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Title: Green Anarchy #19 Author: Various Authors Date: Spring 2005 Language: en Topics: anti-civ, green anarchism, Green Anarchy #19, Green Anarchy Magazine, indigenous Source: https://archive.org/details/GreenAnarchy19
I did not fall from space... However alien I may appear to this planet,
this land, these people, I come from this earth. From its water, its
soil, its people, its blood. It has provided me with a life, which I
willingly and humbly direct. Despite all attempts by the civilized logic
to separate me, to dislocate me, to destroy my connection, I am still
part of this fusion of life, this deeply integrated accumulation of
living beings.
I, like all of us, have direct lineage to a different way of being, to a
direct experience with the world. We once lived unmediated from the
earth, ate directly from the forest, drank straight from its waters,
slept touching the ground, healed ourselves with its plants, made all of
our decisions concerning our lives with people we loved. We are still
these people, only scarred, with cold and clunky armor created for us by
a culture of death that we have reluctantly accepted when and where we
have grown too tired and weak. We have been tamed. We have been
domesticated. But, we are still connected under this baggage, this
defensiveness, this disposition.
I have been severely damaged from generation after generation of
upheaval, defeat, and domestication at the hands of colonizers, and at
times I did the colonizing. But this was only after I had been
sufficiently separated from the earth, others, and myself. But mostly, I
have been just a pawn and a tool in the ongoing war against life. I have
suffered greatly: in the direct brutality inflicted upon me in my own
life, through more subtle institutionalized methods, as an accumulation
of my ancestorsâ pain, and from missing out on a penetrating and more
integrated connection to the world.
I have been moved so far from where my relations once dwelled, yet I can
still feel connected to place. Maybe not in the same way that my
relations did to the land they were indigenous to, or the people who
were/are connected to where my feet currently rest, where I inhabit. But
I can still go deep into the ground, take the air into my lungs, learn
from the whispers of this place, offer my respectful and modest
influence to this land, and unite the world around and within me.
I have always felt dislocated within civilization. Whether the suburbs,
the cities, or small towns, I have always felt suffocated, empty, and
lost. Traveling from one location to the next, always over-idealizing
the succeeding context. The grass always seemed greener. In this
postmodern reality, dislocation is not the exception but the norm, and
even the sought-after condition. We can never be whole as long as we
live outside and above our surroundings, or for that matter, even view
them as surroundings, and not as part of us. At some point I think it is
important to find a place, a bioregion, a home (though not necessarily a
sedentary location).
I have much to learn from those deeply connected to the place I call
home, those who have an intimate relationship with the land, animals,
plants, people, and patterns of this specific environment. I have most
to learn from those who have evolved with this place; whose bodies,
minds, spirits, and culture have developed alongside these mountains,
birds, trees, and rivers. I do not wish to âplay nativeâ or co-opt
traditions, but to tap into and learn from a physical and spiritual
knowledge, so that I can live respectfully and sustainably with this
particular part of earth (which is comprised of infinitely diverse forms
of life).
I have much to learn from the survivors. Those who were forcibly
converted to patriarchal gods. Those who were burned at the stake. Those
who were given blankets with smallpox. Those who were stolen from their
homes and families and chained in the bellies of ships. Those who were
pushed out of their lands and herded into camps. Those who were marched
and dragged down trails of tears. Those who were stripped down,
re-educated, and assimilated. Those who became beasts of burden. Those
who were pitted against one another. Those who were put on trains, and
again, herded into camps. Those who were gassed and burned. Those who
were lynched. Those who were bombed. Those who were raped. Those who
were beaten. Those who have been virtually destroyed, yet continue to
endure. Those who have been whipped, yet amazingly continue to thrive.
Those who attempt to regain their ancestral knowledge. Those who raise
healthy children. Those who burn down the suburbs. Those who reconnect
with the earth. Those who remember. Those who survive. And, I have much
to learn from myself. I have much to remember.
I did not create this monstrosity, this leviathan, this death culture. I
am both a by-product and survivor of it. I was not the first to step out
of the forest. I did not create the first separations, plant the first
corn, irrigate the first field, domesticate the first animal, subjugate
the first woman, support the first stratification, fabricate the first
weapon, construct the first city, build the first ship, enslave the
first foreigner, kill the first indian, assemble the first railroad,
erect the first factory, split the first atom, plant the first flag on
the moon, genetically produce the first clone, and like Al Gore, I
didnât invent the internet. But I am also profoundly tied to their
legacy and their innovation and expansion. And I am also the victim of
their legacy of death, domination, and destruction. âPleased to meet
you, hope you guessed my name [civilization]. But whatâs puzzling you is
the nature of my game.â
I know in my heart and in my bones that we can live differently, that we
have lived differently, and that those possibilities can come together
in beautiful ways. I have no expectations within this nightmare; my/our
only hope is to wake up from the confusion. There is no future in this
failed experiment; all I can do is reject it. There is no possibility of
readjustment; it can only be destroyed. I must find a place, people, and
a way to live differently; to reconnect and to dream.
We were all indigenous to somewhere, someone, and somehow...and can
become so again. The old ways are gone, but I am still going home, not
necessarily where I started, but maybe somewhere I began.
Wish us luck!
âAt the approach of Spring the red squirrels got under my house, two at
a time, directly under my feet as I sat reading and writing, and kept up
the queerest chuckling and chirruping and vocal pirouetting and gurgling
sounds that ever were heard; and when I stamped they only chirruped the
louder, as if past all fear and respect in their mad pranks, defying
humanity to stop them. No, you donâtâchickareeâchickaree. They were
wholly deaf to my arguments, or failed to perceive their force, and fell
into a strain of invective that was irresistible.
The first sparrow of spring! The year beginning with younger hope than
ever! The faint silvery warblings heard over the partially bare and
moist fields from the bluebird, the song sparrow, and the red-wing, as
if the last flakes of winter tinkled as they fell! What at such a time
are histories, chronologies, traditions, and all written revelations?
The brooks sing carols and glees to the spring. The marsh hawk, sailing
low over the meadow, is already seeking the first slimy life that
awakes. The sinking sound of melting snow is heard in all dells, and the
ice dissolves apace in the ponds. The grass flames up on the hillsides
like a spring fire,ââet primitus oritur herba imbribus primoribus
evocataââas if the earth sent forth an inward heat to greet the
returning sun; not yellow but green is the color of its flame;âthe
symbol of perpetual youth, the grass-blade, like a long green ribbon,
streams from the sod into the summer, checked indeed by the frost, but
anon pushing on again, lifting its spear of last yearâs hay with the
fresh life below. It grows as steadily as the rilloozes out of the
ground. It is almost identical with that, for in the growing days of
June, when the rills are dry, the grass-blades are their channels, and
from year to year the herds drink at the perennial green stream, and the
mower draws from it betimes their winter supply. So our human life but
dies down toits root, and still puts forth its green blade to eternity.â
âHenry David Thoreau, Walden
Spring! Spring! Spring! What more could be said to supplement the
eloquent tone of Thoreau as he meditates on the magical and eternal
metamorphosing from the solitary dark season of winter to the peculiar
germinations and illuminations of spring? On one hand, not much, but on
the other hand, here we are with another 76 pages of anti-civilization
theory and action for you to digest!
For this edition, we decided on the theme of âIndigenous Resistance to
Civilizationâ, and while the issue doesnât exclusively focus on this
critical theme, it is highly present and deeply informs these pages. We
got all sorts of great contributions on this, and other topics, much of
which we were simply unable to use due to space (and financial)
limitations. We sifted through it all, and the succeeding pages are
filled with some of our favorites. It is always more pleasurable (but
also difficult) as editors to have too much stuff rather than not enough
â the time has long passed for filler! While we are not putting forth a
âgreen anarchist positionâ or âexpert opinionâ on the ongoing and
inevitable conflict between indigenous people/life-ways and
civilization, we do feel there are some potent ideas contained here,
ones which can be built upon (and challenged) as anti-civilization
critiques become deeper and more intertwined.
We Need Your Help! We hate to bring this up once again, but this issue
almost did not come out (at least on time or to its characteristic
extent), and you may have noticed we have dropped the color cover (for
now). If it were not for the generosity of certain people, the cutting
of many corners, and us reaching slightly into the red space of
borrowing from tomorrow, you would not be reading this. Frankly, we are
broke. Half of the burden of this project is finding the money to pay
for printing, mailing, supplies, equipment, and rent. We desperately
need your help if you want to see this project continue. We have some
ideas up our sleeves, but we can only do so much. We want to thank the
many distributors, subscribers, and supporters out there, but we need
more of you. Itâs time for the hundreds of you who consistently receive
this magazine for free or pick it up around town to start to kick
something down (if only mailing costs). Please, consider becoming a
PAYING distributor, a subscriber, or special donor. This project has
continued to strive for depth and consistency, and it has been well
received around the world, but we need your help to persevere and to
grow. Our survival is up to you.
Finally, in assembling this issue, many interesting ideas, concepts, and
feelings incidentally came up which were somewhat of an extension or out
growth of this issueâs theme. While we have decided to not be strict
with a theme for the next issue, we are especially interested in
contributions relating to spirituality, religion, world-views, and
ideology for the Summer Issue (#20). Let us know what you think.
Deadline for our next is May Day!
For Springtime Creation and Destruction, The Green Anarchy Collective
âIf the entire natural universe is vibrantly alive, then no being in it
should be chained or fenced in. The realization of this is anarchy.â
âFeral Faun
âAs a group, authentic nature-based people are not neurotic, repressed,
or burdened by psychopathology as we know it; rather, they tend to be
integrated in thought, feeling, and spirit. Most pointedly, nature-based
people manifest the very qualities that contemporary psychotherapy, the
recovery movement, and spiritual practices continually aim for: a
visible sense of inner peace, unself conscious humility, an urge to
communal cooperation, and heartfelt appreciation for the world around
them.â
âChellis Glendinning
âNo European who has tasted Savage Life can afterwards bear to live in
our Societies.
âBenjamin Franklin
Weâve all had it beaten into our heads that life outside civilization is
nasty, brutish, and short, nature red in tooth and claw. Weâve learned
that the âsavagesâ had to struggle night and day in a howling chaos just
to scratch out survival, and (simultaneously) that they were lazy and
indolent, laying around waiting for white men to put them to work. But
civilizationâs own experts in the field, the anthropologists, tell us
about âprimitive affluence,â about people who work â if you can even
call it work, walking in the woods gathering berries â two hours a day
to have all they need. They tell us that the hunter-gatherers were (and
are) egalitarian and free of authority, owning nothing but having
everything. That they lived embedded in the deep rhythms of the earth,
and that this made them radiantly happy. The !Kung San in Africa lived
on the same land for two million years before white colonizers enslaved
them in the mines. The Arawak Indians welcomed Columbus like a long-lost
brother, wading into the ocean with gifts and open arms. He lined their
children up front to back to see how many heads he could cut off with a
single sword stroke.
What is it about civilized life that breeds predators like Columbus,
then makes the rest of us have parades every year in his honor? Humans
evolved to live in deep relationship with the land, to live wild, free,
and happy. When we stopped trusting that the earth would feed us, we
started trying to control her. When we split tame from wild, we split
from our own health and happiness in the bargain.
This broken trust, this split, was and is devastating. Pandoraâs box
opened wide, and out came the buzzing madness of civilization:
agriculture, war, hierarchy, cities, rape, slavery, work, domestication,
the population explosion, religion (do you imagine that the God which
demanded Manifest Destiny, the Middle Passage, the Crusades, and the
Inquisition will somehow save you?), science, technology, time (hurryup
and finish reading â donât you have something else to do?), property,
the whole interlocking web of institutions keeping us under its heel.
Our wild human spirit, like the wild beautiful earth, became the fuel
for the engines of destruction chewing us all up today.
This predator loose upon the land goes by many names. The State. Empire.
America. Business. Production. Work. Authority. Civilization. It is the
perpetrator, the psychopath. Itâs impersonal, unfeeling, insatiable,
violent, invasive, and absolutely remorseless. It is the Machine. Weâve
spent ten thousand years creating a world in its image, and now itâs
eating us and everything it can reach. And itâs in our heads. The same
split that spawned civilization tore a hole in our psyches that still
wounds us today. Weâre born into the world wide open with passion. We
smile, we laugh, we play, we explore. Weâre all Stone Age babies
bursting with life, natural anarchy throbbing with joy! But when we
primal babies meet the grinding machine of civilization, the fate of the
Arawaks and the !Kung San becomes our own. Surging joy meets civilized
violence, and the assault turns us against our true deep self. Just to
survive, weâre forced to accept insanities â time, money, âowningâ
things, boxes to live in, signs to tell us what to do, chemicals in our
food, desks in rows, the idea that some people or races or sexes or
species are better than others, and so on â that are just not natural to
us. We learn to hate, fear, destroy, and numb ourselves to the pain, and
we learn to lie, most especially to ourselves. As the programming sinks
in deeper, we start to believe that this is progress, that we have to
conquer everyone else so they can see how good we have it.
Driven further at every step from our ancestral wholeness, we develop a
false self â subservient to authority, afraid of passion, at war with
the body, smiling while our hearts cry out â to cover our horror about
what is happening to us. We try to conquer our deeper selves in order to
be good Americans, good citizens, good parents, good workers, good
shoppers, good voters, good Germans, and we identify with the Nazi
predator as the fires of Auschwitz sear our souls. Desperately
terrorized, we crucify our own humanity, learning to use ourselves,
others, the land, everything, as objects. We become disembodied,
fragmented, incoherent heads racing around in machines looking for
something, anything, to save us from ourselves, to deaden this constant
unease gnawing away deep at our bellies.
But what weâre looking for has been inside us all along. No matter how
we repress our passions to appease the system, they never die. Because
our primal fire rages always within us, we can never be civilized and be
whole. When we dis-identify with the predator, we find a whole world of
burning desire, radiant joy, and profound stillness waiting for us.
Long-buried tensions relax as we find what was always with us, and as we
sink our feet in the ground, we awaken to strength and power we never
knew possible.
This is the turning point. Living what we know in our bones, we become
renegades from civilization. Raging freely, grieving deeply, dancing
joyfully, we appear mad to those caught in its madness. We no longer
believe in its rules and punishments, for we know in our hearts that our
dance is infinite. We follow the earthâs rhythms and heal organically in
her depths. Just as the tree crumbles the sidewalk, we take root and
burst through the chains caging our minds, the armor binding our bodies,
the masks hiding our brilliance.
Our basic relationship with life becomes listening. As the primal tide
rises in us, we follow the desire burning in our hearts and the instinct
flowing deep in our bodies. We listen to those lower on civilizationâs
ladder of worth â other races, women, children, our bodies, the air, the
birds, the rocks, the trees â and their wisdom guides us. We listen to
each other and find in relationship and community levels of intimacy we
could hardly before imagine. Opening our hearts, our bodies, our senses,
our whole being, we fall in love with life again. We welcome the wild
into our depths one tree, one river, one moment at a time, and warm,
deep joy settles in our bones as we return to the home we never really
could have left.
Becoming feral is different for everyone. I donât know what you should
do or how you should live your life. But looking the predator in the
eye, telling yourself truth about what you see, going to the root in
your questioning, and listening to your deepest passions, you will know.
You will find that your resistance runs strong, whatever methods you
choose, that your intuition sees well, your imagination flies free, your
desire burns bright. In refusing the predatorâs poison, you will find
your NO anchoring you to stand your ground, and in embracing the blood
of the tribes flowing in your veins, you will find your YES enchanting
all you touch.
Some Indians say âtoday is a great day to die.â And it is! Every moment
could be your last. But the dead can dance! Dying to the civilized,
weâre filled with a firestorm of ecstasy. What we have now we can never
lose. Our passions rage unbound even as our souls rest in the deep
silence of the universe. Letting go into the mystery of life, we find
adventure in not knowing. Celebrating awestruck the wonder of each
precious moment, we free our hearts at last from the predatorâs grasp.
Dancing on the smoldering ruins of the techno-madness, we laugh madly
from deep in our bellies. Feeling the rhythm of Eros pulsing in our
bodies, we run wild in our play. Trusting the desires raging inside us,
we grow whole once more. And becoming at last the wild we love, we melt
with delight into the flowing dance of the primal, ancient forest.
Earth. The many-colored and textured â always unique â particulate
matter from which all life emerges, is nurtured, and is returned. We
give this vital element little notice; polluting it with manufactured
toxins, burying it under pavement, and depleting its essence with
scientific agricultural practices â rendering it sterile, for now. But
when these particles move in just such a way, at just some certain time
and place, they are quite suddenly â noticed. Gaining our attention as
they respond to their conditions, naturally, in a great wave of
creative-destruction.
This winter brought another American presidential inauguration, the
spectacle where some gathered to celebrate the victory of their tyrant,
others to commiserate on the failure of their own. Outside, thousands of
activists and âradicalsâ â along with some who call themselves anarchist
â marched to protest the new regime, that is, if they werenât corralled
or caged. Muddled speechifying focused on some inanity or another, the
words rousing but not substantive since the goal is to unite. To do this
organizers focus on the holy grail of activism â hope.
Many see hope as a prerequisite for proper action and hopelessness the
cause of apathy. This is a false dichotomy of course, with either
abstraction used as motivator or preventative. But, abstractions work
for organizers â the right using faith, the left hope â as rallying
flags, squeezing former (if barely) individuals into a homogenous mass
moving towards a single objective â to unite us all towards their better
world.
Be done with such quackery! Just as no single force moves the great
shelves of earth, no single motivator can harness a collective movement
towards a single, homogenous world. If there is such a thing, it has
been reserved in the depths of the machineâs security apparatus for its
own purposes of a unified forgetting.
There are tangible, perhaps instinctual motivations to connect us to the
full force of individual action. Action that cannot be scheduled and
massified â thus rendered impotent â as it is inspired by the complexity
of our emotion, spirit, sense, intellect, experience, desire, and need.
Moving to our own anarchic rhythms, we create the conditions for a
massive wave of creative-destruction. We are the subtle but potent
cracks and fissures that cause the machine to tremble and quake. When we
move from deeply individual passions â joy, rage, desire, revenge â our
motivation is not so easily stolen by others in their quest to prop up
the concrete sterility of collectivism. And sometimes, we will find
ourselves alongside others who will â with or without hope (or belief or
faith) â spread the rupture. Letâs live passionately â engaged,
spontaneous, and whatever is our own instinctive wildness â feeling the
great wave of creative-destruction rising to the surface.
Itâs easy enough to hedge about politics. It comes naturally and most of
the time the straight answer isnât really going to satisfy the
questioner, nor is it appropriate to fix our politics to this world, to
what feels immovable. Politics, like experience, is a subjective way to
understand the world. At best it provides a deeper vocabulary than
mealy-mouthed platitudes about being good to people, at worst (and most
commonly) it frames people and ideas into ideology. Ideology, as we are
fully aware, is a bad thing. Why? Because it answers questions better
left haunting us, because it attempts to answer permanently what is
temporary at best.
It is easy to be cagey about politics but for a moment let us imagine a
possibility. Not to tell one another what to do, or about an answer to
every question that could arise, but to take a break from hesitation.
Let us imagine what an indigenous anarchism could look like.
We should start with what we have, which is not a lot. What we have, in
this world, is the memory of a past obscured by history books, of a
place clear-cut, planted upon, and paved over. We share this memory with
our extended family, who we quarrel with, who we care for deeply, and
who often believe in those things we do not have. What we do have is not
enough to shape this world, but is usually enough to get us by.
If we were to shape this world (an opportunity we would surely reject if
we were offered), we would begin with a great burning. We would likely
begin in the cities where with all the wooden structures of power and
underbrush of institutional assumption the fire would surely burn
brightly and for a very long time. It would be hard on those species
that lived in these places. It would be very hard to remember what
living was like without relying on deadfall and fire departments. But we
would remember. That remembering wouldnât look like a skill-share or an
extension class in the methods of survival, but an awareness that no
matter how skilled we personally are (or perceive ourselves to be) we
need our extended family.
We will need each other to make sure that the flames, if they were to
come, clear the area that we will live in together. We will need to
clear it of the fuel that would end up repeating the problems we are
currently having. We will need to make sure that the seeds, nutrients
and soil are scattered beyond our ability to control.
Once we get beyond the flames we will have to craft a life together. We
will have to recall what social behavior looks and feels like. We will
have to heal.
When we begin to examine what life could be like, now that all the
excuses are gone, now that all the bullies are of human size and shape,
we will have to keep in mind many things. We will have to always keep in
mind the matter of scale. We will have to keep in mind the memory of the
first people and the people who kept the memory of matches and where and
when to burn through the past confusing age. For what it is worth we
will have to establish a way to live that is both indigenous, which is
to say of the land that we are actually on, and anarchist, which is to
say without authoritarian constraint.
First principles are those perspectives that (adherents to) a tendency
would understand as immutable. They are usually left unstated. Within
anarchism these principles include direct action, mutual aid, and
voluntary cooperation. These are not ideas about how we are going to
transform society or about the form of anarchist organization, but an
understanding about what would be innovative and qualitatively different
about an anarchist social practice vis-Ă -vis a capitalist republic, or a
totalitarian socialism.
It is worth noting a cultural history of our three basic anarchist
principles as a way of understanding what an indigenous anarchist set of
principles could look like. Direct action as a principle is primarily
differentiated from the tradition of labor struggles, where it was used
as a tactic, in that it posits that living âdirectlyâ (or in an
unmediated fashion) is an anarchist imperative. Put another way, the
principle of direct action would be an anarchist statement of
self-determination in practical aspects of life. Direct action must be
understood through the lens of the events of May â68 where a rejection
of alienated life led large sections of French society into the streets
and towards a radically self-organized practice.
The principle of mutual aid is a very traditional anarchist concept.
Peter Kropotkin laid out a scientific analysis of animal survival and
(as a corollary to Darwinâs theory of evolution) described a theory of
cooperation that he felt better suited most species. As one of the
fathers of anarchism (and particularly Anarcho-Communism) Kropotkinâs
concept of mutual aid has been embraced by most anarchists. As a
principle it is generally limited to a level of tacit anarchist support
for anarchist projects.
Voluntary cooperation is the anarchist principle that informs anarchist
understandings of economics, social behavior (and exclusion), and the
scale of future society. It could be stated simply as the principle that
we, individually, should determine what we do with our time, with whom
we work, and how we work. Anarchists have wrestled with these concepts
for as long as there has been a discernible anarchist practice. The
spectrum of anarchist thought on the nuance of voluntary cooperation
ranges from Max Stirner who refuses anything but total autonomy to
Kropotkin whose theory of a world without scarcity (which is a
fundamental premise of most Marxist positions) would give us greater
choices about what we would do with our time. Today this principle is
usually stated most clearly as the principle to freely associate (and
disassociate) with one another.
This should provide us with enough information to make the simple
statement that anarchist principles have been informed by science (both
social and physical), a particular understanding of the individual (and
their relation to larger bodies) and as a response to the alienation of
modern existence and the mechanisms that social institutions use to
manipulate people. Naturally we will now move onto how an indigenous
perspective differs from these.
In the spirit of speaking clearly I hesitate in making the usual caveats
when principles are in question. These hesitations are not because, in
practice, there is any doubt as to what the nature of relationship or
practice should look like. But when writing, particularly about
politics, you can do yourself a great disservice by planting a flag and
calling it righteous. Stating principles as the basis for a politic
usually is such a flag. If I believe in a value and then articulate that
value as instrumental for an appropriate practice then what is the
difference between my completely subjective (or self-serving)
perspective and one that I could possibly share usefully? This question
should continue to haunt us.
Since we have gone this far let us speak, for a moment, about an
indigenous anarchismâs first principles. Insert caveats about this being
one perspective among many. Everything is alive. Alive may not be the
best word for what is being talked about but we could say imbibed with
spirit or filled with the Great Spirit and we would mean the same thing.
We will assume that a secular audience understands life as complex,
interesting, in motion, and valuable. This same secular person may not
see the Great Spirit in things that they are capable of seeing life in.
The counterpoint to everything being filled with life is that there are
no dead things. Nothing is an object. Anything worth directly
experiencing is worth acknowledging and appreciating for its complexity,
its dynamism and its intrinsic worth. When one passes from what we call
life, they do not become object, they enrich the lives they touched and
the earth they lie in. If everything is alive, then sociology, politics,
and statistics all have to be destroyed if for no other reason but
because they are anti-life disciplines.
Another first principle would be that of the ascendance of memory.
Living in a world where complex artifices are built on foundations of
lies leads us to believe that there is nothing but deceit and untruth.
Our experience would lead us to believe nothing less. Compounding this
problem is the fact that those who could tell us the truth, our
teachers, our newscasters and our media devote a scarce amount of their
resources to anything like honesty. It is hard to blame them. Their
memory comes from the same forgetfulness that ours does.
If we were to remember we would spend a far greater amount of our time
remembering. We would share our memories with those we loved, with those
we visited, and those who passed by us. We will have to spend a lot of
time creating new memories to properly place the recollection of a
frustrated forgetful world whose gift was to destroy everything
dissimilar to itself.
