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Title: Free Inquiry Author: George Mathias Paraf-Javal Date: 1907 Language: en Topics: individualist Source: http://www.marxists.org/subject/anarchism/javal/free-enquiry.htm Notes: Source: Libre Examen. Paris, Edition du groupe dâĂ©tudes scientifiques, 1907; Translated: for marxists.org by Mitchell Abidor; CopyLeft: Creative Commons (Attribute & ShareAlike) marxists.org.
Following a series of successive and continuous transformations, our
planet has arrived at its current state. Man appeared when his life was
possible; he will disappear when his life will be impossible. After the
human period the earth, an aggregate of molecules, will continue to
transform itself as long as its molecules and their composing parts
donât separate and disperse in space.
This is an evolution. It is fated. These are ineluctable facts which our
will and activity cannot modify.
What is a historic fact?
An historic fact is the result of the activity of humans who inhabit the
globe at the same moment. If this activity is driven in a certain
direction these humans make a certain history. They would make another
one if it went in another direction.
The evolution of societies, though dependent on universal transformism,
is thus not of the same nature as cosmic evolution. It doesnât escape
our influence. It results from it.
If humans never carry out the movements indispensable for the
establishment of a reasonable society, human life could cease on our
globe without humanity having known the age of reason.
These movements indispensable for the establishment of a reasonable
society must be determined and not waited for, since the evolution of
societies depends upon HUMAN ACTIVITY
Is the affirming of the reality of an imaginative fiction the act of
serious men?
God, according to Laplace, is an unnecessary hypothesis. We would add,
âbizarre.â
In fact, the idea of divinity comes from the wish to explain our origin.
âThe world,â it was said, âcould not have created itself; it was created
by a Supreme Being.â The reply is easy: âWho created the Supreme Being?â
The concept of a creator is thus bizarre, since it pushes back the
question without resolving it.
What is more, it is metaphysical and foreign to physics, since it is the
equivalent of energy that exercises itself where there is no matter, a
fact in contradiction with all experiments.
If we feel the need to go back to âprimary causesâ we could imagine a
physical hypothesis more in accord with the current state of science.
Everything is transformed, but we have never seen anyone create anything
from nothing, or turn something to nothing. It is thus not illogical to
suppose that the substance (matter-energy) was not created, always
existed, and is indestructible.
Nevertheless, it is important not to give the substance the name of
âGod,â this name that stirs up the idea, not of a physical hypothesis,
but of an omnipotent metaphysical bogeyman.
Once the scientific hypothesis (the eternity of substances) is made, it
is only wise to then concern oneself with reality alone, that is, of the
world and of MAN
The groupings of men inhabiting certain portions of territories subject
to the same laws are called fatherlands, nations.
Two nations believe or donât that they have the same interests. In the
first case there is peace, but feelings less favorable to humans of
other nations, towards strangers (nationals feeling solidarity for each
other). In the second case there is antipathy towards foreigners,
protectionism, armed peace, war. All of this hinders individual
development.
We see that the idea of the fatherland inevitably implies a sentiment
less favorable towards the humans of other fatherlands, and possible,
probable, or certain hatred.
To hate a mass of beings who you donât personally know, to hate those
unknown, to risk finding oneself obliged to kill them or to have oneself
killed by them is absurd. Nationalists and patriots are thus dangerous
madmen.
Those who desire universal peace should radically rid themselves of
nationalism and patriotism, should suppress nations, fatherlands.
The common interests of all humans being the favoring of the complete
satisfaction of all an individualâs natural needs, only one grouping has
a chance of realizing this ideal, the grouping of all humans: HUMANITY
Acts useful or harmful to society are judged so, not in keeping with
evidence that are the result of logical, indisputable deductions, but
according to the whims of a portion of legislators. Nothing prevents the
latter from establishing absurd and vexing rules, as long as these rules
are voted and promulgated in keeping with usage.
The law being nothing but the acceptance by certain men (the majority)
of an judgment contested by other men (the minority), this judgment
might or might not be correct. It is not necessarily so because it has
become the law. The truth could be on the side of the minority, or it
could be elsewhere.
Imposing judgments by force means tyrannizing. Law is the supreme
oppression, legal oppression, rule by force.
A manâs rights cannot depend on the more or less intelligent judgment of
other men. Either these rights exist, or they donât
If they exist there is no reason to prevent a man from exercising them,
even despite the law.
But in order to exercise these rights they must necessarily be known. In
order to know them they must be determined by LOGIC.
In order for a proposition to enter the scientific realm it must 1- be
put forth with supporting proofs; 2- the proofs, always verified, must
always be recognized as correct. If at a given moment they are contested
and recognized to be false, the proposition is immediately ejected from
the realm of science.
