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Title: House and Home
Author: Colin Ward
Date: January 1964
Language: en
Topics: housing
Source: Retrieved on 8th October 2020 from https://libcom.org/library/house-home
Notes: Originally published in Anarchy #035: House and Home

Colin Ward

House and Home

THE WORD ANARCHY MEANS “WITHOUT AUTHORITY”, and anarchism as a social

theory implies an attempt to provide for social and personal needs from

the bottom up, rather than from some government or other authority down,

or for some-one else’s profit. It implies an extension of the idea of

voluntary associations and autonomous groups to cover the whole field of

human activity.

The anarchist thus has peculiar difficulties in formulating an approach

to questions like housing, in which the initiative is so much in the

hands of people with political, financial and economic power, and so

little in those of people with none of these things, but simply the need

for a roof over their heads. An older generation of anarchists, adopting

a militant and revolutionary approach, would point out that the housing

problem is a permanent feature of modern society which only a revolution

would eradicate. They were right, no doubt; we still have a housing

problem, and they didn’t get their revolution. But since we are today

advocating anarchism as an approach and not simply as a hypothetical

destination, we have to look around for those fields in which means

which are in harmony with anarchist ends can be applied today. And the

difficulty experienced in locating examples is a measure of the way in

which so vital and basic a human need as housing has slipped out of the

range of things which ordinary people can provide for themselves. Even

such credit organisations as building societies which were originally

instituted in the early 19^(th) century as organs of working class

mutual aid, have become vast money-lending organisations which most

working-class people are not credit-worthy enough to employ. Ray Gosling

pointed out recently in New Society that even since the years just

before the war the range of people able to make use of building

societies has “gone up a class.”

A year ago, in ANARCHY 23, we attempted to survey the possibilities of

popular intervention in the field of housing, by discussing the

potentialities of housing societies, including self-build societies, and

by giving an account of the most significant example of direct action

for housing, the “squatters’ movement” immediately after the last war.

In this issue another aspect of popular direct action for houses is

described, thanks to the material, gathered in South America by John

Turner, which formed a recent special issue of the journal Architectural

Design, from which we reproduce William Mangin’s case history, which,

apart from its intrinsic human interest, illustrates a similar pattern

of evolution to that of previous examples. John Turner argues that the

squatters’ settlements or barriadas of Peru, “far from being a problem

are in fact the only feasible solution to the rapid urbanisation

problem”, and Architectural Design notes that:

Although the 350,000 people who inhabit the barriadas of Lima are living

outside the law, in that they have no legal right to the land they have

settled on, their determination to remain has won them the tolerance of

the public authorities, who now, through the Junta Nacional de la

Vivienda, allocate aid, at first experimental, but later more

systematic, to the more permanent of the communities.

This is the same sequence of Initiative, Consolidation, Success and

Official Action, which we noticed in all previous examples of direct

action applied to the housing problem in a non-revolutionary situation.

(The reader of William Mangin’s article will notice that the barriada

builders of Lima do not by any means consider themselves to be

revolutionaries.)

Little has happened in the Housing Society movement since the article

“What Hope for Housing Societies” in ANARCHY 23, to make them a feasible

proposition for people of average earnings. The government promises

further loans, but not at the kind of interest rates which would bring

down the cost. (In this connection see the discussion in this issue,

from two points of view both claiming to be anarchist, of local

authority housing.)

A quite different approach to the housing question is raised by Teddy

Gold in this issue. Even if we could all get houses, is the standardised

solution of the one-family house or flat, the kind of housing we really

want? He is campaigning to start a housing society to build

Multiple-Family units, for the reasons which his article set out. This

moves from the question of housing to that of the family: is the

statistically standard family the kind we really want to belong to? How

many happy families do you know?

But the housing news of the year has undoubtedly been the revelations of

racketeering landlordism known as Rachmanism which became “news” simply

because the late Mr Rachman shared a mistress with people concerned in

the Profumo scandal. Tenants have been discover-ing that unity is

strength. The Spectator’s account of the formation of the St Stephen’s

Tenants Association concluded thus:

Of course, it was difficult to persuade tenants, even if their rents

were grossly unfair, to take the risk of going to the Tribunal and

incurring the wrath of their landlords. However, fourteen were piloted

through the terrors of reprisal to success. The reductions ranged from

one-third to two-thirds.

It wasn’t an entirely bloodless victory: the tenants were threatened by

agents of the landlords before they went to the Tribunal (one tenant was

visited by two men and an Alsatian), and they were threatened again

after the reductions had been made (one was attacked by four men with

empty bottles and came away with a broken wrist and abrasions).

But beyond the individual gains against bad landlords and the occasional

dents inflicted on official complacency (“We all know what dreadful

things are happening. It is up to the people to go to the police. We as

the borough council can do nothing at all”), the mere coming into

existence of a group of people, white and coloured indiscriminately, for

the express purpose of improving their living conditions, forced

landlords to tread more warily, authorities to uncover blind eyes, and

the tenants themselves to realise that they were not quite as helpless

as they had once supposed.

Later came the eviction of Mrs Cobb, during which the police

distinguished themselves, and the formation of further tenants’

associations in other boroughs. Colin MacInnes commented that “Direct

action of the kind adopted by the tenants’ associations may not be

unconnected with the recent marked upsurge of anarchism among the young

in their tactics, that is, if not always in their conscious philosophy.”

Perhaps this is optimistic, but something has to happen to break the

housing stalemate, something beyond reliance on the promises of the

politicians in readiness for the general election this year.