first use of the term anarchism in Western thought.

However, by 1793 Godwin published Enquiry Concerning Political Justice

and Its Influence on General Virtue and Happiness and discussed how an

anarchist society might be organized. This was followed by Kant’s 1798

definition of anarchy as a form of government entailing law and freedom

without force in Anthropology from a Pragmatic Point of View. But the

term was not formalized until Pierre Joseph Proudhon’s 1840 book, What

Is Property? An Enquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government.

Eventually the word anarchism was popularized by Mikhail Bakunin and

others in the 1800s.

In reaction to the rising authority of the capitalist elites in Europe,

anarchists, specifically Proudhon and Bakunin, argued that the average

individual was quickly becoming subsumed under the industrialist state

and that human freedoms were being lost to authoritarian rule.

Anarchism, said Proudhon and Bakunin, was the rejection of elitism and

authoritarianism and the creation of a new social body where “freedom is

indissolubly linked to equality and justice in a society based on

reciprocal respect for individual rights” (Dolgoff 1971:5).

If this seems similar to Marxist socialism, it’s because the two exist

on a continuum with anarchism as a libertarian form of socialism on the

end opposite Marxism (Chomsky 2005:123). Both Proudhon and Bakunin were

correspondents, if not friends, with Karl Marx until an eventual falling

out between the two philosophical camps. While Marxism and anarchism

were both concerned with the formation of fair and just societies where

individuals were not alienated from their labors and could live their

lives free from the oppression of an elite class, anarchism understood

power as emerging from a range of factors, only some of which were the

economic and material principles favored by Marxists.

Perhaps more importantly, the two also differed on how best to transform

society. In contrast to Marxism, in which revolution proceeds in stages

and relies on state authority to enact the eventual transformation into

communalism, anarchism requires that liberation proceeds in a manner

that reflects the end goal—meaning state-level authority had to be

rejected from the outset. This grew from the anarchist idea that

societies are prefigured, which is to say they emerge from the practices

that create them. Instead of the ends justifying the means, anarchists

believe that that the means create the ends. But also that the means in

some way are the ends. The two are simultaneous. The ends are process.

Although long disregarded by most academics (and the his- tory of how

Marxism flourished while anarchism did not is an interesting one),

anarchist writers have built up an impressive body of work over the last

200 years. As an anti-dogmatic philosophy, anarchism is difficult to

circumscribe and define. Nonetheless, anarchism is tied together by an

interest in self-governance, equality of entitlement, and voluntary

power relations marked by reciprocity and unfettered association (Call

2002; McLaughlin 2007). One of the central interests driving anarchist

thought is how to organize in the absence of institutionalized

leadership. Whether it’s order through respect of each individual’s

rights and humanity or order as supported through rules worked out in a

committee format, anarchism is often about order, albeit very vocal,

disruptive, heterogeneous order.

Clastres’s 1974 publication of Society Against the State was a watershed

moment for anarchism in anthropology; yet it is only since the

publication of works by James C. Scott and David Graeber that increasing

numbers of anthropologists have begun to apply anarchist theory to their

research. Initially, anthropological use of anarchist theory was divided

between those studying groups with acephalous sociopolitical

organization and those who desired to bring anarchist thought and

actions into anthropological practice. Bringing this research and

practice into dialogue with one another has proven useful (e.g.,

articles in High 2012), and anarchist theory is advancing new ideas,

practices, and interpretations within anthropology (Barclay 1982;

Clastres 2007 [1974]; Graeber 2004; Macdonald 2013; Maskovsky 2013;

Scott 2009).

In recent years, anarchist theory has found a new foothold in many other

disciplines as well, especially geography (e.g., Springer 2016),

political economy (e.g., Stringham 2005), sociology (e.g., Shantz and

Williams 2013), material culture studies (e.g., Birmingham 2013),

English (e.g., Cohn 2006), and indigenous studies (e.g., Coulthard

2014). The utility of anarchist theory, in many ways, is built on the

same scaffold as its practice. Free association of multiple disciplines

and theories are possible. This confluence of praxis works because, as

Lasky (2011:4) notes when discussing the intersection of feminism,

anarchism, and indigenism, “this interplay of diverse traditions, what

some are calling ‘anarch@indigenism,’ (Alfred et al. 2007), forges

intersectional analysis and fosters a praxis to de-center and un-do

multiple axes of oppression.”