An indigenous anarchism is an anarchism of place. This would seem
impossible in a world that has taken upon itself the task of placing us
nowhere. A world that places us nowhere universally. Even where we are
born, live, and die is not our home. An anarchism of place could look
like living in one area for all of your life. It could look like living
only in areas that are heavily wooded, that are near life-sustaining
bodies of water, or in dry places. It could look like traveling through
these areas. It could look like traveling every year as conditions, or
desire, dictated. It could look like many things from the outside, but
it would be choice dictated by the subjective experience of those living
in place and not the exigency of economic or political priorities.
Location is the differentiation that is crushed by the mortar of
urbanization and pestle of mass culture into the paste of modern
alienation.
Finally an indigenous anarchism places us as an irremovable part of an
extended family. This is an extension of the idea that everything is
alive and therefore we are related to it in the sense that we too are
alive. It is also a statement of a clear priority. The connection
between living things, which we would shorthand to calling family, is
the way that we understand ourselves in the world. We are part of a
family and we know ourselves through family. Leaving aside the secular
language for a moment, it is impossible to understand oneself or one
another outside of the spirit. It is the mystery that should remain
outside of language that is what we all share together and that sharing
is living.
Indigenous people in general and North American native people
specifically have not taken too kindly to the term anarchist up until
this point. There have been a few notable exceptions (Rob los Ricos, Zig
Zag, and myself among them) but the general take is exemplified by Ward
Churchillâs line âI share many anarchist values like opposition to the
State but...â Which begs the question why arenât more native people
interested in anarchism?
The most obvious answer to this question is that anarchism is part of a
European tradition so far outside of the mainstream that it isnât
generally interesting (or accessible) to non-westerners. This is largely
true but is only part of the answer. Another part of an answer can be
seen in the surprisingly large percentage of anarchists who hold that
race doesnât matter; that it is, at best, a tool used to divide us (by
the Man) and at worst something that will devolve society into tribalism
[sic]. Outside of whether there are any merits to these arguments (which
I believe stand by themselves) is the violation of two principles that
have not been discussed in detail up until this point â
self-determination and radical decentralization.
Self-determination should be read as the desire for people who are
self-organized (whether by tradition, individual choice, or inclination)
to decide how they want to live with each other. This may seem like
common sense, and it is, but it is also consistently violated by people
who believe that their value system supersedes that of those around
them. The question that anarchists of all stripes have to answer for
themselves is whether they are capable of dealing with the consequences
of other people living in ways they find reprehensible.
Radical decentralization is a probable outcome to most anarchist
positions. There are very few anarchists (outside of Parecon) that
believe that an anarchist society will have singular answers to
politics, economy, or culture. More than a consequence, the principle of
radical decentralization means it is preferable for there to be no
center.
If anarchists are not able to apply the principles of self-determination
to the fact that real living and breathing people do identify within
racial and cultural categories and that this identification has
consequences in terms of dealing with one another can we be shocked that
native people (or so-called people of color) lack any interest in
cohabitating? Furthermore if anarchists are unable to see that the
consequence of their own politic includes the creation of social norms
and cultures that they would not feel comfortable in, in a truly
decentralized social environment, what hope do they have to deal with
the people with whom they donât feel comfortable today?
The answer is that these anarchists do not expect to deal with anyone
outside of their understanding of reality. They expect reality to
conform to their subjective understanding of it.
This problem extends to the third reason that native people lack
interest in anarchism. Like most political tendencies anarchism has come
up with a distinct language, cadence, and set of priorities. The
tradition of these distinctions is what continues to bridge the gap
between many of the anarchist factions that have very little else in
common. This tradition is not a recruiting tradition. There is only a
small evangelical tradition within anarchism. It is largely an
inscrutable tradition outside of itself.
This isnât a problem outside of itself. The problem is that it is
coupled with the arrogance of the educated along with the worst of
radical politicsâ excesses. This is best seen in the distinction that
continues to be made of a discrete tradition of anarchism from actions
that are anarchistic. Anarchists would like to have it both ways. They
would like to see their tradition as being both a growing and vital one
along with being uncompromising and deeply radical. Since an anarchist
society would be such a break from what we experience in this world, it
would be truly different. It is impossible to perceive any scenario that
leads from here to there. There is no path.
The anarchist analysis of the Zapatistas is a case in point. Anarchists
have understood that it was an indigenous struggle, that it was armed
and decentralized but habitually temper their enthusiasm with warnings
about a) valorizing Subcommandante Marcos, b) the differences between
social democracy and anarchism, c) the problems with negotiating with
the State for reforms, etc. etc. These points are valid and criticism is
not particularly the problem. What is the problem is that anarchist
criticism is generally more repetitive than it is inspired or
influential. Repetitive criticisms are useful in getting every member of
a political tendency on the same page. Criticism helps us understand the
difference between illusion and reality. But the form that anarchist
criticism has taken about events in the world is more useful in shaping
an understanding of what real anarchists believe than what the world is.
As long as the arbiters of anarchism continue to be the wielders of the
Most Appropriate Critique, then anarchism will continue to be an
isolated sect far removed from any particularly anarchistic events that
happen in the world. This will continue to make the tendency irrelevant
for those people who are interested in participating in anarchistic
events.
For many readers these ideas may seem worth pursuit. An indigenous
anarchism may state a position felt but not articulated about how to
live with one another, how to live in the world and about the
decomposition. These readers will recognize themselves in indigeneity
and ponder the next step. A radical position must embed an action plan,
right?
No, it does not.
This causality, this linear vision of the progress of human events from
idea to articulation to strategy to victory is but one way to understand
the story of how we got from there to here. Progress is but one
mythology. Another is that the will to power, or the spirit of
resistance, or the movement of the masses transforms society. They may,
and I appreciate those stories, but I will not finish this story with a
happy ending that will not come true. This is but a sharing. This is a
dream I have had for some time and havenât shown to any of you before,
which is not to say that I do not have a purpose...
Whether stated in the same language or not, the only indigenous
anarchists that I have met (with one or three possible exceptions) have
been native people. This is not because living with these principles is
impossible for non-native people but because there are very few teachers
and even fewer students. If learning how to live with these values is
worth anything it is worth making the compromises necessary to learn how
people have been living with them for thousands of years.
Contrary to popular belief, the last hope for native values or an
indigenous world-view is not the good hearted people of civilized
society. It is not more casinos or a more liberal Bureau of Indian
Affairs. It is not the election of Russell Means to the presidency of
the Oglala Sioux Tribe. It is patience. As I was told time and time
again as a child âThe reason that I sit here and drink is because I am
waiting for the white man to finish his business. And when he is done we
will return.â
Carrying bows and arrows, members of the ancient Jarawa tribe emerged
from their forest habitat on Indiaâs isolated Anadaman Island. In a rare
interaction with outsiders, the Jarawas said that all 250 of their
fellow tribespeople had survived the devastating tsunami by fleeing
inland and eating coconuts in the aftermath of the seaâs fury, which
killed over 900 people and left over 6,000 missing on the Andaman and
Nicobar islands (and, of course, devastating death tolls in the six
digits in the general region).
âWe are all safe after the earthquake. We are in the forest in
Balughat,â said Ashu, an arrow-wielding Jarawa tribesman.
The Jarawas rarely interact with strangers and seemed wary of visitors.
âMy world is in the forest,â Ashu said in broken Hindi through an
interpreter in a restricted area at the north end of South Andaman
Island. âYour world is outside. We donât like people from outside.â
Days after the tsunami thrashed the island where his ancestors have
lived for tens of thousands of years, a lone Sentinelese (another
indigenous tribe of the region) man stood naked on the beach and looked
up at a hovering Indian Coast Guard helicopter surveying for damage. He
then took out his bow and shot an arrow toward the chopper. It was a
signal the Sentinelese have sent out to the world for millennia: They
want to be left alone. Isolated from the rest of the world, the
tribespeople must understand natureâs sights, sounds and smells to
survive. âThey can smell the wind. They can gauge the depth of the sea
with the sound of their oars. They have a sixth sense which we [the
domesticated] donât possess,â said Ashish Roy, a local environmentalist
and lawyer who has called on the courts to protect the tribes by
preventing their contact with the outside world. It appears that many
tribespeople fled the shores well before the waves hit the coast, where
they would typically be fishing at this time of year.
There are only an estimated 400 to 1,000 members alive today from the
tribes of Jarawas, Great Andamanese, Onges, Sentinelese and Shompens who
live on the islands, and are said to go back over 70,000 years. They are
said to have originated in Africa, migrating to India through Indonesia.
It is believed that ancient knowledge of the movement of wind, sea, and
birds warned them, and saved the indigenous tribe from the tsunami. It
seems that the less domesticated the animal, the more able to predict,
prepare for, and survive the tsunami, with tribal people and wild
animals enduring, and civilized humans, dogs, cats, and cows not faring
too well.
But, in the civilized realm, the tables are turned. The Jarawa men
stopped a photographer from taking pictures. âWe fall sick if we are
photographed,â Ashu said. In the past, tourists who have tried to take
their photo had their cameras smashed by upset tribespeople. When asked
how his people survived the tsunami, Ashu just shook his head, not
wanting to talk about it. When asked what they typically eat, Ashu said
pork and fish caught with their bows and arrows. âAnd we like honey.â
He said tourists sometimes throw packages of cookies at them from buses.
âWe donât like when tourists throw things at us. They should give it to
our hands,â he said. Plus, the packaged food upsets their stomachs, he
added. âWe prefer to eat raw and roasted bananas. Ripe bananas make us
sick,â he said.
Jirkatang police have had a troubled relationship with the Jarawas. In
1997, a year after the tribe made its first-ever contact with government
authorities, they stormed the Jirkatang police outpost and shot a guard
dead with their arrows. Both British and Indian settlers have moved onto
their islands over the last 150 years, but the Jarawa have chosen to
maintain in almost complete isolation. In 1998, more Jarawa started
coming out of their forest to visit nearby towns and settlements, as
pressure from poachers on the coast had driven them inland. They live a
hunter-gatherer lifestyle; hunting, fishing, and gathering seeds,
berries and honey. They are nomadic, living in bands of 40-50 people.
The main threats to the Jarawa are encroachment on their land â sparked
by the building of a road through their forest in 1970 â and the risk of
being settled forcibly â as planned by the authorities. The road has
increasingly brought more settlers, poachers, and loggers, stealing the
tribeâs game and exposing them to disease. Forced resettlement was fatal
for other tribes in the Andaman Islands, and has always been so for
newly contacted native peoples worldwide: it introduces diseases,
destroys the sense of identity, and robs tribes of their
self-sufficiency. The government of India had initially set aside an
area for the Jarawa but the size of this reserve gradually lessened as
more of their land came under construction for roads and settling
migrants from the mainland â forcing the Jarawa into smaller areas.
The indigenous people of the islands have survived waves of migrants and
colonists, but have fallen prey to government policies that look upon
them as âprimitiveâ and in dire need of âdevelopmentâ. The development
policy of the government meant encroaching on their traditional hunting
grounds, clearing the forests to settle thousands of migrants,
relocating the indigenous people to âsettlementsâ, splitting communities
that had always lived together, and introducing them to an alien way of
life, language, and religion. Such changes have impacted their physical
and mental health. An epidemic of measles, to which they had no
resistance, wiped away ten percent of the Jarawa population in 1999.
Alcoholism, obesity, diabetes, and depression are other ailments which
are now appearing among those who have been ârelocatedâ to civilization.
This happens all over the world â but tribal peoples are fighting back.
Resisting colonization, maintaining traditional life-ways, and the
recent survival through the deadly tsunami, are all indications that the
uncivilized cannot only survive these factors, but, in fact, are more
likely to endure in the long run than the weakened, desensitized, and
lost ones of civilization.
Ward Churchill (Keetoowah Band Cherokee) is Professor of American Indian
Studies at the University of Colorado/Boulder. An uncompromising
indigenist activist, he has been a member of the American Indian
Movement for more than 30 years and currently serves on the Leadership
Council of the Colorado AIM. An insightful and eloquent author, his many
books include Marxism and Native Americans (1983), Agents of Repression
(1988, 2002), The COINTELPRO Papers (1990, 2002), Struggle for the Land
(1993, 1999), Indians âRâ Us (1994, 2005), Since Predator Came (1995),
Pacifism as Pathology (1996), A Little Matter of Genocide (1997), Acts
of Rebellion (2003), Perversions of Justice (2003), On the Justice of
Roosting Chickens (2003), âKill the Indian, Save the Manâ (2004) and
Speaking Truth in the Teeth of Power (2004). Wardâs writings and
lectures critically examine conquest and genocide in the Americas,
environmental destruction, political repression, cultural appropriation,
and resistance to colonization.
In many of your essays you use the term âPredatorâ to describe the
successive waves of colonial/imperial brutality that began to ravage the
Western Hemisphere in 1492. In our opinion, the Predator is a useful
concept for radicals in North America to become familiar with, as it
describes and reveals the true nature of the United States occupying
forces far more accurately than terms like imperialism, capitalism, or
even Empire. Could you elaborate more fully on your concept of the
Predator?
WC: Sure, although I think itâs important to note, as I did in Since
Predator Came and elsewhere, that I lifted the term from John Trudell,
back in the days when he still had something to say. Iâm not entirely
sure how John conceived itâthere's always some sort of visualization
with these thingsâbut my own version of Predatorâhow I saw itâwas kind
of like âPac-Man.â I mean, itâs this absolutely antinatural entity,
utterly synthetic, the very existence of which is predicated upon its
fulfillment of a single function: to consume anything and everything it
encounters. Thereâs no reasoning with it, no way of appealing to its
âbetter instincts.â It has none. Certainly, nothing resembling a
conscience. The fact is that it lacks the capacity to deviate in the
least. Ever.
Its appetite is infinite. So, it will simply consume until thereâs
nothing left to consume. Like I said, I donât know what specific image
John had conjured up when he first started talking about Predator, but I
do know that we were using the term in pretty much the same way, to
describe precisely the same things: the mindset and consequent behavior
of those who identify with the European tradition from the point their
invasion of this hemisphere began on the 12th of October, 1492, right on
up until the present moment.
Thereâs a straight and unbroken line of predation spanning the 512 years
from then till now, and no sign that the lineâs likely to be interrupted
or change direction any time soon. Or at least not of its own volition.
So, thereâs nothing for it in the end but to look the thing square in
the face and see it for what it is, rather than what we might wish it
were instead. On that basis, we can appreciate what it is that must be
done in order to bring it to a halt.
And that is?
WC: Well, letâs just say that since what Iâve been describing isnât
something thatâs susceptible to persuasion and reform, if weâre going to
stop it, weâre going to have to kill it. Thatâs the bottom line. The
only valid question in this regard isnât whether killing the thing is
necessary, itâs how we go about accomplishing the job. Clear?
Okay. Good. Because, assuming thatâs so, Iâd like to say that Iâve come
to regret having helped popularize the use of the word Predator in the
manner Iâve just been using it. Framing things in terms of âPredatorâ is
grossly unfair to actual predators like wolves and sharks. How many
times have you heard the Great White Shark described as a âmindless
eating machine,â for example. Thatâs just about word-for-word the way I
characterize Predator, eh? Yet the two are diametrical opposites.
Predator epitomizes the antinatural while thereâs nothing more natural
than the predator called shark. Itâs a being so perfectly adapted to its
environment that itâs remained almost unchanged by evolution for longer
than all but a handful of current animal species have even existed.
Thatâs because the sharkâs purpose, âmindlessâ or no, is to maintain the
balance of the ecosystem it inhabits. In other words, the function of a
true predator is to preserve the ecology upon which its existence
depends. Thatâs as opposed to the function of Predator, which is to
destroy that same ecology, any ecology, all ecologies.
The upshot is that my applying the metaphor of Predator the way I do may
produce certain constructive cognitive effects among an audienceâit had
that effect on me when John did it, and thatâs why I picked it up in the
first placeâbut it leaves me with the queasy feeling that Iâm also
reinforcing the twisted outlook that legitimates the extermination of
sharks, wolves and other natural predators. And thatâs the reverse of
what Iâm trying to do. So, I need to come up with another way of framing
what Iâm trying to get across, and Iâve been playing with it,
experimenting with different metaphors to see what might provide the
same sort of clarity the term Predator seems to engender, without the
garbled sideeffects. Follow?
Yeah, I do. And that makes me curious about what youâve come up with.
Before you answer, though, I want to pose a second question, and thatâs
whether your preoccupation with finding just the right word or metaphor
might not border in some way upon the linguistic obsession displayed by
the so-called postmodernists? Thatâs not meant in a hostile way. Iâm
looking for you to distinguish your project from theirs.
WC: Fair enough. But Iâll have to take the questions in order. With
regard to the first one, Iâve been gravitating more and more towards
disease analogies, especially cancer. I like the term disease because it
doubles as âdis-ease,â and thereâs a lot you can do with that.
Additionally, itâs something to be cured, rather than something from
which we âheal.â Iâve come to draw an increasingly sharp distinction on
that score, largely in response to the rhetoric of âhealing and
forgivenessâ which has become so fashionable of late.
Let me tag you right there. Iâd like you to expand on that a bit before
you go on. Whatâs your problem with the healing shtick?
WC: Well, thatâs just it: itâs a shtick. More precisely, itâs a
conflationary routine designed to muddy rather than clarify things,
thereby precludingâor at least diminishingâthe prospects of concrete
action. Consider the sorts of conflations inherent to the formulation.
First of all thereâs the bit about the phrase âhealing and forgivenessâ
being used as if it formed a single word. The implication, and itâs not
an especially subtle one, is that forgiveness is healing, or at least
that healing cannot occur without the bestowal of forgiveness upon
whoever inflicted the wound that made the healing necessary. Iâll return
to the falsity of that proposition in a moment, but I think itâs
important to touch upon a second conflationâof being sick with being
woundedâbefore doing so. The two conditions arenât the same at all. You
get cured from an illness, healed from a wound. Yet, youâll notice that
nothing in the formulation goes to curing. Itâs all about healing.
That might be fine in certain settings where you were dealing solely
with wounds and those afflicted with them. But thatâs not what the
âhealing and forgivenessâ crowd are on about. Their pitch is that, for
their âprocessâ to work, everybody should be involved. Thatâs the stated
ideal, right? Where does that put us? With perpetrators and victims all
in the same bag. If you think about it, itâs no different at base than
Ronald Reaganâs spiel at Bitburg back in the â80s about how both the SS
men buried there and the Jews, Gypsies and Slavs slaughtered by the SS
were allâand equallyâvictimized by nazism. Well, later for that.
GA Note: Due to Wardâs recent situation, he was unable to complete most
of this interview in time for publishing. He has assured us, however,
that the entire interview will be concluded for our next issue...Stay
tuned!
An Update on Ward Churchillâs Most Recent Controversy
As we go to print, on top of being consumed with legal battles over
Anti-Columbus Day Actions in Denver this past fall, Ward Churchill has
been in the national spotlight over ideas expressed in his essay, Some
People Push Back: On the Justice of Roosting Chickens. The essay
(published in part in Green Anarchy #8) on the September 11, 2001
attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon eventually developed
into a book, most of which is a detailed chronology of U.S. military
interventions since 1776. Widespread and grossly inaccurate media
coverage concerning Wardâs analysis resulted in numerous demonstrations
against him, his position at University of Colorado (CU) at Boulder, and
even threats against his life.
The CU Board of Regents held an âemergency meetingâ to discuss the
recent publicity and controversy surrounding the professorâs scheduled
speech at Hamilton College, a small liberal arts school in New York
where some students, faculty, and 9-1-1 victimâs families protested
Churchillâs upcoming appearance there. At issue in Churchillâs
three-year-old essay is his reference to World Trade Center victims as
âlittle Eichmannsâ (referring to the Nazi architect of the Holocaust,
Adolf Eichmann), not merely innocent victims but willing perpetuators of
the âmighty engine of profitâ. Regent Cindy Carlisle, a typical Boulder
Democrat, joined local conservatives in demanding Wardâs removal. She
said she is âappalledâ by Churchillâs essay and said despite the issue
being complex legally, âsomething needs to be done.â
Campus talk about Churchill was not all against him. Many students
protested Wardâs treatment by CU, with many being arrested. Ethnic
studies senior Dustin Craun and a coalition of students are angry that
Churchill is being singled out, like a âwitch hunt.â âWhite men trying
to get an Indian out of Boulder? Thatâs nothing new,â he said. âThatâs
how this city was started.â
Churchill resigned as chairman of CUâs Ethnic Studies Department, but
will remain on as Professor of American Indian Studies, although many
are pushing for a full dismissal, including Colorado governor Bill
Owens. Most international news outlets featured the controversy as a
lead story, including Foxâs Bill OâReilly, who repeatedly urged viewers
to email the college in protest. Churchillâs Hamilton College talk was
moved to a building that could seat 2,000, instead of the planned 300,
which he planned on giving in a flack jacket with two bodyguards.
Finally, however, Hamilton College caved in and cancelled his appearance
after thousands of angry and threatening emails and political pressure,
citing âsecurity concernsâ. As we go to print, the controversy grows...
With his job in jeopardy, threats of physical violence against him, and
some conservatives even calling for him to be tried for Treason and
executed, the Green Anarchy Collective stand in complete solidarity with
Ward, and continue to have tremendous respect for his dedication and
courage during these turbulent times. The following statements are from
Ward in a press release on January 31:
âI am not a âdefenderâ of the September 11 attacks, but simply pointing
out that if U.S. foreign policy results in massive death and destruction
abroad, we cannot feign innocence when some of that destruction is
returned⊠This is not to say that I advocate violence; as a U.S. soldier
in Vietnam I witnessed and participated in more violence than I ever
wish to see. What I am saying is that if we want an end to violence,
especially that perpetrated against civilians, we must take the
responsibility for halting the slaughter perpetrated by the United
States around the world⊠I mourn the victims of the September 11
attacks, just as I mourn the deaths of those Iraqi children, the more
than 3 million people killed in the war in Indochina, those who died in
the U.S. invasions of Grenada, Panama and elsewhere in Central America,
the victims of the transatlantic slave trade, and the indigenous peoples
still subjected to genocidal policies. If we respond with callous
disregard to the deaths of others, we can only expect equal callousness
to American deaths.â
âI have never characterized all the September 11 victims as âNazis.â
What I said was that the âtechnocrats of empireâ working in the World
Trade Center were the equivalent of âlittle Eichmanns.â Adolf Eichmann
was not charged with direct killing but with ensuring the smooth running
of the infrastructure that enabled the Nazi genocide. Similarly, German
industrialists were legitimately targeted by the Allies⊠It should be
emphasized that I applied the âlittle Eichmannsâ characterization only
to those described as âtechnicians.â Thus, it was obviously not directed
to the children, janitors, food service workers, firemen and random
passers-by killed in the 9-1-1 attack. According to Pentagon logic, they
were simply collateral damage. Ugly? Yes. Hurtful? Yes. And thatâs my
point. Itâs no less ugly, painful or dehumanizing a description when
applied to Iraqis, Palestinians, or anyone else.â
âThe lesson of Nuremberg is that this is not only our right, but our
obligation. To the extent we shirk this responsibility, we, like the
âGood Germansâ of the 1930s and â40s, are complicit in its actions and
have no legitimate basis for complaint when we suffer the consequences.
This, of course, includes me, personally, as well as my family, no less
than anyone else⊠Some people will, of course, disagree with my
analysis, but it presents questions that must be addressed in academic
and public debate if we are to find a real solution to the violence that
pervades todayâs world.â
Russell Means
BEING IS A SPIRITUAL PROPOSITION. Gaining is a material act.
Traditionally, American Indians have always attempted to be the best
people they could. Part of that spiritual process was and is to give
away wealth, to discard wealth in order not to gain. Material gain is an
indicator of false status among traditional people, while it is âproof
that the system worksâ to Europeans. Clearly, there are two completely
opposing views at issue here, and Marxism is very far over to the other
side from the American Indian view. But letâs look at a major
implication of this; it is not merely an intellectual debate.
The European materialist tradition of despiritualizing the universe is
very similar to the mental process which goes into dehumanizing another
person. And who seems most expert at dehumanizing other people? And why?
Soldiers who have seen a lot of combat learn to do this to the enemy
before going back into combat. Murderers do it before going out to
commit murder. Nazi SS guards did it to concentration camp inmates. Cops
do it. Corporation leaders do it to the workers they send into uranium
mines and steel mills. Politicians do it to everyone in sight. And what
the process has in common for each group doing the dehumanizing is that
it makes it all right to kill and otherwise destroy other people. One of
the Christian commandments says, âThou shalt not kill,â at least not
humans, so the trick is to mentally convert the victims into nonhumans.
Then you can proclaim violation of your own commandment as a virtue.
In terms of the despiritualization of the universe, the mental process
works so that it becomes virtuous to destroy the planet. Terms like
progress and development are used as cover words here, the way victory
and freedom are to justify butchery in the dehumanization process. For
example, a real-estate speculator may refer to âdevelopingâ a parcel of
ground by opening a gravel quarry; development here means total,
permanent destruction, with the earth itself removed. But European logic
has gained a few tons of gravel with which more land can be âdevelopedâ
through the construction of road beds. Ultimately, the whole universe is
open â in the European view â to this sort of insanity.