In order for a proposition to enter the legal realm it must 1- be voted
for by representatives elected through universal suffrage; 2- be
promulgated and imposed by force. Reasonable or not, under these
conditions it becomes law.
Such proceedings, foreign to reason, cannot give reasonable results.
Politics, an illogical method, cannot serve to establish rules of
logical conduct.
Only madmen want, if these rules exist, to determine and impose them on
sensible beings otherwise than by a RATIONAL METHOD.
The law, an arbitrary, anti-scientific, empirical formula: is it at
least the sincere expression of the opinion of the greatest number?
No. Those who participate in its formation are the privileged (rich or
intriguers) who are imposed by leaders on the imbecilic crowd.
If we consider the exercise of the right of suffrage as the official
influence of a âcitizenâ on his time, in France this influence is 1/1460
or 1/1461 of what it should be.
In fact, from the age of 21, every four years (i.e., once every 1460 or
1461 days), the voter votes (i.e., attempts to oppress those who think
differently from him); authority, for its part, functions every day, at
every instant.
Universal suffrage thus means: 1 day of the right to intrigue, and 1459
or 1460 of abdication.
We see then that universal suffrage is a powerful method for lulling
human activity to sleep. It has nothing in common with popular
sovereignty, with the right to being as sovereign as anyone else at
every moment. It has nothing in common with EQUALITY.
By law we mean either the faculty to carry out an act or the whole of
laws, or the science of laws.
By natural law that which results from the nature of men and their
necessary relations.
By positive law we mean that which results from laws and accords.
There is thus a natural law that can be determined by logic and imposed
by reason, and which is the true one, and another law which depends on
the whims of men and is imposed by force, and is not identical to the
ânatural,â not identical to the true one, which is thus not true law and
which is called âpositive.â
So if positive law is not the true law I WANT NOTHING TO DO WITH IT, and
I say that recognizing such a law is the act of false spirits, for if
admitting that reason is sensible, admitting that which differs from
reason and which consequently is not reason cannot be sensible.
It follows from this that men will become sensible at the precise moment
when they will cease to occupy themselves with âpositiveâ law, and they
will remain mad as long as long as they occupy themselves with any other
right than the ânatural.â
In fact, limiting my faculty to act upon things permitted by my reason
means using my faculty to act with discernment, while limiting my
faculty to act to those not defended by whims means alienating my
faculty to act, means abdicating MY FREEDOM
The Declaration of the Rights of Man of 1789 says:
Article X: No one should be disturbed for his opinions, even religious,
as long as their manifestation doesnât trouble the public order
established by the law.
Article XI: The free communication of ideas and opinions is one of manâs
most precious rights. Every citizen can thus freely speak, write and
publish, under penalty of answering for abuses of this freedom in cases
determined by the law.
These restrictions reduce the text of the two articles to this:
We can think, say, write, publish certain things; we cannot think, say,
write, or publish certain other things.
Thinking, speaking, writing, publishing freely what is not prohibited by
manâs whims is not thinking, speaking, writing and publishing freely.
Freedom cannot depend on the whims of men. It must BE.
A law on the press, on opinions, is legal intolerance, is the negation
of THE FREEDOM OF OPINION.
Until the present day all societies have been established on the
principle of authority. Even what is wrongly called socialism is a form
of this principle. Delegating oneâs powers to individuals charged with
sharing everything out for the good of the collective (collectivism) is
equivalent to abandoning oneâs rights. The comrades who do the sharing
will be the privileged ones, the rulers, the oppressors; the others will
be the exploited, the governed, the oppressed.
Since no one can accept that he be oppressed, he canât authorize himself
to oppress others. The logical individual necessarily arrives at the
concept of libertarian communism.
Let no one say to me: âThe danger of the absence of governments lies in
the struggle with unreasonable individuals.â We can respond: âThe danger
of government is the struggle by the reasonable governed with
unreasonable governors and governed.â
If we affirm that in order for government to be absent we need
reasonable individuals we can also affirm that we would accept to be
governed if it were proved that those who govern will always be
perfectly reasonable.
We thus see that a good government implies, as well as the absence of
government, reason in individuals.
Either one or the other:
Either men will be unreasonable and we will then have an unreasonable
society with or without a government, or
Humans will be reasonable, and there is no need for government.
Reason leads to ANARCHY
The Declaration of the Rights of Man tells us that property is one of
the natural and inalienable rights of man.
So why then are all men not property owners?
Why say to men: âProperty is one of your rights,â when the majority is
in no position to become landowners, when most landowners are so by the
right of birth and the others are non-landowners by birth.
The men of 1789, in affirming that property is a natural and inalienable
right, wanted to say that man has the right to own what he is âlegallyâ
authorized to own, even if he owns it to his neighborâs detriment, even
if he owns nothing.
This is not how an egalitarian should understand the right to property.