This is a much-needed reflexive collaboration. Anarchist theory has been

a very white and male-centered space in the Global North that has often

unintentionally excluded many of the voices it was interested in

supporting and amplifying. Anarchism in the Global South has been much

more inclusive, and anarchist theory there has blossomed by both

questioning the primacy of hierarchy as the desired model of a complex

society and engaging in the larger program of decolonizing

sociopolitical systems (for example, the Rojava autonomous zone in

northern Syria [Enzinna 2015; Wein- berg 2015] and Aymara community

organization in Bolivia [Zibechi 2010]). On a global scale, a more

heterovocal and simultaneous package of anarchist thought has emerged

that includes, intersects, and/or supports feminist, indigenous,

Western, and Global South philosophical traditions.

Anarchy and Archaeology

While anarchism has positively influenced many social science

disciplines, it has yet to be widely applied within archaeology. To

date, the few explicit and published uses of anarchist theory within

archaeology include work by Fowles (2010), Angelbeck and Grier (2012),

Flexner (2014), Morgan (2015), Wengrow and Graeber (2015), and

dissertations by Sanger (2015) and Borck (2016), as well as some

discussion by González-Ruibal (2012, 2014). These examples are followed

up by the recent publication on Savage Minds of a framework for an

anarchist archaeology entitled “Foundations of an Anarchist Archaeology:

A Community Manifesto” that was written by a non-hierarchy of authors

(Black Trowel Collective 2016).

Anarchist theory’s absence in our discipline is particularly interesting

since resistance to authority has a long history of study in

archaeology. Many recognize that the establishment of decentralized

social relations is not a “natural” condition but rather requires

significant effort (e.g., Trigger 1990). In small-scale societies,

authority is often resisted through leveling mechanisms including

ostracism, fissioning, public disgrace, and violence (Cashdan 1980;

Woodburn 1982). Within larger societies, archaeologists have suggested a

variety of ways in which power relations can arise in decentralized

forms, including sequential hierarchies (Johnson 1982) and heterarchies

(Crumley 1995; see also McGuire and Saitta 1996). The archaeological

study of decentralized power structures and active resistance to

authority has become increasingly common (Conlee 2004; Dueppen 2012;

Hutson 2002) and often benefits from Marxist, postcolonial, feminist,

and indigenous critiques that highlight the importance of class, gender,

and race in formulating power structures.

Considering the history of concern over the control of power and the

growth of inequity appears as ancient as human society (e.g., Wengrow

and Graeber 2015), these overlaps with anarchism are unsurprising.

Anarchist historians have even taken parallel interests such as these to

argue that anarchism is quite ancient. Kropotkin (1910) contended that

the early philosophical underpinnings for anarchism could be seen in

writings by the sixth-century BC Taoist Laozi and with Zeno (fourth

century BC) and the Hellenistic Stoic tradition. Others have argued that

Christ in the New Testament is a fundamentally anarchist figure

(Woodcock 1962:38 citing Lechartier) and that Al-Asamm and the

Mu’tazilites were Muslim anarchists in the ninth century AD (Crone

2000). But instead of early strains of anarchism, Woodcock has argued

that anarchist historians and theorists are identifying “attitudes which

lie at the core of anarchism—faith in the essential decency of man, a

desire for individual freedom, an intolerance of domination” (1962:39).