Most important here, perhaps, is the fact that Europeans feel no sense
of loss in all this. After all, their philosophers have despiritualized
reality, so there is no satisfaction (for them) to be gained in simply
observing the wonder of a mountain or a lake or a people in being. No,
satisfaction is measured in terms of gaining material. So the mountain
becomes gravel, and the lake becomes coolant for a factory, and the
people are rounded up for processing through the indoctrination mills
Europeans like to call schools.
But each new piece of that âprogressâ ups the ante out in the real
world. Take fuel for the industrial machine as an example. Little more
than two centuries ago, nearly everyone used wood â a replenishable,
natural item â as fuel for the very human needs of cooking and staying
warm. Along came the Industrial Revolution and coal became the dominant
fuel, as production became the social imperative for Europe. Pollution
began to become a problem in the cities, and the earth was ripped open
to provide coal whereas wood had always simply been gathered or
harvested at no great expense to the environment. Later, oil became the
major fuel, as the technology of production was perfected through a
series of scientific ârevolutions.â Pollution increased dramatically,
and nobody yet knows what the environmental costs of pumping all that
oil out of the ground will really be in the long run. Now thereâs an
âenergy crisis,â and uranium is becoming the dominant fuel.
Capitalists, at least, can be relied upon to develop uranium as fuel
only at the rate which they can show a good profit. Thatâs their ethic,
and maybe they will buy some time. Marxists, on the other hand, can be
relied upon to develop uranium fuel as rapidly as possible simply
because itâs the most âefficientâ production fuel available. Thatâs
their ethic, and I fail to see where itâs preferable. Like I said,
Marxism is right smack in the middle of European tradition. Itâs the
same old song.
Thereâs a rule of thumb which can be applied here. You cannot judge the
real nature of a European revolutionary doctrine on the basis of the
changes it proposes to make within the European power structure and
society. You can only judge it by the effects it will have on
non-European peoples. This is because every revolution in European
history has served to reinforce Europeâs tendencies and abilities to
export destruction to other peoples, other cultures and the environment
itself. I defy anyone to point out an example where this is not true.
So now we, as American Indian people, are asked to believe that a ânewâ
European revolutionary doctrine such as Marxism will reverse the
negative effects of European history on us. European power relations are
to be adjusted once again, and thatâs supposed to make things better for
all of us. But what does this really mean? Right now, today, we who live
on the Pine Ridge Reservation are living in what white society has
designated a â National Sacrifice Area.â What this means is that we have
a lot of uranium deposits here, and white culture (not us) needs this
uranium as energy production material. The cheapest, most efficient way
for industry to extract and deal with the processing of this uranium is
to dump the waste by-products right here at the digging sites. Right
here where we live. This waste is radioactive and will make the entire
region uninhabitable forever. This is considered by the industry, and by
the white society that created this industry, to be an âacceptableâ
price to pay for energy resource development. Along the way they also
plan to drain the water table under this part of South Dakota as part of
the industrial process, so the region becomes doubly uninhabitable. The
same sort of thing is happening down in the land of the Navajo and Hopi,
up in the land of the Northern Cheyenne and Crow, and elsewhere. Thirty
percent of the coal in the West and half of the uranium deposits in the
United States have been found to lie under reservation land, so there is
no way this can be called a minor issue.
We are resisting being turned into a National Sacrifice Area. We are
resisting being turned into a national sacrifice people. The costs of
this industrial process are not acceptable to us. It is genocide to dig
uranium here and drain the water table â no more, no less.
Now letâs suppose that in our resistance to extermination we begin to
seek allies (we have). Letâs suppose further that we were to take
revolutionary Marxism at its word: that it intends nothing less than the
complete overthrow of the European capitalist order which has presented
this threat to our very existence. This would seem to be a natural
alliance for American Indian people to enter into. After all, as the
Marxists say, it is the capitalists who set us up to be a national
sacrifice. This is true as far as it goes. But, as Iâve tried to point
out, this âtruthâ is very deceptive. Revolutionary Marxism is committed
to even further perpetuation and perfection of the very industrial
process which is destroying us all. It offers only to â redistributeâ
the results â the money, maybe â of this industrialization to a wider
section of the population. It offers to take wealth from the capitalists
and pass it around; but in order to do so, Marxism must maintain the
industrial system. Once again, the power relations within European
society will have to be altered, but once again the effects upon
American Indian peoples here and nonEuropeans elsewhere will remain the
same. This is much the same as when power was redistributed from the
church to private business during the so-called bourgeois revolution.
European society changed a bit, at least superficially, but its conduct
toward non-Europeans continued as before. You can see what the American
Revolution of 1776 did for American Indians. Itâs the same old song.
- - -
Revolutionary Marxism, like industrial society in other forms, seeks to
ârationalizeâ all people in relation to industry â maximum industry,
maximum production. It is a doctrine that despises the American Indian
spiritual tradition, our cultures, our lifeways. Marx himself called us
âprecapitalistsâ and âprimitive.â Precapitalist simply means that, in
his view, we would eventually discover capitalism and become
capitalists; we have always been economically retarded in Marxist terms.
The only manner in which American Indian people could participate in a
Marxist revolution would be to join the industrial system, to become
factory workers, or âproletarians,â as Marx called them. The man was
very clear about the fact that his revolution could only occur through
the struggle of the proletariat, that the existence of a massive
industrial system is a precondition of a successful Marxist society.
I think thereâs a problem with language here. Christians, capitalists,
Marxists. All of them have been revolutionary in their own minds, but
none of them really means revolution. What they really mean is
continuation. They do what they do in order that European culture can
continue to exist and develop according to its needs.
So, in order for us to really join forces with Marxism, we American
Indians would have to accept the national sacrifice of our homeland; we
would have to commit cultural suicide and become industrialized and
Europeanized.
At this point, Iâve got to stop and ask myself whether Iâm being too
harsh. Marxism has something of a history. Does this history bear out my
observations? I look to the process of industrialization in the Soviet
Union since 1920 and I see that these Marxists have done what it took
the English Industrial Revolution 300 years to do; and the Marxists did
it in 60 years. I see that the territory of the USSR used to contain a
number of tribal peoples and that they have been crushed to make way for
the factories. The Soviets refer to this as â the National Question.â
The question of whether the tribal peoples had the right to exist as
peoples; and they decided the tribal peoples were an acceptable
sacrifice to the industrial needs. I look to China and I see the same
thing. I look to Vietnam and I see Marxists imposing an industrial order
and rooting out the indigenous tribal mountain people.
I hear revolutionary Marxists saying that the destruction of the
environment, pollution, and radiation will all be controlled. And I see
them act upon their words. Do they know how these things will be
controlled? No, they simply have faith. Science will find a way.
Industrialization is fine and necessary. How do they know this? Faith.
Science will find a way. Faith of this sort has always been known in
Europe as religion. Science has become the new European religion for
both capitalists and Marxists; they are truly inseparable; they are part
and parcel of the same culture. So, in both theory and practice, Marxism
demands that nonEuropean peoples give up their values, their traditions,
their cultural existence altogether. We will all be industrialized
science addicts in a Marxist society.
I do not believe that capitalism itself is really responsible for the
situation in which American Indians have been declared a national
sacrifice. No, it is the European tradition; European culture itself is
responsible. Marxism is just the latest continuation of this tradition,
not a solution to it. To ally with Marxism is to ally with the very same
forces that declare us an acceptable cost.
There is another way. There is the traditional Lakota way and the ways
of the American Indian peoples. It is the way that knows that humans do
not have the right to degrade Mother Earth, that there are forces beyond
anything the European mind has conceived, that humans must be in harmony
with all relations or the relations will eventually eliminate the
disharmony. A lopsided emphasis on humans by humans â the Europeansâ
arrogance of acting as though they were beyond the nature of all related
things â can only result in a total disharmony and a readjustment which
cuts arrogant humans down to size, gives them a taste of that reality
beyond their grasp or control and restores the harmony. There is no need
for a revolutionary theory to bring this about; itâs beyond human
control. The nature peoples of this planet know this and so they do not
theorize about it. Theory is an abstract; our knowledge is real.
GA Note: This was excerpted from a much longer speech given by Russell
Means in July 1980, before several thousand people assembled from all
over the world for the Black Hills International Survival Gathering, in
South Dakota. It was probably Meansâ most famous speech and despite some
problematic ideas in the complete talk (or his politics today), it has
had a huge influence on many of us involved in the Green Anarchist
resistance. Other indigenous critiques of Marxism and the Left of
interest include Marxism and Native Americans (edited by Ward Churchill,
South End Press 1983), which includes a version of this entire Russell
Means essay and various other contributors, and Wardâs excellent essay
âFalse Promises: An Indigenist Examination of Marxist Theory and
Practiceâ from Since Predator Came, now available as a pamphlet from the
GA Distro.
We see your tech no logical society devour you before your very eyes
we hear your anguished cries exalting greed through progress
while you seek material advances the sound of flowers dying
carry messages through the wind trying to tell you
about balance and your safety
But your minds are chained to your machines
and the strings dangling from your puppeteers hands
turning you, twisting you into forms and confusions beyond your control
Your mind for a job
your mind for a t.v.
your mind for a hair dryer
your mind for consumption
with your atom bombs
your material bombs
your drug bombs
your racial bombs
your class bombs
your sexist bombs
your ageist bombs
Devastating your natural shelters
making you homeless on earth
chasing you into illusions
fooling you, making you pretend you can run away from the ravishing of
your spirit
While the sound of flowers dying
carry messages through the wind
trying to tell you about balance and your safety.
Trying to isolate us in a dimension called loneliness
leading us into the trap
believe in their power
but not in ourselves
piling us with guilt
always taking the blame
greed chasing out the balance
trying to isolate us in a dimension called loneliness
economic deities seizing power
through illusions created
armies are justified
class systems are democracy
god listens to warmongers prayers
tyranny is here
divide and conquer
trying to isolate us
in a dimension called loneliness
greed a parent
insecurity the happiness companion
genocide conceived in sophistication
tech no logic material civilization
a rationalization
replacing a way to live
trying to isolate us
in a dimension called loneliness
Look at us, we are of Earth and Water
Look at them, it is the same
Look at us, we are suffering all these years
Look at them, they are connected
Look at us, we are in pain
Look at them, surprised at our anger
Look at us, we are struggling to survive
Look at them, expecting sorrow be benign
Look at us, we were the ones called pagan
Look at them, on their arrival
Look at us, we are called subversive
Look at them, descending from name callers
Look at us, we wept sadly in the long dark
Look at them, hiding in tech no logic light
Look at us, we buried the generations
Look at them, inventing the body count
Look at us, we are older than America
Look at them, chasing a fountain of youth
Look at us, we are embracing Earth
Look at them, clutching today
Look at us, we are living in the generations
Look at them, existing in jobs and debts
Look at us, we have escaped many times
Look at them, they cannot remember
Look at us, we are healing
Look at them, their medicine is patented
Look at us, we are trying
Look at them, what are they doing
Look at us, we are children of Earth
Look at them, who are they?
I want to talk a little bit about who we are. Because I think the
coherency of our future depends upon us knowing who we are. And I mean
truly understanding who we are. Our relationship to reality, our
relationship to power is based upon that understanding.
But sometimes I feel like Iâm in a reality, where we donât remember who
we are. So therefore we donât know who we are. We speak a language we
donât understand. Because of this we donât know where we are.
And I think that we live in a technologic reality; that these conditions
are part of a mining process. Iâm going to call it a mining process. And
there is a reason we are in this situation. Itâs got to do with being
fed upon by a system. So I want to go to who we are.
We are the human beings. Thatâs very important. We all know to say the
words, we know the terms, and I know we know the terms because they
taught them to us, they programmed them into us: the words, âhuman
beingsâ. Our relationship to reality is in that definition. The DNA of
the human, the bone, flesh and blood of the human, is literally made up
of the metals, minerals and liquids of the earth. So we are parts of the
earth.
We are shapes of the earth. We are forms of the earth. This is the form
that we are. All of the things of the earth have the same DNA as the
human does. Everything is made up of the metals, minerals and liquids of
the earth. But the shape is just different. The purpose is different. We
have being. That is our essence. That is our spirit. And all of the
things of the earth have the same DNA as the human has, so all things of
the earth have being, spirit.
Our relationship to power and to reality is in that understanding of who
we are. We are forms of the earth. And thatâs reality. Nothing will ever
change that reality. What has changed is our perceptional relationship
to reality. And what has happened to us through the millennium and
through this whole technologic, civilized perception of reality, what
has happened to the human being is that, to me, it is like a disease in
one way. Itâs like this thing that kind of spreads. And as a disease to
the spirit of people it spreads to their perception of reality. So in
one way itâs kind of like that, a possession.
But in another way, itâs almost like a mechanical thing, this mining
process that takes place. Itâs almost like this thing we call
technologic civilization: this thing that is predatory upon our lives.
Anyone ever feel that there is something missing from their life? Like
purpose or understanding or self worth or whatever the understanding is?
Theyâre mining us.
One of the objectives of this technologic, civilized perceptional
reality has got to do with erasing the memories of the human beings. We
have a common collective experience. We are all the descendants of
tribes. Back in the time of the original dream we were all tribes, and
we were all the earthsâ children. We all knew that the earth was our
mother. And that we were all part of a spiritual reality, because we had
being. We understood that there was a spiritual reality and we were
physical in a spiritual reality.
We being who we are today, however we landed in this reality, whoever we
are today, we carry the genetic experience of our lineage from the very
beginning. Itâs encoded in the DNA, itâs like genetic memory. Itâs
something about the experience of the journey we have it in us. But
somewhere within our genetic memory, somewhere hidden in there, we all
come from a people; each of us comes from a people that knew they lived
in a spiritual reality. And because we lived in a spiritual reality
every one of our ancestral peoples understood we have a responsibility.
We were responsible for the past, the future and for the present.
We understood that all things had being.
So we knew who we were, we understood what we were saying and we knew
where we were: we knew our purpose. And this reality lives in our
genetic memory. As human beings, whoever we are, whatever individuals we
are know.
That experience is there now. Itâs that ninety percent of our brains
that they say we canât use. So theyâre using it.
by Chrystos
Big Mountain
you old story you old thing
you fighting over nothing everything
how they work us
against one another
They mean to kill us all
Vanishing is no joke they mean it
We donât fit this machine theyâve made instead of life
We breathe spirit
softness of dirt between our toes
No metaphors
Mountains ARE our mothers
Stars our dead
Big Mountain weâve heard your story a thousand times
Weâve grown up inside your slaughtered sheep
Move here move there
die on the way
fences through our hearts
ask permission to gather eagle feathers
no sun dance
take our bundles
shirts
bowls to put in dry empty buildings
walls more walls jails more jails agencies thieves rapists
drunken refuge from lives with nothing left
take our children take our hands hacked from us in death
tell lies to us
about us
lies written spoken lived
death that comes in disease relentless
Vanishing is no metaphor
Big Mountain you are no news
Our savage eloquence is dust between their walls their thousand deaths
We go to funerals never quite have time to step out of mourning
Everything we have left is in our hearts deeply hidden
No photograph or tape recorder or drawing can touch
the mountain of our spirits
They are Still
saying they know
what is best for us
they who know nothing
their white papers decisions empty eyes laws rules stone fences
time cut apart with dots
killing animals to hang their heads on walls
We cannot make sense of this
It has nothing
everything
to do with us
Big Mountain Iâve met you before in Menominee County
at Wounded Kneeon Trails of Tears
in the back street bars of every broken city
I could write a list long & thick as the books they call
Indian Law
which none of us
wrote
We know your fences death laws death hunger death
This is our skin
you take from us
These were our lives our patterns our dawns
the lines in our faces
which tell us our songs
Big Mountain you are too big you are too small you are such an old old
story
Indigenous Support
Since 1969, PEABODY coal has been operating the largest strip-mine in
the United States in a place called Dzil ijiin, or Black Mesa, in
northeastern Arizona. Since 1975, over 14,000 indigenous people, mostly
Navajo, have been forcibly relocated from the lands surrounding this
mine, which are full of high quality coal not yet excavated. The people
of Black Mesa who have refused to relinquish their ancestral homeland
are considered trespassers in their own homes under federal law. They
are subject to ongoing harassment and the threat that this law will be
enforced, and they will be physically removed from their homes. The
delicate, high-desert ecosystem of Black Mesa, full of thousand-year-old
junipers, bobcats, deer, porcupines and a slew of different lizards,
depends on the resilience of the Navajo resisters to keep it from the
claw of the drag line, the teeth of the 4-story power shovel and the
gullet of the slurry line which leads, via the Mojave generating
station, to the neon lights of Las Vegas and the air conditioners of LA.
I sat down with Rena Babbit Lane and four copies of Green Anarchy last
week. Rena, around 80 years old, is a Dine elder of the Naakai clan. She
lives on the former âjoint use areaâ within the bounds of the Navajo
Reservation in Northern Arizona. She is an expert weaver, herbalist, and
cares for her sheep and goats in a traditional manner. A law was passed
in 1975 by the federal Government of the USA that mandated her and her
family to relocate to parts unknown. Fences were erected in all
directions around her home, partitioning off her cornfield and water
sources. A pipeline was put in behind her house to slurry coal from
Peabodyâs Black Mesa mine to a generating station 300 miles away. The
water used by this pipeline has caused drought conditions in her area.
At all points in the process, Rena has resisted and opposed the
encroachments of the government and corporations and has spoken out
against them. I said to her in my best Navajo (she does not speak
English) âthis magazine wants to help you get your word out, they will
print the stories of indigenous people like yourself. They oppose things
like the coal mine and the government.â
She said, well, read some to me first. I told her about Brazilian people
fighting against a diamond mine and some of the other dramatic clips.
She began making the following statement. I accept all responsibility
for the inadequacies of my translation:
âWe have these sorts of problems too. The agency that we are struggling
with is called Hopi Rangers. But we realize that they are agents of
Washington, and they are working for the interest of the coal mine. We
have been placed here by the holy people with the sheep, and the animals
around us, and we have been defending it accordingly. Many of our people
have suffered greatly on account of the mining, both the mining of the
coal and uranium. A lot of the people living around here have died from
the pollution. The reason is found in our understanding that the coal is
the liver of the mother earth and the uranium is the heart. When they
burn these things up it causes a burning up of the hearts and livers of
all people involved, especially those of us living most closely to her.
So we have been saying ânoâ to these things and that is our life as a
traditional people. Missionaries have come to us and said âwe hate the
Navajo religionâ and then that they will pray for us. But we keep on
with our ways and we do our praying too. Iâve heard a lot of stories
about this war going on in Iraq. I think it is about money and I donât
like what they are trying to do over there. I donât support our troops.
I think they should be taking care of their people here who are
suffering and resisting the very government they are fighting for. The
plan that they (Washington)are implementing is one that wastes up the
land. They go crazy with it, and in doing so they ruin and make unkind
their own brain, eyes, and nose. Sometimes I think that it would be nice
to have them have some sheep or even cows to care for. That would keep
them busy and stop them from messing everything up everywhere. We have
helpers come stay with us sometimes from different places, and itâs hard
there too, cause they donât speak Navajo, but some of them learn, so we
welcome people to come out and live with us and support our resistance
in that way. By the way, I heard once that in places where there are a
lot of TVâs that people donât even talk to each other.â
I said thatâs true, Tâaaâaanii. Rena B. Lane and her son have recently
been threatened and harassed. They reside in one of the most remote
regions of Black Mesa. Due to the intense drought, the Lane family moved
their sheep herd to a more suitable grazing area within their ancestral
ranging area. The BIA Hopi Agency discovered the familyâs sheep camp and
began to threaten them with livestock impoundment. They remained with
the sheep camp until the herd gained back its health. More recently,
Renaâs son was preparing for the winter when the Agency law enforcement
personnel charged him again (for about the third time now) with
âillegallyâ cutting firewood. All his tools were confiscated and with
that he has lost his second chainsaw to the BIA. and the entire
definition â of progress? Can the humans dwelling in this global hotspot
help the planet find a remedy for the still-spreading plague of
civilization? These crucial questions canât be answered with research or
theorizing. Only our action can offer the answers weâre looking for. The
Word on Hotspot Theory Civilizationâs war on the wild and on land-based
communities has taken a toll that is quite possibly beyond our
comprehension. But in the last 15 years, British ecologist Norman Myer
has made the task of defending biodiversity, and thus planetary
survival, more âapproachableâ by demonstrating that we can conserve a
major share of terrestrial biodiversity in a relatively small portion of
the planet. An analysis carried out between 1996 and 1998 resulted in a
list of 25 âhotspots.â South Florida falls in the top three, as part of
the Caribbean region. Perhaps the hotspot theory is too rigid for some,
but if we are to take the global ecological crisis seriously, having a
real strategy makes sense. Yes, Florida has lost much, but there are
still a lot of wild areas left. And we are not solely dedicated to
protecting wild places. That is because social revolution and ecological
defense have to go hand-in-hand or neither is worth a damn. South
Florida is not only an ecological hotspot, it is a social hotspot as
well. It is home to some of the greatest disparities of wealth within
the U.S. Empire, as well as one of the most culturally diverse places on
this planet. It was a place of strong Native resistance, a place of
numerous past uprisings against police abuse, and most recently, the
site of one of the largest preemptive police attacks in US history.
South Florida is ripe for rebellion and renewal. Letâs help bring it onâŠ
Ninety-nine percent of the Black Mesa communities rely on wood to warm
their homes. There are no gas lines or gas delivery service out there,
or any alternative means provided to the area residents to warm their
homes. Nearly 85 percent of the Black Mesa areasâ full-time residents
are elders over the age of 70 and most are traditional. This constitutes
an act of genocide.
Black Mesa Indigenous Support (BMIS) is actively supporting the
sovereignty of the indigenous people affected by mining activities on
Black Mesa, who face forced relocation, environmental devastation, and
cultural extinction at the hands of corporations, and U. S. and tribal
governments. The resisters of Black Mesa continue to ask for outside
assistance and support in their struggle. Most of the people resisting
relocation are elders whose children have moved and are now living
alone. They are asking for support to help maintain daily life and
resistance. For more information on the history of the struggle on Black
Mesa and for ways to support the people of Black Mesa please contact:
Black Mesa Indigenous Support, P.O. Box 23501, Flagstaff, Arizona 86002,
Voice Mail: 928.773.8086, email: blackmesais@riseup.net, website:
www.blackmesais.org
In the 1500s, civilizationâs progress expanded across the Atlantic Ocean
like a slow-spreading bio-terror attack, with some of the first spores
landing on this wild peninsula...
Before missionaries, conquistadors and real estate speculators got to
what is now called Florida in 1513, there had been several thousand
years of Native people living in the area. In the Miami area lived the
âTekesta,â around Jupiter, the âAis,â and in the central Palm Beach
County areas, the âJeaga.â We know that they survived by fishing,
gathering and hunting, but what they did with the vast majority of their
time might be what we now call âleisure.â You know, that time we try to
crunch into the schedule one day a week, maybe twice a month, to spend
with friends, family, neighbors or by ourselves â luxuries even the
richest often canât afford.
In exchange for the generosity of local populations, the civilized
settlers offered disease and brutality. In less than 200 years, nearly
all of the population was wiped out, assimilated or forced to relocate.
In the 1700s Muscogee (âCreekâ) tribes migrated from Georgia and Alabama
into Florida and were continually pushed south by white expansion.
Seminoles, a word the Spanish used to mean âwild,â âfreeâ and âuntamed,â
were a collection of various renegade southeast tribes who joined with
African ex-slaves. Thus began the Seminole Wars of the earlyto
mid-1800s, where General William Jenkins Worth earned the honor that got
a lake (soon turned lagoon, for commercial purposes) and eventually a
small coastal city named after him.
By the end of the Seminole Wars in 1842, more than $20 million had been
spent, 1,500 American soldiers had died and still no formal peace treaty
had been signed. Eventually, reservations were established around the
Seminoles. Worth had cleared the way for land speculators â nothing
could make a white man more proud. The vast majority of the Everglades
were drained for industrial agriculture and real estate; the coasts were
thoroughly pillaged by condo developments. And there the Seminoles
remain, yet trying to subsist off a literal bingo/casino economy.
Meanwhile, our global casino economy is hitting the jackpot. South
Florida has some of the highest concentrations of wealth in the world â
but where exactly is our quest for luxury taking us? Europeans have been
in Florida for about 492 years, and look what we have to show: fancy
condos are forcing inner-city displacement and over-development
everywhere you look, sprawling suburbs are eating away at the quiet
countryside and wild swamps, Free Trade now has us shipping in oranges
from Brazil and mangos from Somalia. South Florida is seen around the
world as a bastion of progress and prosperity â but is there really such
a thing as luxury in towns without trees, oceans without fish and
neighborhoods that no one can afford to live in? What good is all the
wealth in the world without drinkable water or breathable air? Is there
any hope of us changing direction â and the entire definition â of
progress? Can the humans dwelling in this global hotspot help the planet
find a remedy for the still-spreading plague of civilization? These
crucial questions canât be answered with research or theorizing.
