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Title: Factionalism & Individualism Author: Albert Meltzer Date: 1968 Language: en Topics: Anarchist Federation, organization, individualism Source: Retrieved on 19th May 2021 from https://www.katesharpleylibrary.net/8gtk63 Notes: This letter is part of the discussion following the âStatement by the Black Flag Group to the Liverpool Conference of the Anarchist Federation of Britain, Sept., 1968â
It is a pity Peter Neville descends to meaningless abuse (âis the AFB a
twinkle in my eyeâ etc) which can only put people off the discussion. It
IS confusing to ânewcomersâ and he adds to, and perhaps participates in,
the confusion.
He regards it as perfectly proper that he, or others, should raise the
factional banner of âIndividualismâ to distinguish themselves from
others who are presumably faceless, mob anarchists. However, he pours
out invective on anyone who wants to raise another factional banner, say
âRevolutionaryâ â as if they were the only revolutionaries, forsooth!
The âBlack Flagâ Group (formerly to the Liverpool Conference, calling
themselves âCuddonitesâ as a joke against the âStirneritesâ) âintroduced
factionalismâ â but the âMinus Oneâ Group merely asserted its
individuality.[1] (Declension: âI assert individualityâ; âYou introduce
factionalismâ; âThey are schismaticsâ). The manifesto of that Black Flag
group was described by Donald Rooum (Conscious Egoist from way back) as
âexceptional in its courtesyâ â he suggested âMelioristâ instead of the
suggested âLiberalâ and âRevolutionaryâ; in the final draft, someone
suggested âRevolutionaryâ and âLibertarianâ it not being suggested that
one was not the other, but solely to distinguish, just as
âIndividualistâ does.
For despite Neville, ALL anarchists are individualists. The reason most
anarchists who know the movement only since âMinus Oneâ began reject the
word âindividualismâ is because âMinus Oneâ has made it a factional
slogan. (This, despite Neville, is perfectly proper. There is no reason
why it should not do so. Sid Parker has always behaved in the most
honourable manner towards the movement â e.g. he would not attend
meetings called to discuss action knowing he was in advance opposed to
action; to the best of my knowledge he has never since forming âMinus
Oneâ called himself a member of the AFB because he is opposed to any
such action as it might undertake).
Prior to 1940, most anarchists used the words individualism, communism,
socialism, syndicalism as denoting phases of anarchism, or different
aspects of anarchism, but not â in this country â did they denote
factional trends. Most accepted the view â reiterated by Christie and
myself in âFloodgatesâ[2] â that inasmuch as anarchism is one extreme of
individualism at the other end of which is Capitalist Individualism, so
it is also another extreme of socialism, at the other end of which is
Marxist Communism. It is extreme individualism and extreme socialism.
After 1940, Eddie Shaw, of Glasgow, introduced into the AFB the idea of
âConscious Egoismâ as working-class revolutionary syndicalism. He made a
great impression in Glasgow (at one time the Glasgow AF commanded
audiences of two or three thousand). What he was doing was, of course,
rephrasing syndicalist clichés in terms of Stirner (unofficial strike
committees are âunions of egoistsâ and so on). He had a striking command
of working class oratory and his theories sounded new and original. He
and Jimmy Raeside made a strong influence on the British anarchist
movement. (Many of those calling themselves âindividualistsâ in the 1960
census in Freedom meant just this).
Of those to be influenced in the English movement, I think one can
fairly include Donald Rooum and Tony Gibson though both I think later
parted company with his class struggle ideas. Both however, and others
like them, believed in anarchism as revolutionary â Tony Gibsonâs
articles on the money system, prisons, intelligence &c. in âFreedomâ are
quite specifically revolutionary anarchist. Nobody thought of the
conscious egoist then as in any way a faction. Only when Sid Parker
began âMinus Oneâ â with using the word âindividualismâ to denote what I
suppose would be nearer the individualism of Armand in France or the
American âIndividualistsâ â Tucker etc. â was it thought of here as
something apart and separate. But even then, this did not cause any
confusion since Sid Parker always honourably made his position quite
clear.
Confusion and âanti-individualismâ really began when the Lamb & Flag
meetings in London[3] became well attended and provided a Sunday night
entertainment. Along came a new bunch â who happened to take the name
Individualist from Minus One but were in fact Elitists. They affected
languid philosophical manners and wearily deplored action, the working
class etc. They turned from that to sustained interruptions, and posed a
problem: If anarchists believe in freedom, at what point do you stop
people breaking up meetings with persistent interruptions? (added to the
fact that if you throw someone out of licensed premises, or allow them
to continue making a scene, the landlord will close you down for
âdisorderly conductâ).
âThese are not Individualists,â protested Tony Gibson. âThey are just
ill-mannered cuntsâ. Nor had their âindividualismâ anything in common
with what had hitherto been known as such. What were the questions that
âcould not be answeredâ â as P. Neville smugly asserts? They were all
variations on one theme: the expression of normal Conservative clichés
but stating that these were anarchistic. Anarchism is already as
revolutionary as one can go without expressing it in action and they
deplored action so they sought to be outré and shocking by such opinions
as â âI am an anarchist but I am opposed to negroesâ; âThe money system
is anarchistic and guarantees freedomâ; âGoldwater/Poujade etc are
anarchisticâ; âI need a government, as an anarchist, for the
safeguarding of my freedomâ; âanarchism means libertarian prison
wardersâ etc. (I could put names in brackets but this seems to be
regarded as unkind!)
One can answer such questions as normal Tory questions. To be expected
to answer them as âexpressions of a school of anarchismâ is to place
oneself in a ridiculous position. Take away your anarchistic audience,
however, and what do these people try to out-outré each other with? Not
the same conservatism â almost immediately one of them becomes âun ami
de Bonnotâ to shock his fellow-âindividualistsâ.[4]
All this is what we have shaken ourselves away from. But now P. Neville
has his new position as an âindividualistâ-elitist. He, however, is a
child of the Peace Movement. Intellectually superior as he is, he must
have his âconferancesâ and meet âinformerlyâ for democratic discussions.
He wants it to be part and parcel of a âconferanceâ-making machinery.
Thus he introduces attacks on various people, strives to analyse
attitudes while maintaining the platitudes of loftiness.
Well, let him do so. But is the anarchist movement a revolutionary
organisation, or is it a debating society? If the latter, he has his
place, though one feels the arguments are dishonest. But why does he
object so strongly to there being TWO organisations â one a debating
society, in which all points of view can go on talking until Doomsday,
and the other striving to be a revolutionary organisation? Perhaps it
will succeed, perhaps it wonât â but why must there be only the one to
be burdened with the perennial discussion of the point âif anarchism
means freedom why canât I call myself an anarchist and oppose
anarchism?â which is what some of it amounts to. (In a recent pamphlet,
published âfor the anarchist federationâ, someone actually says he is
and always has been in favour of government but does not consider this
means he should not call himself an anarchist.)
A. Meltzer.
P.S. I do not suggest Neville supports all or any of the views expressed
by the other Elitists. Neither do they! They have in common a desire to
âshockâ and an ability to bore â even by debating society standards.
[1] Minus One (âIndividualist Anarchist Reviewâ) see
[2] Floodgates of Anarchy (Albert Meltzer and Stuart Christie) was
published in February 1970.
[3] the disruption was discussed in Freedom 12/11/66, 19/11/66, 26/11/66
[4] Photo of the first meeting of âLes Amis de Jules Bonnotâ is at