In some ways it is an act of theoretical and philosophical colonization

to label anyone interested in contesting power or emancipation of the

individual as anarchist, and since anarchism thrives in a multivocal

environment, it should be antithetical as well. Researchers have

recognized this in various ways. Patricia Crone (2000) burns through a

bit of text noting that the Mu’tazilites were anarchist not because they

subscribed to anarchist thought, but because they thought society could

function without the state. Anarchist archaeologists often recognize the

simultaneity of these fellow travelers with the term anarchic to avoid

co-opting modes of thought and action that are not explicitly

anarchist.[1] Thus anarchic is like anarchism but not explicitly of it.

For example, in her article “The Establishment and Defeat of Hierarchy”

(2004), Barbara Mills contends that the creation and caretaking of

inalienable possessions evidence human processes that serve to generate

and reinforce social hierarchy through religious practice. She combines

that with an understanding of radical power dynamics wherein hierarchy

is contested through the destruction of the material signature of that

ritual inequality. While not a product of anarchist thought, her article

nicely captures anarchic principles through the theoretical lens of

materialism.

As another example, Robert L. Bettinger’s book, Orderly Anarchy:

Sociopolitical Evolution in Aboriginal California, drawing on the

“ordered anarchy” described by Sir E. E. Evans-Prichard in The Nuer, is

a study of how decentralized power structures formed and functioned

among Native American groups in precolonial California. Bettinger’s work

can also be considered an anarchic study, since he seeks to understand

how governance without government can be accomplished, yet does not draw

on anarchist theory.

And there is a host of other fellow travelers. These include the recent

Punk Archaeology book published by Caraher and colleagues (2014);

Sassaman’s (2001) work on mobility as an act of resistance to

state-building; Creese’s (2016) work on consensus-based,

non-hierarchical polities in the Late Woodland period of eastern North

America; and complexity scientists within archaeology (sensu Maldonado

and Mezza-Garcia 2016; Ward 1996 [1973]). While not explicitly

anarchist, these examples all demonstrate that anarchic ideas are more

prominent than many realize.[2]

Anarchy and Studying the Past

So-called middle-range societies have traditionally been offered little

agentive powers within archaeological research. They are often seen as

acting under the whims of greater entities (climate, neighboring

“complex” groups, etc.). Archaeological chronologies are littered with

Intermediate, Transitional, and other terms for periods of dissolution

and “de-evolution,” many of which are given little interpretive

precedence in comparison to Classical, Formative, and periods otherwise

marked by hierarchical “fluorescence.”

Anarchist theory, with its focus on social alienation and a questioning

of political representation, offers unique insights into these periods.

Indeed, traditional archaeological chronologies are turned on their

heads when reframed using anarchist theory. Periods of cultural

disorganization, collapse, and disintegration are instead seen as points

of potential societal growth and freedom. Anarchist theory questions the

base concept that “simplicity” is the starting point and that only

“complexity” is achieved. Instead, equivalent power relations are

recognized as requiring tremendous amounts of effort to establish and

maintain. As such, archaeologists utilizing anarchism conceptualize and

interpret “simple” societies in new ways to the extent they are seen as

earned through direct action and actively produced through entrenched

practices, ideologies, and social institutions. And hierarchical, or

complex, societies can be viewed as ones that emerge when social

institutions that minimize or limit self-aggrandizement break down

(e.g., Borck 2016). Instead of being constructed by purposeful actions

of elite individuals, these top-down societies may grow like weeds from

cracks spreading in the social processes meant to limit aggrandizement.

The contestation of the dominance of hierarchy is also one of the

reasons why anarchist archaeologies are also often decolonizing

archaeologies. They challenge the implicit idea that states are the

pinnacle of society and “rather than seeing non-state societies as

deviant, the exception to the rule, we might begin to look at examples

of anarchic societies as adaptive and progressive along alternative

trajectories with historical mechanisms in place designed to maintain

relative degrees of equality, rather than simply those who haven’t yet

made it to statehood” (Flexner 2014:83).

Anarchism and Archaeological Practice

Much like other social critiques (e.g., feminism, Marxism, postcolonial,

queer), anarchist theory is applicable not only to our interpretations

of past peoples but also to our discipline as a whole. For decades,

archaeologists have been increasingly concerned with developing projects

that are more inclusive, collaborative, responsive, and reflexive.