Only our action can offer the answers weâre looking for.
Civilizationâs war on the wild and on land-based communities has taken a
toll that is quite possibly beyond our comprehension. But in the last 15
years, British ecologist Norman Myer has made the task of defending
biodiversity, and thus planetary survival, more âapproachableâ by
demonstrating that we can conserve a major share of terrestrial
biodiversity in a relatively small portion of the planet.
An analysis carried out between 1996 and 1998 resulted in a list of 25
âhotspots.â South Florida falls in the top three, as part of the
Caribbean region. Perhaps the hotspot theory is too rigid for some, but
if we are to take the global ecological crisis seriously, having a real
strategy makes sense. Yes, Florida has lost much, but there are still a
lot of wild areas left.
And we are not solely dedicated to protecting wild places. That is
because social revolution and ecological defense have to go hand-in-hand
or neither is worth a damn. South Florida is not only an ecological
hotspot, it is a social hotspot as well. It is home to some of the
greatest disparities of wealth within the U.S. Empire, as well as one of
the most culturally diverse places on this planet. It was a place of
strong Native resistance, a place of numerous past uprisings against
police abuse, and most recently, the site of one of the largest
preemptive police attacks in US history. South Florida is ripe for
rebellion and renewal.
Letâs help bring it onâŠ
FIGHTING CORPORATE COLONIALISM: SUN PEAKS AND DELTA HOTELS
Sun Peaks Resort, Delta Hotels and Nippon Cables has for four years now
been forcibly pushing ahead with their expansion, âcorporatizing the
land that bears our medicines and plants, the water we drink, the air we
breathe, and the dreams we dream.â (Janice Billy, spokesperson of
Skwekwelkâwelt Protection Center). The $70 million expansion plan is
mind blowing: clear-cut of a total of five mountains for ski runs,
development on the drainage basin for commercial and residential real
estate and expansion of a 9-hole golf course to an 18-hole golf course.
Yet again a continuation of the appropriation of politically aware
language â Three Mountains, One Village â selling a dream of a community
âfrom extreme to serene, Sun Peaks Resort has it all. Our village is as
versatile as you are.â Beneath the layers of advertising euphemisms is
the deeper truth of dispossession. Thousands tour the largest ski area
in the interior of British Columbia, in what has now become not just a
winter destination, but an all-year around playground for tourists with
all the essentials: sports centers, golf course, Pancakes with Santa,
and a sprawling real estate business of townhouses and chalets that
mimic Disneyworld. Meanwhile, in passing, a culture, a way of life, has
been casually decimated.
And the absurdity continues: one of the three mountains has been renamed
Sundance and one of the lodges at Sun Peaks is called Sundance Lodge.
Absurd because the siege of Gustafsen Lake (1995) that the same Shushwap
community was embroiled in involved protection of their sacred Sun Dance
lands. In a trend that is becoming frighteningly familiar â the market
continues to absorb its opposition. Names now reduced to innocuous
magnet poetry.
The entire ski resort industry means greater destruction of mountain
eco-systems, forest, pure water, and animal habitats. The effects around
Sun Peaks Resort are already being felt. The expansion involves putting
ski runs on the previously undisturbed Mt. Morrisey, destroying the
vital mountain ecosystem. Mount Morrisey, Mount Todd and Sundance are
being cut, these three mountains destroyed along with animal habitat of
deer, moose, bears, beavers, lynx, bobcat, cougars, wolverines and other
animals, along with destruction of plant systems that provide berries
and medicine for the Secwepemc community. Sun Peaks Resort pollutes the
water with weed-control chemicals for their golf course and with
chemical and bacterial additives used to make artificial snow. Sun Peaks
over-consumes water and energy to make this artificial snow (it takes
1/3 the energy of a average town to run a medium ski area).
The Secwepemc assert that the current expansion of Sun Peaks Ski Resort
will undermine their ability to exercise their inherent rights to
land-use and occupancy and thus their aboriginal title to the land. The
federal and provincial governments have refused to acknowledge
aboriginal title and enter negotiations to establish co-jurisdiction
despite legally binding decisions to do so. The government disregarded
environmental and cultural impact studies performed by the Adams Lake
and Neskonlith Indian Bands and refused to engage in consultation and
meaningful discussion with the bands about the development.
Notwithstanding the lack of consultation, the $70 million development
plan began.
The Secwepemc community responded fearlessly to state and corporate
occupation of their lands. The spirit at the Skwelkwekâwelt Protection
Center (set up in October 2000) is soul-stirring. Lone tents amidst
sprawling golf courses and ski lifts. The blockades, the camps. These
are not just protests for the sake of protesting. This is a community
with ideas, with histories, with stories, with sufferings, with
victories, and with visions. Remaining on the mountain despite police
harassment, anger from tourists, and no near hope of victory. Victims,
winners, survivors, fighters.
In November 2001, provincial Attorney General Geoff Plant terminated all
discussions with the Secwepemc community, demanding that people vacate
the camp located on traditional territories and return to the federal
Indian reserve. In a letter dated November 2001 âpeople at Sun Peaks
need the confidence that they can go on with their lives while we
continue with our discussions.â Read: business as usual must continue.
âThe protestors have demonstrated that their manner of asserting rights
requires that others be excluded from exercising theirs.â
In response Chief Arthur Manuel wrote, âIt is unreasonable that you
insist that we vacate our lands before you will even discuss our right
to use and occupy our lands... Even these mass arrests will not deter us
from using our Aboriginal title lands as we have from time immemorial.
You may be able to use your police to grab and handcuff our Elders,
land-users and youth and haul them away. But you will not be able to
keep them away from our land. They will return and all our people will
return.â After one year of failed attempts at negotiations with the
province and Sun Peaks, the Secwepemc youth, Elders and land-users
established a permanent log building on McGillvary Lake Road near the
resort. An extremely defiant step to move off the reserve and build and
establish community on the traditional territories. Elders taught the
youth hunting, fishing, recognizing plants and their uses, and building
traditional structures such as sweatlodges, along with regular
discussions on outstanding land issues.
On December 10, 2001 (ironically â or perhaps not â International Human
Rights Day), Sun Peaks Resort demolished two sweatlodges along with the
cordwood home of Native Youth Movement freedom fighter Nicole Manuel and
her family. With the supervision of the government of British Columbia
and with the blessing of the courts that ruled in favor of an injunction
application presented by Sun Peaks Resort, hate crimes against religious
and sacred sites were committed. In its place, freshly groomed ski
trails.
Currently, over 15 Secwepemc defenders have court-ordered restrictions
placed on them, ranging from 5 to 10 kilometer bans. One year later,
when several youth and Elders returned to the McGillvary Lake area,
under heavy police monitoring, one RCMP asked two men: âWhat race are
you? Are you even human?â And perhaps more despairing is the silence
around such atrocities. Indigenous peoples are being refused the
inherent right to even walk on the land; Elders and youth are being
smeared as terrorists, a movement is being crushed ruthlessly.
Yet the resistance continues â the Secwepemc have developed a huge
national and international support network (that puts all the
city-slicker activists to shame), participated in United Nations
Convention of Biodiversity discussions, made submissions to the United
Nations Committee for Elimination of Racial Discrimination, along with
ongoing fundraising and raising awareness. A Statement of Defense and
Counterclaim to the trespass charges has been submitted to the
provincial court, a crucial step in asserting Aboriginal title and
forcing the government (judicial and executive branches) to deal with
unsettled land issues.
Never mind that now with the Olympic 2010 bid, we are supposed to be
tingling with joy at the prospect of more jobs and a better economy for
British Columbia. Itâs funny how the interests of corporations are so
often, so successfully, and so deliberately confused with the interests
of the people and local economies. Lands are being occupied. It is an
asset. The Earth is being owned. This includes the expansion of the
Sea-to-Sky Highway ($600 million), rapid transit system ($2 billion),
Trade and Convention Center ($405 million), improved sport facilities
and athletes village ($620 million). Leonard Peltier wrote in a
statement against the FTAA, 2001 âthey will justify their actions in the
name of development for the poor. Development? What the first peoples of
America need is recovery, not development. Recovery from the very same
colonization, domination and genocide that multinational corporations
want to perpetuate for their own gains today.â
The Stâatâimc, like other indigenous nations in British Columbia, have
fought for over a century to protect unceded territories that have never
been surrendered through treaties: âWe claim that we are the rightful
owners of our tribal territories...We have always lived in our country,
at no time we ever deserted it. We are aware that the BC government
claims our country, like all other Indian territories, but we deny their
right to it. We never gave it nor sold it to them. They certainly never
got the title to the country from us, neither by agreement nor conquest,
and none other than us could have any right to give them title.â (1911
Declaration of the Lilloet Tribe, Stâatâimc nation)
As the Environmental Assessment neared completion in early 2000, a camp
was set up at Sutikalh and set up an informational checkpoint at Highway
99 for 17 hours. In August 2000, the Lilloet Tribal Council issued a
letter by all eleven chiefs rejecting the ski resort and in October
2000, referendum on the ski resort was held in Mount Currie. Of 800
eligible voters, 324 voted with 276 voting against the ski resort. Over
four years now, the camp at Sutikalh represents the strong will of the
Stâatâimc people and is one of the longest standing camps in opposition
to corporate and state occupation of traditional territories.
The inhumanness of the Neskonlith and Adams Lake reserves hits you.
Right outside the sprawling development of the Sun Peaks Resort.
Poverty, development and colonization no longer remain abstract words,
part of our rhetorical vocabulary. It takes on a face in the form of
demolished sacred sweatlodges and traditional cordwood homes. On
International Human Rights Day, a young boy who only ever wanted to play
with his older brother falls into the arms of his mother. Bulldozers,
and kilometers of cuts from logging. Constant living reminders of what
we are fighting for. Yet more real, more urgent, more critical.
There is no mitigating argument for the terror that has been unleashed
at Skwelkwekâwelt. Or Cheam. Or Sutikalh. Or Grassy Narrows. Across
these lands, indigenous peoples continue to serve as collateral damage.
One of the greatest strengths of movements in the present is our
solidarity and our vision of something new. We maintain the right to
imagine and to create a global apparition. A globalization of struggle.
A globalization of hope. Fully articulable but not yet articulated. Yet
the movement already exists. It has existed for over 500 years. We must
remain grounded in the historical realities of this land, remain true
and honor indigenous struggles and indigenous histories and ideas and
visions, for it is inextricably linked to all futures and all our
movements that agitate for Earth and a more just existence.
Stop The Devastation and Destruction by Sun Peaks Corporation and
British Columbia Government!
The Skwelkwekâwelt Protection Center (SPC), an initiative of the
Sewepemculâecw Traditional Peoples Government (STPG), along with various
support groups, is struggling to halt the on-going $285 Million, Phase 2
expansion of the Sun Peaks Ski Resort. For More Information Contact:
jrbilly@mail.ocis.net
cyber_seklep@hotmail.com
âThis is not KKKlananda! This is not the United States of Amerikkka! All
the way from Alaska to Argentina is Indian Land. Indians continue to
live here on this land, live off the land, harvest traditional foods and
medicines and live the way of our ancestors.We didnât give these illegal
governments permission to be here, to occupy our territories and
colonize our People.Nor did we ever stop fighting, we have always
resisted since these invaders arrived on our lands.We never chose to
assimilate.We were forced.When we are under their guns: their courts,
laws and police force, their institutions, prison and education system
and cities we forget that there is another Way and we are easily
brainwashed into thinking this is the only Way. We existed forever
without them and it has been only a short time since they started
colonizing usâit will take a shorter time to de-colonize.â
- Native Youth Movement
âThe Native People have always known that the government is corrupt.â
â Milton Born With A Tooth
September 7, Guatemala: Chixoy Dam Seized
Campesinos seized the Chixoy hydroelectric dam, demanding that the
government return their land to them. Chixoy, which supplies about 60
percent of the countryâs electricity, is about 75 miles north of
Guatemala City in Alta Verapaz. The dam has long been a subject of
dispute, with the government promising land to eighteen displaced
communities in the 1970s.
The dam was built between 1976â82 with financing from the World Bank and
the Inter-American Development Bank. The mostly-indigenous people
displaced by the Chixoy dam received marginal land and housing and
experienced brutal government repression, including two massacres at Rio
Negro in 1982, in which more than 250 people were killed.
September 15, Shasta Lake (California): Tribe Dances To Protest Dam
As darkness fell across the crescentshape Shasta Dam, eight barefoot
Winnemem Wintu Indians armed with bows began the tribeâs first war dance
since 1887. Members of the now tiny tribe began their four-day protest
to stop a potential expansion of the Shasta Dam, which would destroy
sacred sites that had survived its original construction. âThe war dance
itself is a message to the world that we canât stand to put up with this
again,â said Caleen Sisk-Franco, the tribeâs chief, who says she
received the protest vision from the spirits of ancestors. âWeâve
already lost too many sacred sites to the lake.â
The Winnemem Wintu population has dwindled to 125 members because of a
combination of disease, disputes and departures by members who have
abandoned the culture. The tribe last held a war dance in 1887 to
protest a McCloud River hatchery that captured the salmon it relied upon
for survival. About 60 years ago, the tribe relocated the graves of 183
ancestors and abandoned many sacred sites as Shasta Lake swallowed its
villages and ancient cemeteries. Sisk-Franco has likened the dam
expansion to flooding the Vatican. Her tribe is one of hundreds in the
U.S. that are not officially recognized, which limits its clout while
ânegotiatingâ with the government.
September 16, South Dakota: Indians Vow To Confront âLewis & Clarkâ
Reenactment
A group from the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation announced that they were
planning âan action of the Lakota peopleâ against Lewis and Clark
re-enactors who were heading to Chamberlain, S.D. âTheyâre just opening
up all the old wounds that weâre still trying to heal from,â Alex White
Plume said. âThey should have been a little bit more courteous and asked
us about what they are doing, and maybe they could have joined in the
healing effort. Instead, theyâre just coming here bragging about what
they did 200 years ago.â
In late November, White Plume and a group of about 25 Indians confronted
the expedition and told its members to turn their boats around and go
home, condemning the reenactment for glorifying a journey that they
believed marked the beginning of the end for traditional Indian culture.
Physical violence and damage to the boats was allegedly threatened. The
modern-day encounter occurred close to where the original expeditionâor
âresource inventoryâânearly fought with the Teton Sioux after exchanging
angry words in 1804.
September 19, Bolivia: Aymara Peasants Turn to Traditional Lynch Law
The blood has been washed away but the blackened concrete below a broken
lamppost in the sluggish town of Ayo Ayoâs main plaza is an inescapable
reminder of the lynching that took place here. The mayor of Ayo Ayo,
BenjamĂn Altamirano, was hanged from the lamppost and set ablaze by
angry residents. The post mortem suggested he had been severely beaten.
Apart from his family, no one mourns for Altamirano in Ayo Ayo, a poor
rural municipality an hourâs drive from La Paz on the windswept
Altiplano plain, homeland of the Aymara people. In fact, most people in
the town approve of the killing. No one has claimed responsibility, but
the authorities have arrested at least 10 people.
âAltamirano was corrupt, just like the rest of the politicians,â said
59-year-old tailor Emilio Mamani as he walked through the plaza. âWe
told him if he did not keep his promises we would take more drastic
measures. We told him very clearly. But he would not listen.â
The lynching came less than two months after Aymara people in a village
in neighboring Peru lynched a mayor also accused of corruption. And it
wonât be the last, warn Aymara leaders. Fed up with corrupt,
unresponsive government institutions long controlled by a white and
mestizo elite in La Paz, the people of the Altiplano are taking matters
into their own hands. Residents of Ayo Ayo defend the killing of
Altamirano as the rightful exercise of communal justice, a homegrown
âlegal systemâ practiced semi-clandestinely in the region since the time
of the Incas. What is certain is that, less than a year after thousands
of Aymara peasants and urban poor staged massive road-blocking protests
that drove Boliviaâs President from power, the harsh Altiplano remains a
redoubt of fierce anti-government defiance and, some analysts say, the
most tangible threat to the precarious administration of interim
President Carlos Mesa.
At various times in recent years, Aymara peasants have expelled police,
judges and prosecutors from Ayo Ayo and other towns. Some are demanding
self-rule.
âWe Aymara carry rebellion in our blood,â said RamĂłn Coba, who heads the
leading Ayo Ayo peasant organization. âBolivia is totally corrupt, not
just the mayor. All of them should be finished in the same way, if not
burnt then drowned or strangled or pulled apart by four tractors... Itâs
the only way they are going to learn.â
Ayo Ayo is steeped in revolt. The municipality is the birthplace of
Tupaj Katari, a legendary warrior who led an uprising of thousands of
Aymara peasants against Spanish colonialists in 1781 before he was
captured and executed. The lamppost where Altamirano was hanged stands
in the shadow of a towering bronze statue of Katari.
People in Ayo Ayo began demanding Altamiranoâs resignation after he was
accused of embezzlement in 2002. A group of locals burnt down his house
and held him captive until he promised to resign. But Altamirano, who is
also Aymara, then refused to step down. As a two-year legal battle
dragged on with no resolution in sight, Ayo Ayo residents opposed to
Altamirano lost their patience. âWe would have been satisfied if
Altamirano admitted he had made mistakes, or if he had proposed a
punishment for himself, or if the authorities had fined him,â said Coba.
âBut none of this happened. What else could we do?â
âThe government only pays attention to those who have power,â said an
interviewed Aymara. âRights are not for the poor. They are for the rich,
by the rich, and so the people here have gotten tiredâŠtired with a long
tradition in which politics is used like a spoils system for personal
enrichment.â
October 13, Chile: Anarchist In Solidarity Action With Mapuche
Resistance Shot By Police
A group of encapuchados (masked-up rebels) attacked a motorcycle police
contingent with firebombs outside of the University of Chile in
Santiago. The cops opened fire on the rebels, using live rounds, and hit
an anarchist, who has been identified by the corporate media as Gustavo
Fuentes. His anarchist comrades immediately rushed to the scene and
confronted the officials still there. It was discovered that an
ambulance was delayed, and Gustavo was left bleeding. The anarchists
have not been able to determine which hospital Gustavo is being kept in,
as he has been declared âlostâ. The University has also washed its hands
of the confrontation, declaring that Gustavo is not a student, and most
students are ânon-violentâ.
Gustavoâs anarchist comrades immediately planned a solidarity march, and
said that âthe streets will burnâ. Chileâs universities are a regular
staging ground for insurrectionary anarchists and other rebels, in part
because police do not usually enter university grounds, according to
social taboo.
For several days, anarchists were taking part in the Mapuche resistance
against the âDay of the Raceâ, the Latin American version of âColumbus
Dayâ. A large Mapuche march took place on October 11 in Santiago, and
encapuchados fought with police at the UFRO university in Temuco, Chile,
on October 12, in another act against the celebration of Chileâs
colonization. Solidarity with the Mapuche struggle for the land and the
liberation of Mapuche prisoners is a crucial element of the anarchist
movement in Chile.
October 21, Panama: Rebellion in Banana Town
On October 21, residents of the port town of Almirante, in Bocas del
Toro province on Panamaâs Caribbean coast, blocked the road to the port
to protest a lack of water and fire trucks after an unchecked blaze
destroyed three homes.
At 6 a.m. on October 24, 100 riot police agents arrived in Almirante
from Changuinola to try to break up the blockade. As tear gas spread
through the town, residents became angrier; they took three police
agents hostage for over five hours, confiscated their weapons (including
a grenade launcher) and broke their legs. Police say demonstrators
burned two police vehicles and took over a gas station to steal fuel for
molotov bombs. At 10:45 a.m., the police retreated and the demonstrators
resumed their blockade. A total of 24 police agents and at least four
civilians were injured.
October 25, Colombia: Indigenous Seize Dam Office
A group of 20 members of the Embera KatĂo communities of the SinĂș and
Verde rivers seized the offices of the Empresa UrrĂĄ S.A. in the city of
MonterĂa, in northern Colombia. At the same time, more than 400 Embera
KatĂo community members camped out in a âpermanent assemblyâ across the
street to support the action. The occupation was prompted by the
companyâs failure to compensate the communities for losses incurred when
the UrrĂĄ Hydroelectric Dam flooded 7,400 hectares of fertile land where
their communities lived, fished, and farmed.
November 22, Brazil: Landless Workers Killed in Minas Gerais
Five people were killed when gunmen opened fire on a settlement on
occupied farmland in the state of Minas Gerais. The victims were members
of Brazilâs Landless Workersâ Movement (MST) that had occupied the site
in 2002. A local landowner is suspected of ordering the killing. The
attackers struck in the afternoon, firing shots at the makeshift
settlement on farmland near the town of Felizburgo. The victims, all MST
members, had moved onto the site two years ago. The number of deaths in
confrontations over land has increased during the presidency of Luiz
Inacio Lula da Silva, Trotskyist hero to Noam Chomsky.
November 23, Mexico: Federal Cops Beaten and Burned
A crowd of some 300 residents seized and beat three undercover agents of
Mexicoâs Federal Preventive Police (PFP) in a rural section in the
southern part of the Federal District (DF). Two of the agents died after
the angry mob doused them in gasoline and set them on fire. A third
agent was rescued by DF police before he could be burned; he was
hospitalized with serious injuries from his beating.
PFP officials said they were trying to catch drug dealers. On November
27 the left-leaning daily La Jornada carried a report that the three
agents had been investigating suspected guerrilla activity, not drug
dealing, which would be handled by the PFPâs criminal unit. Sources in
the PFP who asked not to be identified said the agents were âplantedâ in
the village to seek information on the Revolutionary Armed Forces of the
People (FARP), a small rebel group which has set off a few small bombs
since 2000.
November 23, Brazil: Indigenous Attacked, One Shot
A group of 40 armed assailants, led by a local rice grower, attacked
four indigenous villages in Raposa Serra do Sol, a demarcated territory
in the northern Brazilian state of Roraima. In the village of Jauari,
the gunmen shot community member Jocivaldo Constantino Macuxi in the
head and arm; he was taken to a hospital in the state capital, Boa
Vista, where he was in critical but stable condition. Another community
member is missing; his documents were found in blood near the village.
The attackers tried to abduct the communityâs tuxaua (leader), but he
managed to escape. The attackers used tractors to completely destroy the
villageâs 22 houses, health post and school, then burned the village to
the ground, destroying all the equipment, crops, and domestic animals.
Later in the day, it was learned that three other indigenous communities
in the areaâHomologaçao, SĂŁo JosĂ© and Brilho do Solâwere razed in the
same manner.
Raposa Serra do Sol is the traditional land of the Macuxi, Wapichana,
Taurepang, IngaricĂł and Patamona peoples. Although it was demarcated in
1998 by then-Minister of Justice Renan Calheiros, the area has yet to be
ratified by Brazilâs presidentâthe last step in official recognition.
Activists say the failure of leftist president Luiz InĂĄcio Lula da Silva
to ratify Raposa Serra do Sol has emboldened landholders in the region
who are fighting the demarcation.
New Xade, Botswana: An ancient people fight to keep their land and their
way of life
Roy Sesana is a haunted man. His people, the Bushmen, represent Africaâs
most ancient culture. But their way of life is being wiped out because
of a campaign by the Botswana government to move them off the land on
which they have survived by hunting and gathering for more than 30,000
years. By âcoincidenceâ, it is land on which reserves of diamonds have
recently been detected. Botswana already produces 80 per cent of the
worldâs quality jewel gems.
Bitterness is etched in Mr Sesanaâs ailing face as he emerges from his
wooden hut at his new compound on the near-barren land on which he has
been forcibly resettled. He is impatient with preliminary questions
about his name, age and family life. Instead, he wants to talk about his
hatred for his life in the camp called New Xade, an ironic echo of Xade,
one of the important areas of ancestral land in the largely unfenced
central Kalahari game reserve, an area the size of Wales created by
colonial authorities to protect the Bushmenâs land and way of life.
âBeing here is like being detained in a refugee camp or being held
captive in a place for prisoners of war,â he says through an interpreter
. He does not know his age but estimates he was a young teenager by the
time of the Second World War. Thick dark smoke swirls from his home-made
cigar.
In the shade of the lonely tree in his new compound of three wooden
huts, Mr Sesana oozes confidence when he narrates his peopleâs
centuries-old history as the first inhabitants of southern Africa. But
he chokes with emotion when he speaks of the government plan to remove
the 3,000 traditional Bushmen from the central Kalahari. âIf I had had
my way, I would have physically resisted the eviction from my ancestral
land and I would not be here at all,â he says. âThey would rather have
killed me as I would have stayed put.â
He was not given the choice. He returned from a long hunting trip in the
bush to find that government officials had trashed his entire village
and destroyed his water sources. His nine children and two wives had
been forced into trucks and transported to New Xade. He says he had no
option but to follow his family.
About 140 diehard Bushmen remain inside the old reserve. Some escaped
the official compounds at New Xade. In an attempt to drive them out, the
government has destroyed all the main water sources. The diehards are
almost impossible to reach. They live three daysâ trek in to the bush.