If property is a natural and inalienable right every man should, at all
times, own in the same measure as every other.
Conclusion: Either no one a property owner or all property held in
common. COMMUNISM
After having taken note that certain words were exchanged in a certain
place (in France, the town hall) society recognizes in a couple the
right to unite and found a family.
The law protects the spouses, and the world respects them as long as, if
it applies, bigamy, lovers, or mistresses are not legally noted. The
children born of married people or those attributed by the code to
married people are legitimate and enjoy certain rights.
On the contrary, a couple that unites without having first had noted the
exchange of certain words in a certain place is considered criminal and
society condemns them, for mutual consent is not judged a sufficient
tie. Society goes so far as to punish the children for the wrong of
having been born outside marriage. Bastards are detested, insulted.
Natural children, that is, brought into the world by non-authorized
parents, they donât have the same rights as legitimate children.
Marriage thus means the enchaining of two beings under threat of penal
sanction, which implies the idea that lacking this sanction affection
wouldnât suffice to sustain the official family.
The cohesion of a family by force is the legal consecration of the right
to reciprocal oppression.
The reasonable family, founded and sustained if it should be, but
sustained without hypocrisy, without constraint and solely based on the
intelligent will of the interested parties, will have its departure
point in FREE UNIONS.
A prejudice is an opinion formed before having judged.
Parents, educators, and politicians suggest certain exclusive opinions
to children and the naive. It follows from this that an adult will have
beliefs (religion, law, fatherland, etc.) because these beliefs will
have been imposed on him by people lacking in critical sense. These
latter transmit their prejudices to others in the same way they were
transmitted to them.
The so-called freedom of a father, as well as authoritarian education,
in other words, the right to choose a certain cerebral state for
defenseless beings, is equivalent to the licit oppression of children
and the weak. This oppression will persist as long as every individual
is not given the sum of knowledge he is capable of receiving as well as
the faculty of controlling this knowledge.
The authoritarian method of education does not allow for the controlling
of received ideas, the distinguishing of the truth of prejudices.
A libertarian educational method would consist in:
outside of any preoccupations, solely so as to give the individual
physical notions and not to inculcate certain considerations in him.
them by placing the individual in the presence of different opinions
after having been assured that he is capable of reasoning logically.
In this way we will have the possibility of accelerating the discovery
of the truth, on which human progress depends. In order to arrive at
this discovery it is important, in fact, not that individuals have this
or that opinion, but that they have an opinion after having impartially
judged, after having engaged in FREE EXAMINATION.
Is competition socially necessary? Must the human beast always be a
ferocious beast defending his skin and his happiness against his
contemporaries? Current society regulates competition. Must a rational
society do the same?
For those who donât admit that we can sacrifice reality to the
anti-scientific hypotheses of the âimmortality of the soulâ and the
âdivinity, â the individualâs ideal is the satisfaction of all his needs
in conformity with his nature.
The individual cannot reach this ideal by living in isolation. Alone he
could not find his food, make his clothing, protect himself against
other animal species and bad weather, profit by old and new inventions.
The human being who denies human solidarity is, if he wills it or not,
in solidarity with his like. He was brought into the world, raised,
protected by them; he received his language and knowledge from them. In
these conditions, unable to do without others, should he not say to
himself:
âEvery other human, like me, wants to satisfy his natural needs. If I
pursue my ideal disregarding all others, there will be struggle,
competition, and consequently, I risk being the weakest, being hindered,
not being able to satisfy my natural needs. If on the contrary I pursue
my ideal without disturbing my neighbor, or even by helping him, the
struggle will be quashed and I could expect of him that he respect my
egoism and freedom as I recognize his.â
If this reasoning is correct, a rational society must not only abolish
competition and the struggle between individuals, it must organize and
see to it that there functions CAMARADERIE.
âUtopiaâ comes from the Greek words U (non) and TOPOS (PLACE): a country
that doesnât exist. We mean by utopia the plan of an ideal organization
and, by extension, a theory considered unrealizable.
It is with the word âutopiaâ that people try to ridicule and to
discourage those who envisage the possibility of a rational society and
strive to determine its conditions.
We forget that no one has the right to a priori qualify a theory as
unrealizable. Every theory implies practice, every practice implies
theory. In certain cases the theory precedes practice, in others
practice precedes theory. The one always calls for the other.
Scientifically, affirmations not accompanied by proofs donât count.
Affirming without proof that a theory is unrealizable, that a theory is
âutopianâ has no importance. The long distance transport of words, the
reproduction of sounds and images, vision through opaque bodies,
wireless telegraphy, color photography, yesterdayâs âutopiasâ are
todayâs âpractice.â
A rational society is a beautiful dream, it is said. True. But the
theoreticians of this society should not allow themselves to be bothered
by narrow arguments, since progress consists in make utopia A REALITY