Archaeologists have called for changes in field methods, publication

practices, and interpretive stances in order to produce a discipline

with fewer boundaries, decreased centralization of authority, and

increased equality of representation (Atalay 2006; Berggren and Hodder

2003; Colwell- Chanthaphonh and Ferguson 2008; Conkey 2005; Gero and

Wright 1996; Silliman 2008; Watkins 2005). Anarchist theory has been

applied to similar restructuring projects within education,

sociocultural anthropology, and sociology (e.g., Ferrell 2009; Haworth

2012). In each of these projects, collaborative engagement and

informational transparency were increased as researchers restructured

their practices around anarchist ideals to focus on free access to

information and democratization of decision-making.

Anarchist theory can also be used to scrutinize heritage management

decisions and to offer insights into how practices might be revitalized,

revolutionized, or entirely reframed. As a brief example, examining

UNESCO cultural preservation decisions in North America leads to deep

questions about what Western society valorizes and what type of history

we are creating through heritage preservation decisions.

Out of the 47 UNESCO World Heritage Cultural Sites in North America,[3]

only four (9 percent) can best be described as horizontally organized

(Figure 1).[4],[5] This low number does not accurately reflect the

history of this continent since much more than 9 percent of human

history in North America consisted of horizontally organized governance

(although see Wengrow and Graeber 2015 and Sanger this issue for a

discussion of the problems with assuming all Neolithic groups are

“simply” egalitarian). It is arguable that these sociopolitical

organization preservation decisions arise out of a form of statist

ethnocentrism that makes it conceptually difficult to envision complex

modes of organization that are not hierarchical. Indeed, if we continue

at present pace, we risk erasing our past through political biases

embedded in heritage preservation value judgments. Without more

representative, or at least balanced, decisions, our shared history will

mostly be one of hierarchical societies: the present re-created in the

past.

Many archaeologists are also very concerned with the intersection of

archaeology and pedagogy, especially in regard to the ways

archaeologists teach about the past in the classroom, at field schools,

and through mentoring. Scholars of engaged pedagogy have long commented

on the detrimental effects hierarchical forms of teaching produce in

diverse student populations (e.g., Freire 1993; hooks 2003). Anarchist

thinkers also have a long tradition with pedagogical experimentation

(e.g., Godwin 1793; Goldman 1906; Stirner 1967) and suggest ways in

which learning can benefit from decentralized authority, individuated

experimentation, and situated learning (Haworth 2012; Suissa 2010; Ward

1996).

Anarchism also provides important insights regarding the way we engage

with modern communities. Collaborative projects informed by anarchism

aim to shed traditional hierarchical posturing and instead integrate

stakeholders throughout the research process. Applied to work with

descendant communities, this approach can also serve to decolonize the

research relationship, as well as archaeological research in general.

Anarchism’s central concern with unequal power structures also provides

a useful framework for examining the division between specialists

(professionals) and nonspecialists (amateurs) and challenges the control

of information within the discipline. Anarchist frameworks may help to

dismantle the normative divide between archaeologists (framed as

producers and interpreters of the past) and the public (thought of as

passive consumers of archaeological narratives). This also means that,

as knowledge holders, archaeologists need to answer some difficult

questions about what it means to be a specialist. Edward Said (1993) was

grappling with just this question when he wrote that “an amateur is what

today the intellectual ought to be.”

Critical to both anarchist archaeological theories and practices is a

philosophical commitment to decentralizing power relations and building

a more inclusive discipline. This includes a destabilization of Western

conceptions of science, time, and heritage that are often employed to

legitimize the practice of archaeology in the broader political sphere.

Using an anarchist lens, non-Western or nonnormative world- views,

ontologies, epistemologies, and valuations are given equal footing, both

in terms of interpreting the past and in the formation of current

practices. Here again, anarchist theory intersects and parallels many

queer, indigenous, and feminist critiques.