In New Xade, amid the shabby hut compounds, the government has sunk
boreholes and built a modern school, clinic and even a community bar. It
seems determined to encourage the Bushmen to integrate into the national
way of life.
The governmentâs chief representative in New Xade is James Kilo. He
chairs the local development committee and plans to run for public
office as the candidate of the governing political party. He denies the
evictions have been motivated by diamonds. As far as he is concerned, it
is about development. The government has an obligation to integrate them
into âmodernityâ and the Bushmen should be thankful, he says. âI donât
possibly see how anyone can argue that itâs better to live in the
wilderness with animals than being here.â
The Bushmen are unimpressed. If development is the aim of the scheme, as
the government claims, says one Bushman, Galompele Gakelekgolela, âwhy
did they not bring these developments to where we were in our own
lands?â And where they were not plagued, as now, by alcoholism and AIDS.
He answers his question with one word: âDiamonds.â
The First People of the Kalahari (FPK) is an organisation formed by the
Bushmen to champion their interests. âIf I thought you were primitive
and in need of help, would I visit you in Johannesburg or London and
destroy your home, expel your wife and children and leave them without
food or a roof over their heads?â the FPKâs co-ordinator, Jumanda
Gakelebone, asks. âDo I have to strip you of your dignity just because I
believe you need help?â
âThe Columbian encounter, of course, unleashed a predatory,
five-century-long cycle of European conquest, genocide, and colonization
in the âNew Worldâ, a process which changed the face of Native America
beyond recognition.â
âWard Churchill, Since Predator Came
September 16, Boston, Massachusetts: Christopher Columbus Statue Defaced
For the fifth time in recent years, a statue of Christopher Columbus was
vandalized in a park in the North End of Boston, this time with the word
âmurdererâ painted across the pedestal, said city park officials. The
statueâs head was painted in red and at least a gallon of paint was
thrown over the pedestal.
Just two years ago, the same statue, which was erected in 1979, was
decapitated. And several times around the Columbus Day holiday it had
been vandalized with paint. Police made some arrests the next day after
this most recent incident: two men who allegedly defaced the statue of
Christopher Columbus with paint took some of the evidence with them, and
police needed only to press ârewindâ to see it. When the two were
arrested, police found 54 cans of spray paint and seven stencils with
anti-war messages, in addition to the video camera and tripod that they
had been using to record the act.
When police rewound the recording, they discovered footage of one of the
men dousing the Christopher Columbus statue with paint and tagging a
McDonaldâs restaurant with the words âFREE PALESTINE.â
October 12, Denver, Colorado: Anti-Columbus Mayhem
Calling it a ââConvoy of Conquest,ââ American Indian Movement members
and their allies blocked the Columbus Day Parade in a protest of the
holiday that represents genocide and the theft of homelands for
indigenous people in the Americas.
ââAmerica continues to fight the âIndian warsâ and one expression of
that is Columbus Day,ââ AIM organizer Glenn Morris told Indian Country
Today.
Protesters focused on exposing the root of genocide in America as they
were arrested for blocking the path of the Sons of Italyâs Columbus Day
Parade of bikers, limos and semitrucks. Denver police arrested 245
people. Morris said Indian children as young as seven and eight chose to
be arrested because of the injustice they face in U.S. schools. ââEvery
year they confront the silence of their ancestorsâ voices in their
history classes.ââ
Further, Morris said, when the 245 cases go to court, American Indians
and their allies will not be the ones on trial. ââWe intend to put
Columbus on trial, the city of Denver on trial and the state of Colorado
and the United States on trial for celebrating genocide.ââ Morris
pointed out that Colorado is the perfect place to halt Columbus Day
because Colorado was the first to proclaim it as a state holiday in
1907.
Indian lands have been reduced from 2 billion to 50 million acres since
Columbus advanced and expanded the arrogant European Doctrine of
Discovery, claiming that superior, civilized, Christian Europeans had
the right to seize and appropriate indigenous peoplesâ territories and
resources.
This doctrine has been embedded into racist Federal Indian Law, and is
apparent today in the case of the Western Shoshone in Nevada and the
Lakota in the Black Hills of South Dakota. ââWeâre not talking about a
hypothetical theory to Native people.ââ Morris said the result of the
Doctrine of Discovery was the loss of land and lives for Indian people.
Today, the rhetoric of ââIndian warsââ is used in Iraq by the United
States military as it seeks to take control of territory. âAll hostile
territory in Iraq is still called âIndian country.â People who
fraternize with Iraqis are said to be âgoing Native.ââ
â[Our arrests] expose a corrupt educational, legal and political system
that refuses to describe the destruction of millions of indigenous
people at the hands of Columbus for what it is: Genocide,ââ Colorado AIM
stated after the arrests.
October 13, Venezuela: Next Statues To Topple...
From the Postscript of the Communiqué
From Popular Bolivarian Movements:
âWe knocked down the ex-statue of Columbus! ... We knocked down a face
of COLONIALISM and it broke to pieces... We knocked down a bronze statue
and, as it fell, it stuck its finger in the Empireâs eye... we knocked
it down in the full light of the day with our young, uncovered faces,
thus discovering hypocritical masks... we knocked down a âpublic evilâ
and we made a true work of art, a rebellious and collective work of art
without imperial signature... we knocked down the oppressor at the
rhythm of libertarian drums... we knocked down a symbolic ex-statue and
we shook the bureaucraticstatue, the impunity-statue, the
communication-monopoly-statue, the repressive-state-statue... the
EscuĂĄlido-[anti-revolutionary]-with-a-red-beret-statue. In short, we
knocked down an ex-statue and shook those who want to turn our
Revolution into their hypocriticaland untouchable Revolution-Statue.â
Native American & Land Rights Prisoners:
Byron Shane Chubbuck #07909051, US Penitentiary, PO Box 1000,
Leavenworth, KS 66048. Indigenous rights activist serving time for
robbing banks in order to acquire funds to support the Zapatista
rebellion in Chiapas, Mexico.
Eddie Hatcher #0173499, ECI, PO Box 215, Maury, NC 28550. Longtime
Native American freedom-fighter being framed for a murder he did not
commit.
Leonard Peltier #89637-132, PO Box 1000, Leavenworth, KS 66048. American
Indian Movement (AIM) activist, serving two Life sentences, having been
framed for the murder of two FBI agents.
Luis V. Rodriguez #C33000, PO Box 7500, Crescent City, CA 95532-7500.
Apache/Chicano activist being framed for the murder of two cops.
Tewahnee Sahme #11186353, SRCI, 777 Stanton Blvd, Ontario, OR 97914.
Dedicated Native rights advocate serving additional time for a prison
insurgency.
David Scalera (Looks Away) #13405480, TRCI, 82911 Beach Access Rd,
Umatilla, OR 97882. Dedicated Native rights advocate serving additional
time for a prison insurgency.
The last several months has seen big events in West Papua and here we
will try to summarize some of the main incidents. We are doing this, of
course, from the other side of the globe (Turtle Island) so we also
encourage our readers to check out the following website for more
up-to-date information: www.westpapuanews.com
15,000 Flee Military Assault On Highland Villages
The Indonesian military has been attacking villages in the heavily
forested highland district of Puncak Jaya. Dozens have already been
killed; either directly by bullets from helicopter gun ships or from
starvation in the crowded makeshift camps that now adorn Pancke Jaya â
the highest mountain in Australasia. The military assault follows
guerrilla attacks attributed to around 50 OPM/TPN warriors in mid
October. Six Indonesian construction workers were killed when their
vehicle was attacked. This was followed by the torching of government
schools and administration buildings. The subsequent state reaction has
led to âinternal refugeesâ now exceeding 15,000 from 147 villages. Some
are forced to hide in caves in the mountains in the central Puncak Jaya
district. People are starving. The death of 15 people, mainly children,
was reported on November 27. There are 2,800 troops in several locations
around Puncak Jaya, blocking off access to the Papuans who fled into the
forest seeking refuge. As well as direct attacks on people, the troops
have been destroying village houses, wrecking food gardens, killing
domestic animals, etc.
The helicopter gunship, herding the main mass of tribes people up onto
the mountain peaks, serves three functions:
Collective Punishment: for guerrilla attacks on development projects.
The military must show both the population as a whole and warriors in
particular that the death of children, lovers and family is the reward
for insurgency â just as the British army did in India, Borneo and
Kenya!
Draining the Sea: means the fish have nothing to swim in. The Papuan
people are the sea and the military may hope that by driving them up
onto the peaks it can easier deal with the warriors left behind â at
least for now.
Genocide: expansion and profit is the primary function of the Indonesian
Army in New Guinea. Todayâs cold mountaintop deaths are just the most
recent in a massacre that has eradicated a sixth of the Papuan
population.
Against this huge state assault the tribes have shown their instincts
for both flight AND for fight. In mid-November, after much of the
population had fled into the forest, a government convoy on the way to
the area was attacked. One cop was killed and 12 officials were injured.
About 100 insurgents from the Free Papua Movement ambushed the group as
they traveled to the town of Mulia, about 2,300 miles (3,701 kilometers)
northeast of Jakarta, local military commander Maj. Gen. Nurdin Zainal
told El-Shinta radio. âRebels attacked the officials with axes, swords
and arrows and then ran off into the jungle,â said Zainal.
While the highlands have been resistive and summarily repressed, in the
city there have been demos and a hunger strike. December 1 is
celebrated/mourned as West Papuan Independence Day. Since the fall of
President Suharto, Papuan towns have hosted illegal but overt, mass
proindependence flag raising rituals â which inevitably have led to
bloody and lethal army attacks. This year was no exception. 5,000 people
raised the Papuan âMorning Starâ flag for one hourâŠ
Activists Shot At Demonstration
Violence again flared in the capital of Indonesiaâs troubled province of
West Papua as security forces moved to break up a flag-raising ceremony
by independence supporters on December 1. Five people were shot and
wounded and at least 18 people arrested as 100 police dispersed the
gathering at Trikora soccer field in Adepura, a suburb of Jayapura.
December 1 commemorates the first West Papuan national congress in 1961,
organized by the then-ruling Dutch as a preparation for independence.
Two of the event organizers had been beaten by police as they were taken
away on a police truck for interrogation in the city center. Another 16
people were being questioned at the local Adepura police station. Among
the five people wounded were 20-year-old Marselina Gobay, who was shot
in the leg, and 24-yearold Yermia Kayame, shot in the head.
As was said by Solidarity South Pacific back in 2000 when a similar
incident occurred: âOpinion on the flag issue is divided within the OPM;
some see the defense of the flag as an important symbol of aspiration,
others as a senseless waste of Papuan livesâ.
Either way the event has resulted in further arrests â prisoners now
need outside support. Two of the twenty two prisoners arrested on
1/12/04 are on hunger strike - Philip Karma (47) and Yusak Pakage(26).
They have refused to eat or talk to the police.
Suggested Readings:
West Papua: The Obliteration of a People, by Carmel Budiarjo and Liem
Soei Liang. A superb introduction to the subject, upsetting and
enraging.
Poisoned Arrows: An Investigative Journey Through Indonesia, by George
Monbiot
Indonesiaâs Secret War: The Guerrilla Struggle in Irian Jaya, by Robin
Osborne
OPM Support Group, c/o 43 Gardner Street, Brighton BN1 1UN, UK;
www.eco-action.org/opm/ Practical solidarity with the indigenous people
of West Papua. Produces occasional newsletter.
Friends of People Close to Nature, 33 Gould Close, Welham Green,
Hatfielld, Hertfordshire AL9 7EB, UK; www.fpcn-global.org Independent
group working to support the struggles of indigenous peoples against
development.
TAPOL, 111 Northwood Street, Thornton Road, Surrey CR7 8HW, UK;
www.gn.apc.org/TAPOL Produces a newsletter detailing the current
situation in East Timor and West Papua.
West Papua is the Western Half of the New Guinea Island which is north
of Australia.
the brutal Indonesian regime.
environment.
steal our nature.
West Papuans ethnically are Melanesia, not Asia, Australasia, Polynesia,
or any other grouping, but we are 100% Melanesia. West Papua is
geographically, mountainous (snow capped), and covered tropical
rainforests.
West Papua consists of 250 different tribes and so 250 languages, each
tribe â with quite different cultures.
Our Second struggle is for land, in our own land, because land is our
mother and forest is our store, because forest gives us life and all we
need.
If we look to West Papua right now, almost everything is disappearing,
everything we have; for examples; killing of us human beings, cutting
the trees, very, very quickly and so destroying us and our way of our
life. We donât want any form of your development because development is
bringing big problems in to the tribal world.
Just leave us alone, what ever we are, because we know that â already
for thousand years. We have already settled the whole Melanesian region
specially in West Papua, long time before your civilization was even
born. When western civilization came to our world â bringing all kinds
of so-called development it began to destroy our natural way of life.
Before our ancestors lived in harmony, respecting each other, we respect
our nature, we respect our customs and also we are sure of everything we
have, but now we see that very different because the new cultures
brought in from outside world, via the Missionaries or Western People.
So now, for our culture, our world disappears.
That is why we want, only simple life.
We not interested in development
We not interested in western way of life
We donât want any more colonization of our people.
We donât want your civilization
Just leave us alone!
by Benny Wenda
Leader of DeMMaK (Koteka Tribal Council) and West Papua People
BennyWenda@fPcN-global.org
An Exposure of Fundamentalist Christian Involvement in Cultural Genocide
Wycliffe Bible Translators and the Summer Institute of Linguistics
Wycliffe Bible Translators (WBT) are a fundamentalist, millenarianist
missionary organization who have a long history of using their belief in
the doctrines of original sin, and the damnation of all unconverted
people to justify any behavior. Together with other groups such as the
New Tribes Mission, they have embarked on a quest called Vision 2025, to
evangelize to every last uncontacted society on earth, largely because
they believe that in doing so they will bring about the second coming of
Christ and the end of the earth. Because their interpretation of
Christianity encourages obedience to Authority and justifies acquisition
of material wealth, they have enough financial support to make a go of
it, particularly from people connected to corporations and governments
that have interests in the natural resources where these tribal
societies live.
The Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) presents itself as a
scientific organization focusing on previously unwritten and
untranslated languages. They have a number of programs and schools at
which they teach people how to translate these languages. One of these
programs operates out of Northwest Christian College in Eugene, a
program that the University of Oregon will give students credit for.
SIL and WBT are the Same Organization.
Both have their roots in Camp Wycliffe, which was founded in 1934 to
train missionaries in linguistics to facilitate their work with
indigenous peoples, primarily in the Americas.
In 1942, Wycliffe alumni incorporated as two separate organizations, WBT
and SIL, as a clever way to get around laws banning missionaries from
working in countries including Mexico. It is a ruse that has continued
to serve them quite well. WBT remains in the U.S. as the fundraising and
recruiting wing, emphasizing the religious aspect of their operations,
while SIL arranges fieldwork and deals with governments, and gives the
venture a veneer of scientific legitimacy.
SIL and WBT have historically tried to deny their connection, until 1953
when they were outed by, of all people, the Catholic Church. Since then
they have tried to explain it with statements like âSIL and WBT are the
same people, but it is a question of two corporations dedicated to
different things.â Tidy, but logically somewhat dubious.
Evangelical ethnocide is defined as the stigmatization, demonization and
ridicule of beliefs rites and symbols of indigenous cultures while
glorifying missionariesâ own world and own culture as the only path.
By entering, uninvited, into a society and attempting to foist an alien
system of beliefs and morality on them, allmissionaries engage in
ethnocidal behavior. By identifying godliness with capitalism and the
American way of life, WBT/SIL carry out this process to a particularly
fanatical extreme.
Their focus on societies with little or no previous contact with the
industrialized world make them especially dangerous. Arriving in the
bush in flying machines bearing penicillin and metal tools, they can
easily present themselves as messengers from a society and religion
where all of lifeâs problems have been solved by the grace of their god.
They provide no context with which to understand and analyze the price
of development. Furthermore, by entering and building airstrips in
previously impassably remote areas, they blaze the trail for
governments, the military, and corporate interests.
This is, of course, fundamental to their purpose. WBT/SIL have been
accused of scientific and political infiltration and espionage; control
of foreign territory; violation of sovereignty; being a religious
trans-national corporation; conspiracy with the CIA; detection and
extraction of strategic materials; clandestine landing strips; intrigue;
sterilization without consent, and much more. Although many of these
allegations remain unproven, some things, such as SILâs collaboration
with the CIA in counter insurgency in Latin America and in South East
Asia during the Vietnam War, as well as their cozy relationship with
numerous dictatorships, and the funds they receive from both the CIA and
western multinationals are quite well documented. They get away with
this, in your town and around the world because there is very little
known about what they do.
For more info, contact: solidaritysp@lycos.com
Growing up in the dominant culture, Iâve learned a lot of important
aspects about the destruction and horrid atrocities that the dominant
culture has perpetrated. One important factor that this culture has
perfected is the notion of silence. Iâve learned that this culture and
this civilization will not teach our children its atrocities, but only
romanticize its so-called âaccomplishmentsâ, ones built on betrayal,
murder, and progress.
Coming from a Vietnamese background, my life was filled with ancient
folklore and stories that told a theme about everyday life. My father
was a great story teller and poet; yet one topic that he always talked
about with great admiration (that didnât correlate with folklore or
fiction) was about a group of indigenous people who lived in the
mountain region near the border of Laos and Vietnam. He said the
indigenous people would travel barefoot for hundreds of miles to trade
with villagers in Khe Sanh and other rural areas in Vietnam. My father
would describe them as âMeoâ, which in their [Hmong] language meant
slavery or contempt[1]. My father had no idea of this connotation, but
nevertheless, he admired their simplistic lifestyles and always told me
the beauties of their culture.
I would soon know these people as the Hmong, which in their language
means âfree peopleâ. However, unlike their name, the Hmong have yet to
see their freedom in the past half-century, for it has been stripped
away by ideologies that encourage progress and modernity, and which
threaten their everyday existence. This is a testament of their story as
well as a testament of civilization. This is an example of what both the
materialization of capitalist and communist ideologies as well as
civilization in its totality have done as a threat to the indigenous
people in Southeast Asia. This is also a testament of silence, for
civilization cannot thrive when people know of its horrors.
The Hmong are horticulturalists who have practiced slash and burn
techniques for thousands of years. They are relatively egalitarian,
although, like most sedentary non-foraging societies, some implications
of patriarchy unfortunately are present. Their religious beliefs are
that which is known to the Western World as animism; they believe in a
spirituality within the realm of animals. This is incorporated with
ideas of ancestral worship. Most of their religious practices coincide
with the spiritual realm of the Earth. They, like many indigenous
cultures, believe in a world thatâs in direct unison with the people and
life around them. The main spiritual group of the Hmong is called Chao
Fa, and would later serve as a key role in their resistance. Though no
one really knows the origin of the Hmong, many stories imply that they
were the first people of China who migrated in the mountains between the
border of Vietnam and Laos.[2]
The Hmong generally lived in a peaceful yet isolated environment; it
wasnât until the past century that the Hmong encountered hostility with
colonial powers.
Colonialism is one of the key factors in the civilizing process, a
process that exploits, destroys, and devastates land-based cultures
through the degradation of human/non-human life and the earth, provoking
a new form of domination that has no positive outcome and is solely
based on dominance. Civilization has to expand, for the subjugation of
land, people, and cultures are important for its survival; thus, the
stories of the Hmong are one of the many who have endured through the
civilizing process.
Colonization of the Hmong began during the Japanese invasion of
French-Indochina (now known as Vietnam). A Hmong elder would soon remark
that the entrance of the French into the region would be the beginning
of tragedy for the Hmong people.[3] The French and Japanese would serve
to the Hmong people as a âdouble-edged swordâ. The Japanese would force
the Hmong to mine silver in Pa Heo, leading to a countless number of
deaths and many more injured[4], while the French modernized the Hmong
terrain, destroying their land and culture. The Hmong would later choose
to ally with the French and subsequently find out the repercussions of
their choice.
In 1941, Hmong tribal leader of the Ly tribe, LyFang Touby, would sign a
pact with Free Frenchâs Second Lieutenant Maurice Gauthier for the
creation of a resistance group that would take out the Japanese
occupation.[5] Utilizing guerrilla tactics to fend off the Japanese, the
Hmong served as a trustworthy exigency for the French. To the French,
the Hmong were only looked upon as that, a necessity. Since their lives
are primarily egalitarian, the Hmong could not understand the
hierarchies of the French military; the different ranks of authority
seemed to them pointless and quite confusing.
The resistance of the Japanese would soon end in 1945 after the bombing
of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Though the French and Hmong may have
triumphed over the Japanese, a new form of resistance would soon ensue.
A year after the Japanese withdrawal from Indochina, the French were
still presiding in the Hmong territory, for the French were embarking on
a new battle with the extremely nationalist group whose leader was a
Marxist-Leninist by the name of Ho Chi Minh; this group was called the
Vietminh. Within the period of 1947-1953, the Hmong and French would
have numerous offensives against the Viet Minh, leading to many trials
of victory and defeat.
At the same time of Franceâs war with the Vietminh, the French imposed
laws on the Hmong people and forced all of them to pay taxes or be
driven off their land. A number of Hmong people even sold their own
children in order to make the income for the French imposed taxes.[6]
The Hmong were also forced to give â15 days of free laborâ to build
roads, mines, and create marketplaces within the surrounding area.[7]
The French, to the Hmong people, were beginning to be viewed more as an
enemy than ally.
At the end of the French-Indochina war, the French were defeated in the
battle of Dien Bien Phu in 1954 by the Vietminh; practically resulting
in the evacuation of all French troops from the Hmong villages. Soon
there would be another war for the Hmong, one that would consist of
fighting against the Panthet Lao and the Vietcong, as well as the
betrayal of their Western âalliesâ, developing into the bloodiest war
that the Hmong would have to endure.
In 1960, the Hmong were in a constant battle against the Panthet Lao and
the Vietcong. Thanks to the French (along with the inherent imperialist
tendency of communism), a driving animosity was created between the
communists in Vietnam (Vietcong) and Laos (Panthet Lao) against the
Hmong people. This led the way for the opportunistic U.S. involvement in
Laosâ civil war. The CIA was secretly training Hmong villagers for an
offensive against the Panthet Lao, meant to be a âsecret warâ against
the communist forces. Vang Pao, a local tribe leader, was to be one of
the heads in the resistance against the Panthet Lao. This war led to
thousands of Hmong dead and thousands more relocated. In 1975, Vang Pao
and U.S. officials involved with the Hmong finally pulled out of Laos,
the biggest betrayal to the Hmong people.[8]
On May 9th, 1975, the Panthet Lao would soon confirm that âWe [Laos
People Democratic Republic] must eradicate the Meo minority
completely.â[9] They also stated that it was time âto cut down the old
trees which didnât produce any fruit to allow the new trees to
grow.â[10] This remark was geared towards the modernization of Laos and
the elimination of the Hmong people. By creating this new social
ârevolutionâ, the Lao Peopleâs Democratic Republic (PDR) devised actions
directed at the elimination of the ethnic minority. One act was for PDR
officials to instruct children who were captured by the Panthet Lao to
go back to their villages and kill their parents for the cleansing of
the traditional culture.[11] This was the beginning of the Hmongâs
genocide.
Soon enough, planes would fly over, spraying a yellow substance over the
villages. Many people were vomiting blood and dying almost automatically
after the yellow substance reached the breathing level; newborn children
were becoming deformed and soon died.[12]
In 1977, the Lao PDR was sending airplane pilots on missions spraying
chemical and biological weapons they received from Russia. The weapons
were in the form of a liquid mist substance, causing all internal organs
to shut down, with blood seeping out of a personâs pores and profuse
vomiting of blood and other matter.[13]
The outcome of the Hmongâs casualties in the yearâs of 1975-1978 were
reported to be 50,000 from biological and chemical toxins and 45,000
shot, tortured, or starved.[14] Also, the result of the genocide has
left more than 300,000 Hmong refugees[15]. Currently, there are only
315,465 still living in Laos and Thailand.[16]
The Hmong carried out several offensives against the Lao government
since 1977. The Lao government labels any insurgents as members of Chao
Fa, while in reality, many are just typical rebels who have no specific
affiliation. Itâs been said that the Hmong have affirmed a spiritual
battle against the PDR, for most warriors who engage in combat typically
have a set of rituals. For example, a groupâs shaman would recite
different chants, casting away evil spirits and tying quick knots in
three strands of white cotton thread binding it to the wrists of each
man.[17]
In 1981, Vang Pao â who was in exile in the U.S. â created the United
Lao National Liberation Front (ULNLF), which was a group of Hmong
refugees in Santa Ana, California. The ULNLF gave arms and support to
Hmong insurgents to fend off the Lao PDR. Later in the 1980âs, there
would soon be more ULNLF groups forming in Hmong refugee camps in
Thailand.[18]
In the past two decades, there have been several incidents of bombings
within Vientiane, Laos claimed by different Hmong insurrection
groups.[19] Also, groups such as the United Lao National Liberation
Front, Ethnic Issara, and Chao Fa are just a few of the many resistance
groups that have been actively resisting the domination of the Lao
Peopleâs Democratic Republic.
