š¾ Archived View for library.inu.red āŗ file āŗ alfredo-m-bonanno-illegality.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 07:17:02. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
ā”ļø Next capture (2024-06-20)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: Illegality Author: Alfredo M. Bonanno Date: May 1988 Language: en Topics: illegalism, inssurectionary, Insurrection Source: Retrieved on 19th May 2021 from https://mgouldhawke.wordpress.com/2020/07/26/rioting-illegality-insurrection-1988/ Notes: Selected article from Insurrection, an anarchist magazine edited and published by Jean Weir, Issue Four, May 1988
Simply spreading facts that have been distorted or concealed by the
institutional information system constitutes an āillegalā action. Not
against one precise law (except in the case of the so-called
āState-secretā), but something that goes against the management of
social control on which the Stateās very possibility of having its laws
respected is based.
A wide area of behaviour exists therefore that attracts the attention of
the Stateās repressive organs just as much, if not more, than that which
clearly breaks a specific law.
It can be extremely damaging to the project of State control for certain
news to be in circulation at a given moment, at least as damaging as
actions falling into the āillegalā category.
This shows that the line between āformalā legality and that of ārealā
legality fluctuates according to the repressive projects being put into
act.
It varies according to the relationship between State and capital at a
given time, and this is established less through recourse to precise
laws than through a myriad of controls and dissuasions that only evolve
into actual repressive actions in specific cases.
Basically all political critique remains within the field of legality.
In fact it bolsters the social fabric and allows it to overcome certain
defects and deficiencies caused by capitalās contradictions and some
excessively rigid aspects of the State.
But no political critique can reach the total negation of State and
capital. If it did it would become a social critique ā as in the case of
anarchist critique ā and would cease to be a constructive contribution
to the institutional fabric, and so become āillegalā.
Periods of institutional and social equilibrium can exist that allow the
existence of a social critique of a radically anarchist nature, but that
does not alter the substantially āillegalā character of this critique.
On the other hand, even behaviour that comes heavily under the
jurisdiction of the penal code can be considered differently in the
light of a relationship of a political kind. For example, the armed
struggle of a combatant party is undoubtedly an illegal action in the
formal sense of the word, but at a given moment it can become functional
to the State and capitalās projects of recuperation and restructuring.
It ensues that an agreement between combatant party and State is not
impossible.
This is not as absurd as it seems. The combatant party puts itself
within the logic of destabilising the existing ruling power for the
construction of a future power that is different in form but identical
in substance.
In this project, as soon as it is realised that there is no outlet for a
military confrontation, they make a deal. The amnesty that is being
talked about so much in Italy today with the Red Brigades is one such
deal.
As we can see, while simple anarchist critique ā radical and total in
content ā always remains āillegalā, even the armed struggle of the
combatant parties can at a given moment enter the domain of ālegalityā.
That clearly demonstrates the āfluctuatingā nature of legality and the
Stateās capacity to adapt this to levels of social control.
The instruments of repression only use brute force minimally. They
function preventively to a far greater extent as instruments of social
control.
This is applied through a series of provisions for all the forms of
potential illegality and deviant behaviour.
Potential illegality comes within the law today, but the farseeing eye
of the censor looks ahead to foresee its possible outcome. In the same
way social deviance today might be a possible object of study or
surprise, tomorrow it could become a concrete manifestation of social
subversion.