[]

Figure 1. Proportions of North American UNESCO World Heritage Cultural

Sites that are organized horizontally and vertically.

Archaeology is particularly well suited to engage with, and benefit

from, anarchist theory since we often study non-state societies, points

of political dissolution, active rejections of authority by past

peoples, and the accrual of power by elites and institutions. Likewise,

the restructuring of our discipline to be more inclusive is certainly

underway. Anarchist theory can provide a new philosophical grounding by

which archaeologists can reframe their engagements with the past, with

students, descendant peoples, the engaged public, and each other in ways

that will redistribute authority and empower individuals and communities

often relegated to the margins of our discipline.

The articles in this issue take on some of these contexts. John Welch

begins the discussion by thinking about how resistance can be

implemented and centralized authority combatted in his complementary

narrative to Spicer’s Cycles of Conquest. Welch offers a series of

variables (scale, frequency, and effectiveness) by which we might be

able to better describe and compare resistance efforts that he then

applies to Apaches relations with Spanish, Mexican, and US forces. The

dynamism allowed through the applications of these variables allows

Welch to better clarify the means by which the Apaches combatted

colonial forces as well as offering insights into how anarchism is not a

single mindset, practice, or goal—but is rather a concept that we apply

to the world in order to better understand it.

Carol Crumley builds on Welch’s work by arguing that anarchist

archaeology, or anarchaeology, is a moral and ethical activity, designed

to critique uneven power structures and offer alternative understandings

of the past as well as the present. Crumley argues that traditional

notions of progress from simplicity to complexity are beginning to

crumble and that in their stead, a better understanding of collective

action and governance is emerging.

The piece by Edward Henry, Bill Angelbeck, and Uzma Z. Rizvi likewise

focuses on the practice of archaeology, arguing that an anarchist

approach offers a greater degree of epistemological freedom in our

research, including at its most basic level—the creation and application

of typologies. When applied as essential and timeless, typologies

restrict our understanding of the past and end up reifying themselves as

objects of study. Instead, Henry et al. argue that typologies must

remain experimental, fluid, and above all else relational, by which they

argue archaeologists ought to apply typologies that foreground

connections between phenomena.

Theresa Kintz continues the focus on the practice of archaeology, both

in the present and as a vision of the future if anarchist principles are

brought into the discipline. Using evocative language, Kintz looks at

the practice of archaeology through many paths: in the field, at

museums, through CRM reports, with indigenous communities, and among

academic archaeologists. By suggesting we are currently living in an age

of rapid environmental change caused by humans—the Anthropocene—Kintz

argues that the unique point of view offered by archaeologists is of

critical importance as it offers alternative ways of living in the

world.

Matthew Sanger concludes the issue by using anarchist theory to redirect

what he sees as an overexuberance in the study of hunter-gatherer

complexity. Sanger suggests that a preoccupation with studying

complexity has resulted in an underappreciation of balanced power

relations in many non-agrarian communities as these egalitarian

structures are thought to be natural and to require little work to

maintain. Instead, Sanger argues that “simple” hunter-gatherers often

create, promote, and preserve anarchic ideals through acts of

counter-power—acts that often predate the emergence of centralized

authority and are indeed the means by which such authority often fails

to take hold.

Finally, the “Many Voices in Anarchist Archaeology” sidebars are an

assembly of archaeologists and material culture scholars engaged in the

development of applications for an anarchist archaeology. There is no

theme. Authors were given full sway to write for themselves as anarchist

archaeologists. These pieces are meant to provide an appreciation for

the breadth of anarchism and to highlight how it is becoming more widely

applied within the discipline.

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** Cover Art <quote> On the cover: Ceramic sherds, trowels, folding

rule, and theory. “Anarchaeology” by Lewis Borck can be reused under the

CC BY-SA 4.0 license.

[1] Anarchic is also used as an adjective to define decentralized or

non-state societies, working before or outside of anarchist theory,

where individuals and groups actively resist concentrations of authority

and promote decentralized organizational structures.

[2]