Yet there will also be treachery within the struggle. In 1994, the Laosâ
PDR insured that any of those who resisted the Lao occupation would
receive clemency if they surrendered and carried out their regular
lives; those who gave into this agreement were sent to internment camps
where they would later be beaten and killed.[20] On September 18, 2004,
a video was shown depicting five unarmed Hmong children being killed by
40 Laotian soldiers; the girls were raped before their deaths.[21]
Currently, many Hmong rebels are in continual combat against the Laos
PDR government and refuse to stop fighting until the PDR isfully
dissolved. The PDR should fear the Hmong, for the necessity for
liberation of the Hmong people will be fought at all cost and in the
recent ASEAN (Association of South East Asian Nations) conference held
in Laos, the fear was definitely apparent, for many PDR officials
worried about the onslaught of a Hmong resistance during the
conference.[22]
In another story, on November 21, 2004, Hmong immigrant Chai Soua Vang
shot and killed six hunters in Southern Wisconsin after being harassed,
threatened, and shot at by the local hunters when he accidentally
stumbled on to one of their properties. Vang was called derogatory
connotations like âchinkâ and âgookâ and was surrounded by eight men,
one who shot at his feet as a warning.[23]
Vangâs story is one of the many that have been involved with Hmong
hunters in conflict with the local hunters. Most of the Hmong hunters
have been awfully agitated by the local idea of property, for most Hmong
people have no notion of property and when it comes to hunting, the
Hmong usually have no set terrain or boundaries.
The Hmongâs future is in constant turmoil. The Laos Peopleâs Democratic
Republic continues to authorize a secret agenda to eliminate the Hmong
people. As my father and many elder Vietnamese speculate, the Hmong
people will cease to exist within five years, for the constant assault
on their people and culture will continue as long as dominant powers
have control.
Itâs up to all of us to take the initiative to protect the livelihood of
the Hmong people and all indigenous people, for their story reflects the
sheer oppression of colonialism and civilization. The Hmong are an
example of how both communist and capitalist ideologies (twin constructs
of industrialized civilizations) have destroyed people, culture, and
land.
The defense of this Earth and land-based cultures are exclusively based
on our will to fight against the devastation and horrors that
civilization has bestowed onto its inhabitants. The fight of the Hmong
and other indigenous cultures are armed conflicts connected to the
broader resistance against civilization. Their war is our war, for the
powers that threaten their lives lie within our own culture as well as
other predominant civilized cultures. We must take the initiative to
âhit it where it hurtsâ by focusing our energy to areas which are
integral to life on this Earth.
Transcending the movement and building a struggle!
ASIAN LIBERATION!
The Network for Asian Liberation
The Network for Asian Liberation is a non-hierarchical,
anti-authoritarian network enabling different Asian groups, collectives,
and cells to share information with each other. With up-to-date direct
action reports and news pertaining to Asia and the South Pacific, the
Network for Asian Liberation serves as a source of education on topics
pertaining to cultural exploitation/ extinction, assimilation,
globalization, industrialism, the environment, resistance to the
dominant culture and a myriad of other struggles.
For more information contact:
info/ comments: NETAZANLIB@RESIST.CA
news/direct action updates: ASIANLIBERATION@HUSHMAIL.COM
Pacific
The Philippines archipelago has seen in recent times natural systems
placed under severe and rapid attack by the onslaught of capitalist
development. Primary forest cover is down to 3% (18.6% total forest
cover) making the islandsâ biodiversity some of the most threatened on
the planet. And as a result of this, the remaining peoples who are
integrated into and dependant on these ecological systems are forced
into constant struggle for their very survival.
The Philippines government claims there are some 3 million âindigenous
peopleâ living in the country, out of a total population of 126 million.
This refers to people who have managed to maintain some level of
cultural identity that is distinct from the mainstream culture. However
most, if not all, have seen huge changes in their way of life compared
with just a few generations before. Several tribes are traditionally
exclusively hunter-gatherers, but forced settlement and destruction of
the forest has meant nearly all have had to develop some form of
agricultural activity.
One of the many negative impacts of 450 years of colonial and
neo-colonial rule by Spain and the U. S. has been the introduction of
Christianity. Missionary activity has been found by successive waves of
Christian colonisers to be a particularly effective means of
assimilation and control. Missionising has therefore never been
restricted in the Philippines and those few peoples who have not been
converted have only done so by continuous resistance.
Since the initial contact in 1521, there has been consistent resistance
to conquest. Spanish explorer Ferdinand Magellan met his death on the
island of Mactan at the hands of Lapu-Lapu, a local chief, and the rest
of his expedition fled back to Spain, who didnât send another ship for
43 years. Resistance continued through the 350 years of Spanish rule,
until a revolutionary war forced the colonists out at the end of the
19th century. The revolution, however, was immediately sold out by its
leaders, who let the U.S. take over the reins of power. Their 50-year
rule consisted of exceedingly violent repression â between 1 and 2
million people were killed in the first 10 years of the U.S. regime.
In more recent times, the struggles of tribal peoples have often been
focussed on the industrial development that destroys the forest and
pollutes the land: logging, mining, plantations, and large dams. In the
early 1980s, the people of the Cordillera Central mountain range
launched their famous successful struggle against the World Bank funded
damming of the Chico River. The fierce mountain people, who had never
allowed the Spanish to subdue them and exploit the large gold reserves
under their land, united in militant resistance against the project.
Repression was brutal and resulted in several deaths but the World Bank
eventually pulled out, and the resistance sparked a highly organised
movement in the region which has been fighting developments and for
political autonomy ever since.
Many of the largest battles of the last decade have focused around
mining. In the mid-90s the Philippines government decided to push the
mining industry as a key source of foreign income, with many of the
proposed new mines in indigenous areas. However, despite new laws and
other incentives, the mines have nearly without exception not been able
to open, due to community resistance. The Igorot of the Cordillera, the
Bâlaan of Mindanao and other tribal and non-tribal groups have all
managed to keep foreign mining companies at bay â at least for now.
A current struggle, that despite strong resistance, is not proving
successful (and deserves our solidarity), is that of the Subanon people,
together with local Christian and Muslim populations, against the
Canadian Company TVI Pacific. The company, with head offices in Calgary,
is currently in the process of constructing infrastructure for its gold
mine, and has bulldozed the summit of Mount Canatuan, a sacred mountain.
For years the destruction of the land and community has been resisted,
including physical resistance to the companyâs attempts to start mining.
In March 2004 Subanon people mounted a road blockade to prevent the
companyâs heavy machinery from moving onto the land, which was ended
after several days when company security opened fire, wounding four
people.
The years of resistance to the mine have met with a counter-offensive
from the company and the state which are further assaults on the Subanon
culture. Huge militarisation and death threats have created a climate of
fear in which people are afraid to publicly voice their opposition to
the mine. In addition, the company has used deceit and bribery to try
and create an alternative leadership structure that supports its
projects. This use of sophisticated PR techniques and buying people off,
introducing capitalistic relations to divide the tribe and subvert
traditional decision-making structures, is no less a serious attack on
the tribal existence than the destruction of their land.
In early 2003, a group from the U.K., previously involved in solidarity
work for West Papua, visited various indigenous villages within the
Philippines, among them one Manobo area which was the focus of a long
but ultimately unsuccessful battle against a geothermal power plant on
Mount Apo, the highest peak of the Philippines. During the most intense
period of struggle, the company had bought the support of one
traditional chief, while others stayed firm in their opposition. The
opposing sides fought each other through ritual curses and
counter-curses, law courts, and even physically, as some pro-geothermal
Manobo were recruited into paramilitary units by the state.
When we visited, the tribes were trying to rebuild unity. They were in
the process of trying to claim title to their ancestral domain. However,
they were fully aware that this legal process is fairly worthless, and
wanted to do something much more interesting, trying to reclaim their
cultural heritage and reverse the trend of increasing assimilation into
the lowland civilisation. Rediscovering their music, traditional crafts,
clothing, rituals etc, as well as the tribal warrior tradition through
forest defence, has opened up a common ground through which the
divisions created by the geothermal project can be gradually overcome.
The political situation in the Philippines is far from straightforward,
and resistance movements need to be understood in this context. There is
a 35 year old communist (essentially Maoist) movement and guerrilla
army, which aims to incorporate and control all resistance in its
âunited frontâ. There is also an ever-increasing number of NGOs and
mass-based peopleâs organisations, with varying levels of
sympathy/affiliation to the underground left. In addition there is a
strong âprogressiveâ wing of the Catholic Church, which has also been
involved in struggle since the years of the Marcos dictatorship.
These various organisations will often support or become involved in the
struggles for physical and cultural survival of indigenous people, and
this involvement clearly changes the nature of the resistance. One
Filipino anarchist advanced the theory to us that the reason that the
recent struggle against the San Roque dam failed whereas that against
the Chico River dam was successful 20 years before was as a result of
the hugely increased bureaucratic control of the movement neutralising
the spontaneous militancy which had worked so well previously. Whether
this is true or not, it can certainly be difficult for indigenous people
insufficiently acquainted with the complexities of authoritarian
politics to clearly understand when their resistance is being helped by
the organised infrastructures that these groups have, and when they are
being manipulated towards their agenda. Of course, on the other hand,
there are plenty of indigenous people who understand perfectly well and
are quite happy to embrace leftist ideologies.
We need to remember that most of the information that emerges into the
outside world has its source in one of these institutionalised groups,
and therefore it is often not possible to understand the real
motivations and actions of those who engage in acts of resistance if we
are not present in their communities at the time. And so those of us who
have problems with the ideology of these groups must not simply assume
that it is representative of all the people who are fighting â as we
should be aware of the tendency to interpret the resistance in a way
that confirms our own political line.
What we heard and understood time and time again from indigenous people
in the Philippines was that the motivation to resist came from the
destruction of the land, which sustains them â as much a physical
necessity as a spiritual one. We met many people living in severe
material poverty, but fully aware of the ecological richness they have,
how they are dependent on it, and what it means to lose it. We stayed
with communities that were continuing to take direct action to block the
machines of the logging industry or confronting illegal loggers in the
forest, and communities that continued to practice their traditional
rituals in secret despite being outwardly Christian. We met many people
proud of their traditional life and determined to maintain that life.
But also, we encountered people who were obviously worn out by the
stress of the constant need to resist new encroachments, and had
essentially given up the fight, no longer hoping or believing that it
was possible to stop the increasing destruction of their forests and
their lives.
For anyone interested in contacting members of an Earth First! Group
that regularly visit and work with tribal groups, visit:
www.geocities.com/efdavao or www.katribu.cjb.net. A longer analysis of
indigenous resistance in the Philippines can be found on the Solidarity
South Pacific web page: www.eco-action.org/ssp/resources.html
âMonsters hate fire, especially fires started by children. In fact,
Monsters hate fires so very much that they are the ones who first
thought up the idea of having Firemen who put fires out instead of just
allowing them to burn. You see, Monsters burn rather easily. Plus fire
is much too bright and hurts Monstersâ weak night vision eyes. You must
practice setting fires, quickly and easily. You must also learn how to
control or not to control fire. The easiest and best way to practice
fire starting is in your back yard on a sunny, summer afternoon. Just
set a small fire, at first, using stolen matches from your kitchen or
your fatherâs desk. Gather some dry leaves, scraps of paper, or tiny
twigs, set them in a pile and toss on a match or two. Eventually,
experiment with paper balls and bits of coal or other household fuels.
This is very important. Most grown-ups, Monsters or not, will try and
tell you that playing with fire is extremely dangerous and potentially
deadly. Just remember that you are fighting for your life, so you must
understand every defensive technique possible.â
â Destroy All Monsters!
August 18, Porter, Texas:
Unknown individuals used construction equipment to topple power poles
erected at a development site. Although this is an older news item, we
thought it worth mentioning considering the tactical and strategic
implications of the action.
September 25, France:
About 15 people were injured in clashes between French police and
activists protesting against genetically modified (GMO) crops. Police
fired tear gas grenades at the activists, who were trying to stage their
protest/decontamination in a field of transgenic corn near Valdivienne
in central France.
October 3: News Blackout On GM Decontamination In France
Anti-GM demonstrations have been met with violent repression in France,
so protesters have responded with night-time decontamination. But now, a
news blackout seems to have been imposed. During the night of Sunday
October 3, thirty voluntary reapers decontaminated an experimental field
of GM maize in the commune of Varois-et Chaignot near Dijon. The field
was the largest GM planting in France and the last in the whole of
Bourgogne but although all this information was sent to newspapers and
to France 3 TV in Bourgogne, it has not been made public by any of the
systems media outlets, so weâre spreading the word here!
October 11, Milwaukee: Sabotage Suspected In Wisconsin Tower Collapse
Bolts deliberately removed from two Wisconsin electric transmission
towers caused them to collapse across railroad tracks. About 17,000
homes and businesses, including Milwaukeeâs Mitchell International
Airport, were without power for part of the weekend. A Canadian Pacific
freight train that stopped just north of the fallen electrical lines was
still waiting there a day later.
The FBI issued a general warning to regional authorities to watch for
attacks on infrastructure. Waukesha, Wisconsin-based American
Transmission Co., ordered crews to inspect all electrical towers in the
area. The distribution lines are owned by We Energies. Police have cited
âecoterrorismâ in this incident, which dropped electrical wires on
railroad tracks used by Amtrak and Canadian Pacific trains.
Officials said it would take two or three days to effect repairs on the
49-year-old fallen transmission towers. Additionally, replacing the two
80-foot electric transmission towers in Oak Creek will cost the company
about $300,000.
October 12, Pennsylvania: Bomb Scare Closes 1-76 For Hours
The FBI is trying to determine if a radical environmental group (the
Earth Liberation Front) is responsible for a extensive disturbance on
the Schuylkill Expressway in Pennsylvania. The problems started when a
âsuspiciousâ device was found along the Belmont Ave. off-ramp. During
the commuter rush hour, authorities cut off all traffic between Belmont
and the Blue Route because of the ominous metal box found attached to a
PECO hightension line. The PECO tower stands in close proximity to
railroad tracks that run parallel to the highway.
The FBI is still uncertain as to whether the box, with the letters âELFâ
on it, was left by the radical environmentalists. The boxâs discovery
caused a massive disruption, stranding some drivers for nearly three
hours with no way to get off the road. If this incident was the work of
ELF, it wouldnât be the first time the group has struck in that area.
They came under suspicion last spring when a number of animals were
stolen from the Saul Agricultural High School. That case remains
unsolved.
After blowing open the box, investigators found only inert materials.
The FBI termed it a hoax, and said the box only contained wood mixed
with an adhesive.
âIt was a âcalling cardâ stating potential danger,â a bomb technician
said. The large black metal box had the initials âELFâ emblazoned on
white on the front of the box. Another âconcernâ (and investigative
stumbling block), according to the Feds, is the fact that the ELF is
very âfragmentedâ (decentralized?), with no official head or leader,
making it difficult to track down
any of its members.
November 11, Washington: Vancouver Lumber Yard Attack
The Federal Bureau of Investigation has joined in the investigation of
an attack on a Vancouver lumber yard. The FBI is taking part in the
probe because of the possibility of âecoterrorismâ.
Every front and rear tire on the trucks loaded with wood were pierced
with an ice pick. Altogether, 36 tires were ruined, costing the company
about $12,000, said Ira Harris, operations manager. The anarchist âAâ
logo was also spray painted on the trucks and doors of the lumber
companyâs building. A security camera was ripped off its mount on a roof
beam. âI just saw a lot of confusion,â said yard foreman Todd Petrie. âI
saw a lot of money sitting on the ground.â
November 17, Naperville, Illinois: Housing Development Targeted by
Vandals
Pigs are baffled by the vandalism at the site of a new housing
development. The most serious damage was done to two tractors owned by
an Oswego-based construction company that were left at the site.
Bags of powdered mortar that had recently been delivered to the scene
were apparently discovered and utilized by the vandals. Several of the
bags were opened, with the powder then poured into each tractorâs
hydraulic system. The land itself had recently been surveyed, with
surveying stakes planted in the earth. The vandals removed the stakes
and tossed them to the ground, forcing the developer to have the tract
resurveyed. It was not known whether the tractorsâ hydraulic systems
could be cleaned or salvaged. The cost of replacing the systems, if
necessary, could run as high as $20,000.
December 21, Hillsboro, Oregon: Two Men Indicted In Conspiracy To Target
Construction Company
Two transients found living in an abandoned farmhouse in Hillsboro have
been accused of allegedly planning to blow up trucks and equipment
belonging to a construction company that is polluting a Washington
County stream. Charles Arthur Jordan IV, 20, and Stephen Philip
Marshall, 19, were each charged with conspiracy to damage or attempt to
damage equipment used in interstate commerce.
The alleged target was Morse Brothers, a company that runs quarries
throughout Oregon and operates a concrete materials and tool service.
The FBI said the two men told friends of their plans and that the
eco-terrorism scheme unraveled Oct. 30, when neighbors called Hillsboro
police to report people living in an abandoned farmhouse on Tualatin
Valley Hwy. Police found three teenagers and 25 sticks of old, unstable
dynamite in the house. Lt. Chris Skinner, Hillsboro police spokesman,
said the teens reported that a friend named âChuckâ had found a
half-case of dynamite in a shed on the property and took it to the
basement to extract the nitroglycerin.
On Oct. 31, the Portland Police Bureau Explosives Disposal Unit used a
robot to carry the dynamite to the back yard, where it was destroyed in
a slow controlled burn. The bomb team burned the nitroglycerin in the
houseâs basement after the robot dropped a bowl containing it. No one
was injured, although Skinner said the dynamite was so unstable that it
had begun to sweat and that some of the nitroglycerin had crystallized.
Steele said after the indictment that Jordan and Marshall planned to use
the nitroglycerin âto damage trucks or equipmentâ belonging to Morse
Bros. because they thought the company was polluting a nearby stream.
Jordan is in federal custody at the Multnomah County Jail after serving
time in Washington County on state trespassing charges. Marshall is in
the Washington County Jail awaiting transfer to federal custody pending
resolution of his trespassing case. Marshallâs current prison address
is: Stephen Phillip Marshall #0415972, Washington County Jail, 215 SW
Adams Ave., MS 33, Hillsboro, OR 97123-3874
December 26, Los Gatos, California: Fire Consumes Two Trucks
Two trucks at Anderson Chevrolet were destroyed by fire. A passer-by
noticed the smoke and called 911, but by the time firefighters put out
the blaze, it had spread to eight vehicles. Though they have no firm
suspects, arson investigators are already referring to this incident as
a âpossible act of eco-terrorismâ. In 2003, an arsonist torched vehicles
at a nearby Los Gatos Hummer dealership. No arrests were ever made.
December 27, Lincoln, California: Incendiary Bombs Found At Construction
Site
Federal agencies have sent a terrorism task force to Lincoln to
investigate the discovery of three unexploded bombs that apparently were
intended to start fires at homes under construction. Authorities said
graffiti found at the construction site raised concern that the
incendiary devices may have been the work of radical environmentalists.
Among messages found spraypainted on a home and on a tractor were âEnjoy
the world as is â as long as you can,â âU will pay,â âQuit destroying
their homes,â âEvasion,â âLeaveâ and âDisarm or die.â Karen Ernst, a
spokeswoman for the FBI, said the agency wouldnât speculate on what the
words mean but that investigators will look at all possible motives and
angles.
âWe havenât ruled anyone out,â Ernst said. âWas it a group with an
agenda? Was it teenagers? We just donât know.â Ernst said the devices
âwere capable of causing extensive fire damage to the structures if they
had successfully functioned.â The bombs were found in the Catta Verdera
development at Twelve Bridges, an upscale golf-oriented, master-planned
community in southeast Lincoln. Lincoln Police Lt. Brian Vizzusi said
two of the devices were found inside homes and a third was found in a
trench in the back yard of another house. The lieutenant said 50 to 60
homes are under construction in the area where the bombs were found and
that each home was searched during a nine-hour operation by the various
agencies that responded.
As we go to print, the ELF (in an extensive anti-civ communiqué) claimed
responsibility for this action and another attempted arson in early
January on buildings under construction in the city of Auburn. Details
in our next issue.
Eco-Defense & Animal Liberation Prisoners:
Ted Kaczynski #04475-046, US Pen-Admin Max Facility, PO Box 8500,
Florence, CO 81226. Sentenced to multiple lifetimes in prison for the
âUnabomberâ bombing attacks against the architects of the New World
Order.
Jeffrey Luers (Free)#13797671, OSP, 2605 State Street, Salem, OR 97310.
Serving a 22+ year sentence for setting fire to Sports Utility Vehicles
to protest the destruction of the environment. He has been made an
example of by the criminal injustice system and he urgently needs your
support.
Fran Thompson #1090915
HU 1C, WERDCC, P.O. Box 300, Valdalia, MO 63382. Longtime eco-activist
serving a Life sentence for shooting dead, in self-defense, a stalker
who had broken into her home.
Helen Woodson #03231-045 FMC Carswell, PO Box 27137, Admin Max Unit,
Fort Worth, TX 76127. Serving 27 years for robbing a bank and then
setting the money on fire while reading out a statement denouncing
greed, capitalism and the destruction of the environment.
A few years ago the now-deceased philosopher of science and anarchist
Paul Feyerabend was invited to sign a petition being circulated by
well-known European thinkers. Its thrust was that society is in need of
input from philosophers, who draw upon the âintellectual treasuresâ of
the past. In these dark times, the petition concluded, âWe need
philosophy.â
Derrida, Ricoeur and the other liberal concocters of the document were
no doubt shocked by Feyerabendâs negative reaction. He pointed out that
philosophyâs âtreasuresâ were not meant as additions to ways of living,
but were intended to express their replacement. âPhilosophers,â he
explained, âhave destroyed what they have found, much in the way that
the [other] standard-bearers of Western civilization have destroyed
indigenous culturesâŠ.â[24] Feyerabend wondered how civilized
rationalityâ âwhich has reduced a natural abundance of life and freedom
and thereby devalued human existenceââbecame so dominant. Perhaps its
chief weapon is symbolic thought, with its ascendancy in the form of
language. Maybe the wrong turn we took as a species can be located at
that milestone in our evolution.
âWritingâŠcan be seen to cause a new reality to come into being,â
according to Terence Hawkes, who adds that language âallows no single,
unitary appeals to a ârealityâ beyond itself. In the end, it constitutes
its own reality.â[25] An infinitely diverse reality is captured by
finite language; it subordinates all of nature to its formal system. As
Michael Baxandall put it, âAny languageâŠis a conspiracy against
experience in the sense of being a collective attempt to simplify and
arrange experience into manageable parcels.â[26]
At the beginning of domination and repression, the start of the long
process of depleting the riches of the living world, is a very
ill-advised separation from the flow of life. What was once freely given
is now controlled, rationed, distributed. Feyerabend refers to the
effort, especially by specialists, to âreduce the abundance that
surrounds and confuses them.â[27]
The essence of language is the symbol. Always a substitution. Always a
paler representation of what is at hand, what presents itself directly
to us. Susanne Langer pondered the mysterious nature of symbols: âIf the
word âplentyâ were replaced by a succulent, real, ripe peach, few people
could attend to the mere content of the word. The more barren and
indifferent the symbol, the greater its semantic power. Peaches are too
good to act as words; weâre too much interested in peaches
themselves.â[28]
For the Murngin people of northern Australia, name giving and all other
such linguistic externalizations are treated as a kind of death, the
loss of an original wholeness. This is very much to the point of what
language itself accomplishes. In slightly more general terms, Ernest
Jones proposed that âonly what is repressed is symbolized; only what is
repressed needs to be symbolized.â[29]
Any symbolic mode is only one way of seeing and connecting. By reversing
our steps, in light of what has been progressively de-realized or lost,
it appears likely that before the symbolic dimension took over,
relations between people were more subtle, unmediated, and sensual. But
this is a forbidden notion. Commonplace statements like: âVerbal
language was perhaps the greatest technical invention [!] of human lifeâ
and âLanguage enables human beings to communicate and share with each
otherâ deny, incredibly, that communication, sharing, society didnât
exist before the symbolic, which was such a relative late-comer on the
evolutionary scale. (It appeared an estimated 35,000 years ago,
following nearly two million years of successful human adaptations to
life on earth.) Such formulations express perfectly the hubris,
imperialism and ignorance of symbolic thought.
We donât know when speech originated; but soon after domestication
gained the upper hand over foraging or gatherer-hunter life, writing
appeared. By about 8500 B.C. engraved clay tokens, records of
agricultural transactions and inventories, became widespread in the
Middle East. Five thousand years later, the Greek invention of the
alphabet completed the transition to modern writing systems.
The singular excellence of modern humans has of course become a basic
tenet of civilizationâs ideology. It extends, for example, to Sapirâs
definition of personality as a systematic psychological organization
depending on constellations of symbols.[30] The symbolic medium of
language is now widely felt as an all-defining imprisonment, rather than
a liberatory triumph. A great deal of philosophical analysis in the past
century revolves around this realization, though we can hardly imagine
breaking free of it or even clearly recognizing its pervasive presence
and influence. This is a measure of the depth of the impoverishing logic
that Feyerabend sought to understand. Certainly it is no small endeavor
to try to imagine what human cognition may have been like, before
language and symbolic thought took possession of so much of our
consciousness.
It is grammar that establishes language as a system, reminding us that
the symbolic must become systemic in order to seize and hold power. This
is how the perceived world becomes structured, its abundance processed
and reduced. The grammar of every language is a theory of experience,
and more than that, itâs an ideology. It sets rules and limits, and
grinds the one-prescription-fits-all lenses through which we see
everything. A language is defined by grammatical rules (not of the
speakerâs choosing); the human mind is now commonly seen as a grammar-
or syntaxdriven machine. As early as the 1700s, human nature was
described as âa tissue of language,â[31] a further measure of the
hegemony of language as the determining ground of consciousness.
Language, and symbolism in general, are always substitutive, implying
meanings that cannot be derived directly from experiential contexts.
Here is the long-ago source of todayâs generalized crisis of meaning.
Language initiates and reproduces a distinction or separation that leads
to ever-increasing placelessness. Resistance to this impoverishing
movement must lead to the problematization of language. Foucault noted
that speech is not merely âa verbalization of conflicts and systems of
domination, butâŠthe very object of manâs conflicts.â[32] He didnât
develop this point, which is valid and deserves our attention and study.
The roots of todayâs globalizing spiritual crisis lie in a movement away
from immediacy; this is the hallmark of the symbolic.
Civilization has made repeated, futile efforts to overcome the
instability and erosion of substance caused by the rule of the symbolic.
Among the most well-known was Descartesâ attempt to give âgroundingâ to
science and modernity in the 17th century. His famous mind-body duality
provides a philosophical method (based on suppression of the body, of
course) that we have suffered from ever since. He claimed certainty for
the system by means of the language of number, as expressed in his
analytic geometry. But the dream of certainty has been consistently
revealed as a further repressive substitute: an illusory foundation on
which domination has extended itself in every direction.
Language is conformist in the profoundest sense; even objective reality
yields to its pressure. The so-called factual is brought to dissolution,
because it is shaped and constrained by the limits of language. Under
its reductive force, we forget that we donât need symbols to be present
to meaning. The reality of pre-linguistic social practices is screened
from us by more than the practical, empirical limitations of access to
time past. Primal existence has been ruled irrelevant, and indigenous
lifeways are everywhere under siege, because of civilizationâs pervasive
over-valuation of the symbolic.
Yet an exploration of social life in the early symbolic epoch need not
be overly speculative, and may reveal important connections. We know
from archaeological and ethnographic evidence that early on in divided
society, inequality was often based on ritual knowledge: who possessed
it, who did not. The symbolic must have already been very much present
and determinant; or why wouldnât inequality be based on, say, knowledge
of plants?
It could well be that language emerged from ritual, which among other
attributes, is a substitutive form of emotion. The dissociated, symbolic
process of ritual activity parallels that of language and may have first
generated it: emotionally displaced expression, abstracted cries;
language as ritualized expression.
From early on, ritual has mystified power relationships. Deacon has
argued that language became necessary to enable the contracts on which
society depends.[33] However, it is more than likely that social life
long predated language. Contracts based on language may have appeared to
meet some challenge in society, such as the beginnings of disequilibrium
or inequality.
At a later stage, religion was a further (and even less successful)
response to problems and tensions in human communities. Language was
central there, too. Word magic runs through the history of religions;
veneration of names and naming is common (the history of religious life
in Ancient Egypt is a welldocumented example).[34]
Problems introduced by complexity or hierarchy have never been resolved
by symbolic means. What is overcome symbolically remains intact on the
non-symbolic (real) plane. Symbolic means sidestep reality; they are
part of what is going wrong. Division of labor, for instance, eroded
faceto-face interaction and eroded peopleâs direct, intimate
relationship with the natural world. The symbolic is complicit; it
generates more and more mediations to accompany those created by social
practices. Life becomes fragmented; connections to nature are obscured
and dissolved. Instead of repairing the rupture, symbolic thought turns
people in the wrong direction: toward abstraction. The âthirst for
transcendenceâ is initiated, ignoring the shifting reality that created
that desire in the first place. Language plays a key role here,
re-ordering and subordinating natural systems that humankind was once
attuned to. Symbolic culture demands that we reject our âanimal natureâ
in favor of a symbolically defined âhuman natureâ.
Now we live our everyday lives in a world system that is ever more
symbolic and disembodied. Even economies are decisively symbolic; and we
are told that the social bond (whatâs left of it) is essentially
linguistic. Language was an intrusion that brought on a series of
transformations resulting in our loss of the world. Once, as Freud put
it, âthe whole world was animate,â[35] known by all in a full, engaged
way. Later the totem animal was replaced by a god, a signpost of the
advancing symbolic. (I am reminded that indigenous elders who are asked
to make audio or video recordings often decline, insisting that what
they say must be communicated in person, face to face.)
Language was a powerful instrument for technological and social
disenchantment. Like every symbolic device, it was itself an invention.
But it does not establish or generate meaning, which antedates language.
Rather, it confines and distorts meaning, via the rules of symbolic
representationââthe architecture of the logic of control. Domestication
also partakes of this underlying orientation, which has served
domination in key ways. Language has a standardizing quality; this
develops in tandem with the technological development it facilitates.
The printing press, for example, suppressed dialects and other language
variants, creating unified standards for exchange and communication.
Literacy has always served economic development, and aimed to bolster
the cohesion so necessary for the nation-state and nationalism. Language
is a productive force; like technology, it is not amenable to social
control. In the postmodern era, both language and technology rule, but
each shows signs of exhaustion. Todayâs symbolic reflects nothing much
more than the habit of power behind it. Human connectedness and
corporeal immediacy have been traded away for a fading sense of reality.
The poverty and manipulation of mass communication is the postmodern
version of culture. Here is the voice of industrial modernity as it goes
cyber/digital/virtual, mirroring its domesticated core, a facet of mass
production. Language does not bestow presence; rather, it banishes
presence and its transparency.
Dan Sperber wrote of an âepidemiology of representationsâ; his pathology
metaphor is apt. He questioned why the symbolic spreads like an
epidemic, why we are susceptible to it,[36] but left these questions
unanswered.[37]
In the Age of Communication our homogenized symbolic âmaterialsâ prove
so inadequate. Our isolation grows; what we have to communicate shrinks.
How is it that the world and consciousness have come to be seen as
mainly comprised of, and enclosed by, language? Does time structure
language or does language structure time? So many questions, including
the key one; how do we transcend, escape, get rid of the symbolic? We
may not yet know much about the how, but at least we know something of
the why. In language, number, art, and the rest, a substitution essence
has been the symbolicâs bad bargain. This compensation fails to
compensate for what is surrendered. Symbolic transactions deliver an
arid, anti-spiritual dimension, emptier and colder with each
re-enactment. This is nothing new; itâs just more sadly oppressive and
obvious, more corrosive of actual connectedness, particularity,
non-programmed life. This strangling, unhappy state saps our vitality
and will destroy us if we donât end it. Representation is unfaithful
even to itself. Geert Lovink concluded that âthere is no ânaturalâ image
anymore. All information has gone through the process of digitization.
We just have to deal with the fact that we can no longer believe our
eyes, our ears. Everyone who has worked with a computer will know
this.â[38]
Discounted, atrophying senses to go along with the distancing and
decontextualization. George Steiner has announced a âcore tirednessâ as
the climate of spirit today. The weight of language and the symbolic has
brought this fatigue; the âshadows lengthenâ and there is âvalediction
in the air.â[39] A farewell is indeed appropriate. Growing illiteracy,
cheapened channels of the symbolic (e.g. email)âŠa tattered dimension.
The Tower of Babel, now built into cyberspace, has never been tallerâbut
quite possibly never so weakly supported. Easier to bring down?
Kevin Tucker
No one knows what the future has in store for us. But considering how
things are going now, it doesnât look very promising. In any case, it
never hurts to be prepared for the worst. The end of civilization is
coming and I believe it will be in our lifetime. I canât say how it will
end, but things will get much worse before they get better.
Those holding power now wonât go down without a fight. Taking out the
grid is a practical way of keeping them from acting since their world is
now impossible without machines. But even if the power goes out
tomorrow, you can count on the military and police taking their time to
realize their own inevitable end. Civilizationâs war against life will
rapidly become clearer. Our response must be fitting.
Now I talk a lot about a nomadic gatherer/hunter lifeway in terms of
psychological, ecological, social and spiritual sanity, but it doesnât
end there: it is also an extremely adaptive lifeway for the worst case
scenarios. Iâm talking about guerilla war.
Guerilla warriors have always had the problem of getting food. Che
considered the relationship between the guerillas and the rural folk who
feed and support them as the most important factor for survival. And he
was right. Numerous other Latin American resistance movements failed
simply because they could not connect with the local peoples. Some were
outright rejected (including Cheâs last stand) and some groups would
outright terrorize the people. For obvious enough reasons, neither leads
toward success.
Granted, support is an important factor but Iâm interested in destroying
civilization, not seizing it for some eventual dismantling. So what it
comes down to is dependency upon food and material support from the
population that is to be liberated. Thatâs always been the biggest risk
and in our world of the all-seeing technological eyes and ears of the
state, itâs hardly a risk worth taking. Learning how to gather and hunt
gives you the advantage: you can support yourself completely, if
necessary. The fewer ties to the world at large, the more you are likely
to succeed.
Self-sufficiency, tied to nomadism, keeps you on the move and extremely
adaptable. Army survival programs are meant for the worst case scenario.
The enemy may know some basic skills, but the gatherer/hunter lifestyle
is a completely different world. The world around you becomes familiar
and sacred territory for you while it remains uncharted territory for
the unsuspecting and disconnected. You learn lessons about flow and
movement that can take you in and out of cities unnoticed and
unsuspected.
Hunting is important for a number of reasons. The most obvious is the
technical skill and ability of hitting dead on. It means being able to
make tools capable of causing damage at any range. Blow darts, bows,
atlatls, spears, blades, and traps are all silent and easily reproduced.
Guns and explosives are far different in terms of damage, but not in
terms of technique and skill. Practice is important, but adaptability is
vital. Needless to say, guns, ammo and explosives can easily become
available with the help of other tools.
But with hunting comes tracking and stalking. No machine can replicate
the stealth of a fully aware and interconnected being. You learn very
quickly what to look for and what not to leave behind. You learn how to
be a part of the world around you: spiritually and physically. Awareness
can put you on the offense rather than defense.
The nomadic lifestyle keeps you in top shape. Walking for miles a day
with a full load can do wonders for the body and mind. Itâs the life our
bodies evolved into. The enemy, prepared only to survive long enough to
âwinâ, is never at ease and no amount of training can place them where a
rooted person flourishes.
Nomadic peoples have always had the advantage in terms of warfare. Wars
of conquest and expansion have always been long and typically completed
only by forced settlement, rather than outright success. In the
Americas, the settled empires were open to military conquest. There was
a place to walk into and a position of power to assume. That is
something nomadic gatherer/hunters lack entirely, to their benefit.
The one disadvantage has always been the inability of rooted peoples to
understand their uprooted enemies. The idea of annihilation, conquest
and warfare are all rooted in the ever-expanding settlements of
domesticated peoples. Being raised in civilization has made us not only
incapable of understanding this, but complacent in it. We possess a
technology that affects people in a way that is psychologically
impossible to grapple with. Annihilation and intimate knowledge of
machine-like thinking are unfortunately too well known to us. But in
this case, our deepest wound may be our greatest advantage when coupled
with the nomadic lifeway.
Let the rage of our healing and the knowledge of our enemy guide us
through the worst and enable us to immerse ourselves in a world of
wildness: to reemerge into a world without domestication.
âRevolutionary violence is preventive organization and preventive attack
on the bourgeois forces. It is the struggle against State institutions,
it is the specific search for confrontation, aimed at the surrender of
the State superstructure. Revolutionary violence is initiative, the
preparation of guerrilla organizations, the formation of the forces of
resistance, and the thinking out of new programs of attack. Nevertheless
revolutionary, violence is still defensive violence. In fact the
institutions, the State, the bourgeois structure, the military
repressive forces, the police and every other expedient put into effect
by the shrewd pillage organized by the bosses, is in itself a
provocation, an attack, a sentence, a systematic blow. Even when all
these repressive forces take on the loose aspect of dialogue and
tolerance, even when we feel a familiar hand on the shoulder, precisely
then is the moment to strike harder, more deeply.â
âAlfredo Bonanno
September 28, Greece:
A gas canister bomb exploded outside a shop selling Greek flags in the
northern Athens suburb of Halandri in the early morning, causing minor
damage.
October 4, Spain: Sabotage of New Jail under Construction
From the communiqué:
ââŠBetween 2:00 and 3:00 a.m. on Sunday morning, two explosions destroyed
two trucks of the company that is preparing lands for the new jail under
construction in Can Margarit. The jails are places of repression and
confinement that the system constructs to be perpetuated and to maintain
the status of that which they control: Capital and its servants, the
politicians. We attacked these centers as one more form of opposition to
a system that perpetuates repression, war, crime and exploitation. For
freedom and social equality. Against the jails, its guardians and their
promoters.â âTemplanz Anarchist Group
October 5, Barcelona: Spanish Bombs Rock the ProvinceâŠWeâre Hearing
Music From Another Time!
In the night, three Molotov cocktails were thrown at the entrance of the
Sants-Montjuic district police station, causing damage to the lobby of
the building and injuring one pig who tried to extinguish the flames.
The attack coincided with the âDay of the Police.â Three anarchists have
reportedly been arrested and charged for the attack.
October 5, Greece: Salonica Bomb Blasts!
Gas-canister bombs destroyed two municipal vehicles parked outside the
town hall in Thessaloniki in the early hours of the morning but no one
was injured, local pigs said. There was no claim of responsibility for
the blasts. A series of similar attacks earlier this year and in 2003
has been attributed to anarchist groups.
October 15, Athens, Greece: Polytechnic School Occupation in Solidarity
with Hunger Strike
Anarchists occupied the Polytechnic School in solidarity with the
convicted members of âRevolutionary Organization 17 Novemberâ who are on
hunger strike. Dimitris Koufontinas, now in critical condition, began
the hunger strike on the 18th of September; he was followed by
Christodoulos Xiros, Iraklis Kostaris, Savvas and Vasilis Xiros,
Alexandros Giotopoulos, and Christos Tsigaridas. Vasilis Tzortzatos, who
had been on a hunger strike for 43 days (from August 9 to September 20),
announced he will participate in the new hunger strike as well. The
prisoners are demanding better living conditions and drawing attention
to the stateâs attempts to physically exhaust the militants kept as
hostages and to de-construct their personality.
October 17, Athens, Greece: Olympics Are Over, But Anarchists Live On!
Now that the Olympics are over, Greek police are back to worrying about
anarchist arson gangs. About 20 hooded youths went on a rampage in
central Athens, throwing gasoline bombs and smashing windows. The group
damaged two banks and an Interior Ministry office; no one was hurt.
The episode is raising fears amongst State officials that arson gangs
could re-emerge with the relaxation of security after the Olympics.
Anarchist arsonists routinely target private banks and government
property. Greece spent a record one-and-a-half billion dollars on
security during the Games while 70-thousand police and soldiers
patrolled city areas. The heightened security measures ended in early
October.
The anarchists began their rampage at around 10 p.m. from Exarchia
Square, splitting up into two groups. One group attacked the
Agricultural Bank branch near the square with firebombs, causing a
blaze, which also threatened a nearby medical clinic. Firefighters
quickly put out the fire, but not before it caused major damage. Minutes
later the same group threw petrol bombs at a nearby branch of Emporiki
Bank. The ensuing blaze was soon extinguished and only resulted in minor
damage.
The other group of anarchists firebombed a nearby office of the Interior
Ministry, but without causing major damage. The rebel youth fled the
scene before the police could make any arrests.
October 21, Barcelona, Spain: Police and Squatters Battle
Clashes broke out between riot police and squatters in the Cornella
district of Barcelona on October 21. Masked squatters set up burning
barricades in the streets to fight the eviction and demolition of the
âPati Blauâ building, and threw rocks and bottles and shot fireworks at
riot police, wounding four pigs. At one point during the three-hour
battle, squatters stopped a bus, evacuated the passengers, and set fire
to the vehicleâs tires to use it as a barricade. The squatters
eventually fled the area and none were arrested at the scene. The
demolition of the building that was once their home unfortunately
proceeded.
October 28, Lawrence, Kansas: Vandal Hits County
GOP Headquarters This was one version of ârock the voteâ Chris Miller
could have done without. On the morning of October 29, Miller was
tiptoeing around shards of glass at Douglas County Republican Party
headquarters, the result of a large rock that was thrown through the
front window overnight. The rock was shrouded in a partially burned
American flag with the words âNo Kerryâ and âNo Bushâ scrawled on it.
October 29, Catania, Italy: Police Station Firebombed
At about 4 a.m., two firebombs were thrown at a police station in
downtown Catania, causing minor damage. Local pigs suspect the attack
was the work of anarchists since fresh anarchist graffiti was found on
several walls of the city, consisting of antifascist and anti-police
slogans.
October 30, Italy: Temp Agency Bombed In Milan
Sometime in the late night/early morning hours, two bombs exploded
outside a âManpowerâ temporary labor agency. A few weeks later, this
action was claimed by anarchists.
November 5, Raleigh, North Carolina: Never Mind The Ballots, Hereâs The
Rest of Your Life!
A mob of vandals attacked the North Carolina Republican Party
headquarters, leaving behind smoke damage, broken windows and âvulgar
messagesâ, local pigs said. Raleigh cops reported that earlier in the
night about 100 people wearing masks and gloves were walking down a
street near the headquarters. The vandalism occurred around 11 p.m., the
result of an obviously âplanned and orchestrated event,â police
spokesman Jim Sughrue said. âThis is not a political
statement,â Sughrue said. âA political statement is what we made
Tuesday. This is a crime.â
Investigators at the scene found a partially burned, two-headed effigy
in military fatigues (Bush and Kerry). They also found several spent
fireworks, placards, broken windows, and spray-painted expletives on the
walls. Police said it appeared as if the vandals tried to put incendiary
devices inside of the building.
âThe people who did this are sick,â said Kevin Howell, communications
director for the state Republican Party. âPeople donât understand that
debate and elections are part of the process. This isnât how you act.â
Bill Peaslee, state GOP chief of staff, said campaign offices and party
headquarters in other states have also been vandalized in recent months.
Commotion erupted in two spots on Hillsborough Street shortly after 11
p.m. One group of roughly 100 people blocked the road across from the
N.C. State University Bell Tower while another 100 gathered at the
Republican Party building. As pigs responded to the illegal
demonstration in the street, they passed the group vandalizing the party
headquarters. When police arrived, both groups scattered.
Police could not apprehend anyone, but, hearing a fracas, John Robbins
and another slavish neighbor captured and detained three protesters
until pigs arrived. âI found them between the garages taking off their
black clothes,â Robbins said, adding that one of the female protesters
bit him on the shoulder. âThey were saying they didnât hurt anybody, but
my thing for going out there was to hold them responsible for the damage
they had done,â he said. âDoing this sort of thing just isnât right.â
Vanessa Marie Zuloaga, 24, and Melissa Lynn Brown, 18, both of Columbia,
S.C., and David Reuben Hensley, 20, of Raleigh were each charged with
one count of causing malicious damage to property by use of an
incendiary device, a felony. On Saturday morning, Robbins discovered a
black flag and crowbar in his yard and handed them over to police.
Dog-walking neighbors and others driving by Saturday morning offered
police the whereabouts of other items.
Flag-saluting idiot John Denton found all sorts of stuff during his
morning walk, including a duffel bag, a torch, bandannas, gloves, a roll
of duct tape and a discarded drum. He pointed it all out to local pigs.
Police believe their suspects are part of the âanarchy movementâ; a
group of people the FBI considers domestic terrorists.
But the real fireworks happened after the court hearing when one of
their friends attacked two photojournalists, breaking their cameras.
Raleigh police have warrants out for the manâs arrest and are still
searching for others they think took part in the vandalizing. Raleigh
pigs said they believe this is not the first time this anarchy group has
had a run-in with the law. In fact they believe this group is loosely
connected with a national movement that has committed crimes in the
so-called âTriangleâ of Raleigh in the past. Police said back in June,
anarchists were responsible for shutting down railroad tracks with
explosives in Durham and hanging signs in protest of the G-8 Summit.
Capt. Ken Mathias said, âItâs an old movement with roots back to the
1800âs. Their goal is to end government.â
November 8, Milan, Italy: Prison and Temp Agency Bombed
According to the Italian Ansa news group, the overnight bombings of the
San Vittore jail and an Adecco temporary labor agency in Milan have
recently been claimed by the âFederazione Anarchica Informale â Cellule
Insorgenti Metropolitaneâ (Informal Anarchist Federation â Metropolitan
Insurgent Cells), who stated that temporary labor agencies âare
responsible for the exploitation of millions of peopleâ. This group also
claimed to have committed a bombing attack on a Manpower agency on
October 30, 2004. Two of the three letter bombs that exploded in the
night on November 8th were almost certainly a demonstrative action near
Milanâs San Vittore prison. The third was for a seasonal job centre.
This is the view of the police, who intervened in Piazza Aquileia, Porta
Vercellina corner, after reports of a bomb going off in a large refuse
bin. While the police were on the scene, Amsa, the municipal waste
company, reported that a wastecrusher lorry, stopped on Via Paleocapa to
unload smaller bins, was damaged by an explosion inside.
November 25, Bogor, West Java: Indonesian Officials Blame Anarchists for
Bloody Police Riot
The incident started when thousands of villagers, supported by regional
anarchists, staged a rally to protest the planned trial of a waste
treatment facility by operator PT Wira Guna Sejahtera. It turned violent
after cops guarding the plant clashed with protesters who had vandalized
the office and cars at the plant and allegedly attempted to burn down
the plant. Police say the protesters also carried machetes and other
sharp weapons. The Bogor regency council as well as the West Java
provincial council recommended after the violence that the plant be
closed as it could spark further social unrest. Jakarta Governor
Sutiyoso responded angrily to the recommendation, warning that foreign
investors would flee Indonesia if authorities in Jakarta give in to the
actions of âanarchistsâ.
He claimed the anarchic action has already prompted private investors
from Canada and South Korea to think twice about committing to waste
processing projects in the capital.
He added the facility could not yet be tested because it was damaged by
the anarchists, who had also damaged Indonesiaâs investment climate. The
governor is accustomed to using brutality to push through unpopular
projects. According to the Urban Poor Consortium, about 50,000 people
have been evicted from their homes in Jakarta over the past three years
as part of Sutiyosoâs development strategies. Many of the evictions
resulted in bloodshed when security authorities attacked impoverished
locals who refused to leave their simple homes.
November 26, Greece:
A homemade explosive device, comprised of three gas canisters tied
together, caused serious damage to a bank ATM in Thessalonikiâs Evosmos
district when it detonated in the early morning hours. The explosion
caused around 10,000 euros in damage.
December 5, Rome: Police Stand Aside As Anarchists Raid Supermarkets
When 300 âshoppersâ poured into a busy Rome supermarket and loaded their
trolleys with fine wine and food, it was not because there were any
special offers. Instead the crowd, incited by anarchist protesters who
swigged champagne as they swept down the aisles, demanded a 70 per cent
âdiscountâ on everything they wanted.
They ignored the managerâs refusal and police, who feared a riot, stood
by as the protesters
wheeled trolleys laden with goods past the tills and on to the street,
to distribute their contents to anyone who would take them. The raid on
the giant Panorama supermarket, on the eastern outskirts of Rome, was
the most spectacular of 40 similar swoops on Italian stores in recent
weeks by mobs claiming they were âreappropriatingâ the goods. There is
considerable sympathy for the protesters among Italians who are fed up
with high unemployment and economic austerity. One pensioner, who
witnessed the Panorama raid, complained that after paying his rent he
had almost nothing to live on. âThereâs nothing wrong with what theyâre
doing,â he said. âBravo,â said a woman. âI can only go shopping once a
month, and when the money runs out I have to tighten my belt.â
The first supermarket raid was launched by activists in Milan protesting
at the conditions of part-time workers, but the idea was hijacked as a
publicity vehicle by anarchists. Nor are supermarkets the only target.
The previous week anarchists extracted autoreduzioni, or âself-imposed
discountsâ, of 60 per cent from bookshops in Bologna and Florence.
Da Celeste restaurant in Volpago del Montello, a town near Venice, was
also hit. A group of 44 people ate a $2,000 dinner then walked out
without paying. They left an $82 tip and a written message, informing
the astonished owner that the unpaid bill was the price he must pay for
agreeing to cater a recent NATO meeting in Venice.
December 10, Italy: Letter Bomb Delivered To âSAPPEâ Office In Rome
A letter bomb containing an explosive videocassette was sent to the
national office of Sappe, the prison officers trade union, on Via
Trionfale 79 in Rome. The package was opened by a secretary who noticed
various electric wires connected to a battery and to the videotape and
quickly called the Carabinieri (Italian pigs). Bomb disposal experts
arrived and found the package contained around 40 grams of explosive.
The bomb was designed to explode when opened. In the space reserved for
sender, was written DAP, the Prisons Department.
December 11, Rome: Bomb Sent To Italian Police Association
Suspected anarchists mailed a small package bomb to the Rome
headquarters of the national Carabinieri police association, which was
defused
without incident, âauthoritiesâ said. About 40 grams of gunpowder were
packed inside a video-cassette case, which arrived in the mail at the
association shortly after 11 a.m. No group has claimed credit for the
device, which was similar to the one sent to the union offices of Roman
prison guards the previous day. That package bomb was also defused. The
discovery on December 11 was the latest in a series of package bombs and
other threatening items sent to offices of police, newspapers and
government offices in Rome and other cities over the past year by
suspected militant anarchists. Italian pigs say the anarchists may be
angered over recent arrests. The offices of political party, the
Northern League, said it also received an envelope on December 10 with
two bullets and a letter with the names of party members: Justice
Minister Roberto Castelli and Reforms Minister Roberto Calderoli.
December 25, Athens: Anarchists Attack Police Station in Greece
Some 100 anarchists wearing hoods and helmets attacked the St.
Panteleimonas police station in Athens. The rioters used stones, bricks,
crowbars, flares and Molotov cocktails, causing heavy damages. According
to eye witnesses the police started firing their handguns when they
feared the anarchists would take over the police station. Two cops were
lightly wounded. As the crowd retreated, 5 police cars where destroyed.
Hours later a 29-year-old builder was arrested and a small axe was found
on him; he was severely beaten, sustaining a broken nose and a broken
ankle. He is now facing felony charges for allegedly attacking police
vehicles with the axe.
The strike was very well organized and successful even though the police
station was on high alert the previous few days expecting an attack. It
was a direct action against police brutality. Non-governmental
organizations had earlier accused police from the same precinct station
of torturing Afghan immigrants.
Activists said the previous week that police raiding an Athens hostel
carried out mock executions on Afghan immigrants, with one pig sticking
a gun in a teenagerâs mouth.
Police panicked, following the broadcast of a television documentary
highlighting the allegations, and said that they âwould investigate
reports that officers had beaten Afghan and Iranian immigrants.â
Anarchist & Anti-Authoritarian Prisoners:
Bill Dunne #10916-086, Box 019001, Atwater, CA 95301. Antiauthoritarian
sentenced to 90 years for the attempted liberation of a prisoner in
1979.
Ojore N. Lutalo #59860, PO 861, SBI #0000901548, Trenton, NJ 08625.
Anarchist and black liberation soldier serving time for revolutionary
clandestine activities.
Brian McCarvill #11037967, TRCI, 82911 Beach Access Rd, Umatilla, OR
97882. Became politically active while serving a 39-year sentence on
bogus charges, he has been continually harassed after filing a lawsuit
against the Oregon Dept. of Corrections.
Mike Rusniak DOC K88887, Dixon CC, 2600 Brinton, PO Box 99, Dixon, IL
61021. Serving time for stealing a police car, and other acts of
anti-government propertydestruction.
Robert Thaxton #12112716, (aka Rob Los Ricos) MCCF, 4005 Aumsville Hwy,
Salem, OR 97301. Long-time anarchist sentenced to over seven years in
prison for throwing a rock at a cop in selfdefense at a June 18, 1999
Reclaim the Streets protest in Eugene.
Rodney Wade #38058, S.I.C.I., ND-BL-24, P.O.Box 8509, Boise, ID, 83707.
Ecological activist serving time for self-defense against a racist
attack.
Jerome W. Bey #37479, SCCC (1-B-224), 255 West Hwy 32, Licking, MO
65102. Social prisoner and founder of the anarcho-syndicalist Missouri
Prison Labor Union
Anarchist Black Cross Network
www.anarchistblackcross.org
An Alternative to Building a Green Anarchist Movement
Along with the promising contagious articulation of anti-civilization
ideas within the anarchist movement and beyond, there is a slippery and
unfortunate tendency to repeat a motivational and organizational mistake
of previous anarchists or revolutionaries; that is, the goal of
constructing (whether egalitarian or not) a new social movement. It is
baffling that those who have a strong critique of the Left (including an
analysis of the fetishization of organization, representation,
standardization, leadership, and mass society) can also stumble into the
same pitfalls of trying to âbuild a movementâ. While I trust that they
are motivated by liberatory intentions, I have a hard time understanding
how these pursuits are fundamentally different from previous attempts at
solidifying ideas or managing conflict with the social/civilized order.
Is it a case of not being able to see their own ideological baggage they
wish to build a movement around? Do they see âtheirâ movement as somehow
different because they are addressing the âcorrectâ or âfundamentalâ
issues and speak rhetorically of diversity, so long as people agree on
the same principles they espouse?
As an anarchist, and particularly as someone whose life undertaking is
the destruction of civilization and creating ways to truly live outside
of its logic, I find the movement model completely unsatisfactory,
suffocating, and foreign to my personal project of liberation. I
prioritize my own needs, passions, and dreams. I form my affinity and
connection with others based on these. But, I also understand that a
small group of green anarchists and primitivists cannot significantly
alter the trajectory of civilization, and that a linkage, both directly
through action and mutual aid, and in the development of critical theory
with other decentralized groups is important. But what might this look
like as a truly nonideological and anti-authoritarian practice, one that
prioritizes autonomy? As of late, the way Iâve been trying to articulate
the opening of possibilities along these lines is not the development of
a green anarchist movement, but instead, contributing, in my own unique
way and in collaborations of affinity, to a diverse momentum against
civilization.
There is certainly no shortage of reasons to despise and act against
civilization, and each of us comes into the battle with our own
experiences and our own agendas. This is demonstrated in our
prioritization of certain articulations of analysis, by our strategic
assessments, and by our actions. Ideally, these would not dwell on
symptomatic elements, but rather, grasp a totality of the civilized
dynamic. Although, again, this totality will be articulated and acted
upon differently, based on the filters through which we view
civilization, our specific interface and entanglement with it (both past
and present), the particular language and terminology we utilize, and
our personal desires. How, say, a middle class academic white man in a
college town with his own personal and social experiences and analysis,
approaches civilization will look much different than, letâs say, a
black factory worker in Detroit, or a peasant mother in rural (yet
industrializing) Mexico, or a hunter-gatherer who is resisting the
deadly encroachment of civilization upon her ancient life-way and the
world that she is intimately connected to. Each have their reasons and
motivations to destroy and escape from civilization, but their paths
along the way, for a number of reasons, will look very different. This
difference, this uniqueness, is what a movement (and ideology) tries to
flatten in an attempt to âget everyone on boardâ. As a âgreat unifierâ,
the âmovement buildingâ prescription is not that dissimilar in
arrangement and motivation to imperialism or globalization, as it
attempts to standardize our passions and goals into a lowest common
denominator that moves further and further from us as numbers increase.
We are left with either a very rigid and dogmatic set of ideas projected
by the vanguard or elite thinkers, or an absurdly vague and meaningless
agenda based on the most superficial characteristics of âdiversityâ.
As we start to look at momentum â a general dynamic or process, rather
than movement â a grouping based around specific political ideas or
measurements of progress, things begin to open up. Without getting too
caught up semantically, or limited by the science from which these words
are derived, it can still be somewhat helpful to look at momentum and
movement in relation to physicality, where these concepts have their
roots. Movement, while it is a description of activity, does not
increase or decrease rate of motion; it stays at a constant. Momentum,
however, by definition, is increasing or decreasing rate of motion.[40]
If something is in motion (âon the moveâ) then it is said to have
momentum. Momentum is dependent upon three variables: how much is
moving, how fast it is moving, and where it is going.[41] Another
important, yet obvious, reduction is that objects at rest, or at a
constant speed, do not have momentum (one could say, like the Left).
Momentum is a commonly used term in sports. When an announcer proclaims
that a team has momentum, they mean that the team is going to be hard to
slow down or defeat. It is necessary to apply a force against its motion
for a given period of time to halt it. The more momentum something has,
the harder it is to stop. Thus, it would require a greater amount of
force or a longer amount of time (or both) to bring something with more
momentum to a rest, to change its velocity, and hence, its momentum. An
unbalanced force will always accelerate or decelerate an object. If the
force acts opposite the objectâs motion, it slows the object down. If a
force acts in the same direction as the objectâs motion, then the force
speeds the object up. Either way, a force will change the velocity of an
object. And if the velocity of the object is changed, then the momentum
of the object is changed.[42]
Obviously, these scientific definitions and explanations are extremely
restricted, but they do offer some insight in reference to the question
of movement vs. momentum. In this light, we begin to view movement as a
linear process which neither offers nor describes any variety,
directional change, or acceleration in transit from point A to point B.
Momentum, however, is a dynamic or description of motion which takes
into account various influences of force (both conflicting and
supportive), the mass of what is being measured, and the rate of speed
in connection to its acceleration and direction. While clumsy and
hampered by the logic from which they come, these concepts can be
applied to social dynamics, at the very minimum for their linguistic or
metaphoric qualities.
But these are just words with somewhat arbitrary usage outside the
problematic scientific realm, and this can take us only so far. What is
more important is how these words and concepts have been used both
historically and in contemporary social dynamics, and even more
importantly, the concepts and practical applications which may be useful
to an anti-civilization praxis. The concept of a movement has always
been quite clear. To work to spread (read: package and sell) a specific
idea or consciousness, so that when a critical mass of proponents,
soldiers, sympathizers, converts, believers, or suckers is reached,
either society will spontaneously begin to shift in a desired direction,
or it will be deemed (by the elite within the movement, or through a
democratically determined proposal) justifiable, reasonable, or
strategically possible to structurally (physically or legally) change
it. These movements tend to be tightly bound by a specific morality,
world-view, ideology, strategy, or issue (i.e. Moral Majority,
Anti-Globalization, Marxism-LeninismMaoism, Peace Movement, Gay
Marriage). They are often defensive in positioning (anti-racism,
anti-sexism, anti-prisons, anti-abortion, anti-Bush, etc.), and mostly
reformist. They tend to accept and even promote hierarchy
(organizations, parties), or at least some sort of informal leadership
or experts (writers, speakers, and organizers). They usually have some
formal policies or codes (platforms, programs, manifestos), or at least
informal norms (political correctness, etiquette, protocol) for people
to adhere to, with accountability, social pressures, punishment, and
even expulsion being negative consequences. Typically, these movements
have publications, conferences, and projects which, although not always
overtly stated, are intended to represent the movement to others and
offer a certain amount of internal dialogue. But, possibly the most
defining characteristic of movements, despite any incoherence,
ineffectiveness, or lack of direction or critical analysis they may
have, is their inherent desire to have more people be a part of it; the
old ânumbersâ game. At some point, even the most radical and autonomous
political or social impetus, unless movement consciousness is critically
rejected, will lose sight of itself, and become a distortion and shadow
of its initial form. Sometimes, this mutation is not even detected until
it is too late, but more often, this trade-off is accepted and even
embraced in order to gain mass appeal or more converts.
On the other end of the spectrum from the tightly controlled or
agenda-driven movements, are those which are so incoherent, arbitrary,
and obscure, that they are virtually irrelevant. Every university, new
age, alternative, and hippie town in America is filled with these
âmovementsâ, and the coinciding one-liner bumper-stickers (âOne Worldâ,
âSave the Childrenâ, âFreedom and Justice for Allâ, âHonor Diversityâ,
âVisualize World Peaceâ, and, of course, âItâll Be A Great Day When
Schools Get All the Money They Need, and the Military Has to Hold a Bake
Sale to Buy a Bomberâ) placed on their Volvos, Volkswagens, and Subarus,
offering zero analysis or direction. These do-nothing dogooders feel
they are a part of something bigger, some sort of movement, but when
pressed, youâd be hard to find any coherent or articulate ideas or
goals, and almost nothing as far as practice (outside recycling, sending
out âgood vibrationsâ, buying hemp, or voting for Nader, except this
year when they voted Democrat). In a way, we can breathe easy, since
these âmovementsâ lack any authoritarian (or even visible) agenda.
Contributing to the momentum against civilization may not look like any
movement model. Most, if not all, attempts at creating a social movement
are naive, and often come into conflict with anarchy. I have no interest
in creating a ânewâ and âimprovedâ paradigm, but in dispelling with the
very notion. I seek to contribute to a diverse momentum against
civilization without ideological limitations, moral constraints, or
entrenched expectations; through rewilding and healing from the wounds
inflicted upon us by civilization with those with whom I have deep
affinity and desire for intimacy, while creating healthy living dynamics
and projects with these people; putting out questions and my personal
analysis of civilization, and resistance to it, for people to do with
what they want; learning from and sharing experiences and ideas, and,
when possible, supporting others who are unleashing their fury on
civilization and moving outside of its confines; and attacking the
symbolic and physical manifestations of civilization where I feel I can,
and where I determine the strategic targets to be, and where they
directly affect my life. I do not need the approval, or even
understanding, of what I do (although, I may choose to put energy in the
latter) from anyone, except myself, and those I chose to enter into
collaboration with when it concerns them.
These modes of activity are not consistent with working to create a
âmovementâ, which implies, and has always meant, a singular or
ideological project at the expense of the individual. While discussions
of strategy, engagement in an ongoing dialogue, and our own personal
analysis are important, we should be careful that they donât become
prescriptions or proposals for a ârevolutionary agendaâ. Nihilism can
offer some healthy influence here (though, by definition no complete
âresolutionâ), as it rejects the notion of something to âget behindâ.
This is a complete rejection of ideology and morality, or preconceived
notions of ârevolutionâ or âanother worldâ, avoiding the same
âblue-printâ traps of the Left, and all that comes along with that
framework. I see nothing of this civilized logic worth keeping, and wish
to destroy it all without pre-occupying myself with delusions of another
world. Do I think another world is possible? Of course, this is why I
continue to fight, but I will not dwell excessively on what that might
be until this one is gone. It is an important realization that our
visions can only be abruptly limited and incomplete due to the unhealthy
and stifling death culture. Can we offer specific critiques of this
world? Sure, this is essential, especially when put forward in personal
articulations rather than totalizing language, and always remaining
flexible. Can we develop healthier ways of existing now? Yes, but again,
the priority, for me, is destroying this world, and seeking
collaboration where it is possible. I feel nihilism (as one finite tool)
can help free us from our socialist tendencies to re-define society.
Striving for purity is a recurring problem. In relation to
anti-civilization anarchy, I see a stiffness developing in two main
directions: in the anarchist/nihilistist/egoist direction (requiring
complete openness, along with a suspicious reluctance to define many
specifics) and the primitivist perspective (requiring a very specific
analysis and praxis). There is a tension here, and one that, personally,
I am fine with. We are complicated enough, and it is probably healthier
and more strategic to exist within this tension between these directions
(at least from where we are at right now). I do not presume to know for
certain what my/our limitations or possibilities are. I am still, and
will always be, learning and growing and not static or frozen by a
singular world-view, although, there are some things we may generally
assume or agree on. While a âprimitivistâ approach is my general
orientation and I express these ideas in the theoretical and practical
realms, it is still only one tool (granted, my main tool) in my
anti-civilization project. On the other hand, I find many limitations in
the post-modern non-positions and egoist rejection of any finite
realities. On a practical level, both in developing (at least temporary)
strategies for survival and resistance, the need to reject fixed or
complete thinking or purity, in any direction, is essential.
I wish to enter into concert with others who do not articulate or
approach civilization exactly as I do. I can also be inspired by and
learn from many different or even contradicting movements on the level
of strategy without embracing all or even any of their specific
motivations. I feel as complex beings (and anarchists in particular) we
can be stimulated by and draw from an endless assortment of ideas and
influences (for myself: anarchists, primitivists, luddites,
insurrectionalists, situationists, surrealists, nihilists, deep
ecologists, bioregionalists, eco-feminists, indigenous cultures,
anti-colonial struggles, the feral, the wild, the earth, etc), without
adopting any singular framework from which to view or interact with the
world. I have no desire to be rigid and motionless in the physical,
spiritual, or intellectual realm. This, however, is different from a
ânothing has foundationâ post-modern cop-out, the âitâs all goodâ
ecumenical approach, or the liberal âwe need to all work togetherâ
mindset. I feel we need to proceed without illusions, and fight
civilization on our own terms, as with the lives we create for
ourselves.
This hardly begins to investigate and articulate the strategic
advantages to stepping outside the movement model. I have always put
more trust in chaos than order, and I have always experienced more
success at connecting to my desires and achieving my goals with small,
tight, and intimate groups, rather than anything that is âprogressingâ.
Perhaps most important, strategically it is a lot harder for our enemies
to cut off more heads, especially when we are coming at them from all
directions (back to physics againâŠsorry), and all motivated by our most
potent and least alienated passions and instincts.
Antagonism
âAll the conditions would seem to be ripe; there should be a revolution.
Why then is there such restraint? What is to stop people from
transforming all these crises and disasters, which are themselves the
result of the latest mutation of capital, into a catastrophe for capital
itself?
The explanation for this is to be found in the domestication of
humanity, which comes about when capital constitutes itself as a human
community.â
â Camatte
Domestication â the reduction/destruction of humanityâs wild and
autonomous subjectivity â rises with the earliest Neolithic origins of
civilization. It reaches new heights with the origins of the despotism
of industrial capital. The domestication of humanity is the
Social/psychological State of the processes mentioned above. The human
being undergoes âanalyzing-dissecting-fragmentingâ and then âcapital
reconstructs the human being as a function of its processâ. The effect
of this is that capital captures and transforms the fundamental critical
facilities of humanity, the ability to think, conceive, communicate and
wires them as part of the broader social circuitry. Camatte writes that
âprecisely because of their mental capacities, human beings are not only
enslaved, but turned into willing slaves of capitalâ. The (re)production
and circulation of life-as-capital require a huge amount of deep
personal investment in all of capitalâs processes. Hence, the
post-modern economy is a vast libidinal economy gripping in constant
agitation and anguish. The process of domestication involves the
recuperation of the desires for community and individuality of
gemeinwesen: âcommunal being comes in the form of collective worker,
individuality in the form of consumer capitalâ. We see a recurrence of a
central point of Camatteâs thinking: that the despotism of capital is
the achievement of the premises of âcommunismâ but in negative.
What has allowed this domestication are previous pre-suppositions of
capital that structure the behavior of humanity in certain ways: â[t]he
rupture of the body from the mind made possible the transformation of
the mind into a computer which can be programmed by the laws of
capital.â This is critique then of the project of rationality: the
celebration of thought above and outside the body, and the broad
instrumentalization of life that accompanies it. The inheritance of
rationality is the extension of the binary of mind/body into the
irrational as well. Part of the condition of domestication is the
reduction of human experience to a seemingly inert and scopohilic state.
Camatte states that âman (sic) becomes a sensual and passive voyeur,
capital a sensual and suprasensual beingâ. Again, only a cursory view
over the representations of mass society is enough to give some validity
to this perspective. For example, think of the explosion of Reality TV,
where countless thousands are desperate for a chance to move up a notch
in the Panopticon in an attempt to infuse their lives with action and
meaning.
Interestingly enough, Reality TV helps give weight to Camatteâs view in
other ways as well. Witness how, when on air, people are quick to behave
in ways that are already scripted, to faithfully act out all they have
been taught. Here we see people, as they are everywhere: âreflections of
capital.â Yet this does not quite allow us to explain the lack of
revolt. We must go a little further. The effect of domestication is a
difficulty in the ability to begin to act autonomously. The rise of the
ideologies of new social movements is for Camatte not the arrival of new
rebellious social actors but a product of the âdisintegration of
consciousnessâ. The project of self-activity by conscious human beings
against the totality of capital recedes to the support of reified actors
against sectional challenges. This is a condition of the Right as well
as the Left. For Camatte, the disappearance of class and the arrival of
the despotism of capital means all politics has been reduced to a
competition of various âgangsâ, none of which just embodies the
fractured modes of being.
Trapped in such a huge mass, imprisoned in a global and seemingly
infinite division of labor, engaged in endless activity, overwhelmed
with ideology, is this the end for our protagonist humanity? For Camatte
âthis is nothing other than the reign of deathâ. Can we begin to image
lines of escape?
Camatte remains a revolutionary and, as mentioned previously, was
optimistic about a revolution against capital erupting in the mid 1970s.
To understand this we have to see his theorizations as theorizations of
process. What he is writing about are unfolding social tendencies that
are in motion. Camatte does foresee a time when domestication will be so
prolific that the nature of humanity will be fundamentally different,
just âaccessories of an automated systemâ. But not quite yet.
There are two currents in Camatte that work to explain the potential for
revolution: one implicit in his writing and the other explicit. The
former is the concept of species-being. This concept has fallen in ill
repute with radicals due to the ascendancy of the ultra-conservative
ideology of socio-biology; something that Camatte rejects. Camatte
writes that capital âhaving de-subtantialized everything, it
simultaneously becomes charged with a substance that inhabits it.â In
other words, even as capital captures, and recreates as its self all
human social life, there continues on, even in a fractured and alienated
state, some kind of essence of human inter-relationship. Alienated and
repressed as it is, it provides an antagonist kernel in the heart of
capital.
The second current is that the activity of capital creates revolution
itself. As seen above, capital constantly revolutionizes social
processes. Camatte argues that this constant change creates instability,
a permanent sense of crisis and a fear of the future that compels people
to rebel.
It is here we can locate a major flaw in the writings of Camatte and the
broader theorization of GA/AP. The flaw is that all activity is
prescribed to capital â humanity appears to be a passive victim. If we
take on Camatteâs arguments about the presuppositions of capital, then
we construct a 10,000-year meta-narrative of constant oppression.
Indeed, GA/AP writer Zerzan describes the history of civilization as a
âhorror show or death tripâ. David Watson talks of the dominance of
capital as a âmega-machineâ and compares it to a âhydraâ. Both authors
then paint a picture of total dominance and inescapability: a
non-dialectic view of history. There is some justification for this. The
collapse of all serious revolutionary challenge and the horrors of âreal
existing socialismâ are testament to the continual power of Power. The
daily-lived experience within the despotism of capital is one of
hopelessness: the cultural climate being a mixture of inertia and
anxiety.
This problem seems to be almost epidemic to those who analyze the
conditions of real subsumption (Frankfurt School, etc). By its nature,
they assume the end of an exterior to capital and thus the end of the
space from which resistance arises. However, there is one tendency that
escapes this quagmire: a current we can call Autonomist Marxism (AM). It
is the suggestion of this essay that Camatte and GA/AP more broadly
would benefit from a reading in combination with AM (and vice versa).
In some ways GA/AP and AM are polar opposites. A crude reading of both
sees the former as an image of the constant power of capital, the latter
as the constant power of labor. Maybe something fertile can arise from
thesis and anti-thesis?
What we can take from AM is the conception of the constant antagonism of
those caught up within capital as our theoretical starting point, and
that the conditions of real subsumption donât signal the end of struggle
but new and shifting battle grounds. Crucial to this understanding is to
see capital not as a state of âfetishismâ but of âfetishisationâ â a
distinction between the concrete of domination and its concretization.
The former assumes the end point is here, that latter sees a constant
struggle that capital can never win: history is not just 10,000 years of
domination, but also 10,000 of resistance both within and without
domination.
Reading Camatte through this lens, we reach an interesting insight.
Capitalâs condition of anthropomorphis is the transformation of
everything into a state of tension. We are caught up in a social
relationship that is itself a permanent crisis, the tussle between
fetishization and anti-fetishization. Read this way, the formation of
material human community by capital, is the formation of every aspect of
life as struggle: the generalization of revolt as the sine qua non of
existence.
GA Note: The third and final installment of this essay will be in our
next issue.
The basic assumption of miserabalism is that misery is eternalâthere is
no way out. Beginning with resignation, it passes quickly enough to the
outright glorification of misery for miseryâs sake. Summed up recently
by David Roediger as âa death grip that produces both misery and the
idea that misery is the only possible reality,â miserabalism is the
ruling ideology of late capitalismâthe capitalism of the âNew World
Orderâ of NAFTA, the prison/industrial/pharmaceutical/media complex,
Enron, genetic engineering, âReality TV,â and countless other McMiseries
of globalization. One of surrealismâs âsignal contributionsâ to critical
theory, as Roediger further explains, the concept of miserabalism âgives
us a framework for understanding just what kind of hegemony is produced
by the dialectical interplays of capital, patriarchy, and whiteness, and
what must be done with them.â In todayâs miserabalist world order, the
Marvelousâalong with wild nature, freedom, equality, and everything else
that makes life worth livingâis menaced as never before. All that
deserves the name poetry is endangered, almost to the brink of
extinction, by a violent, totalitarian, spirit-crushing,
life-threatening social order that is concerned exclusively with
increasing the profit, power, and privilege of a tiny, parasitical
ruling class.
â From the book Revolution in the Service of the Marvelous: Surrealist
Contributions to the Critique of Miserabalism
September 10, Benton, Arkansas:
A Republican candidate for state representative has had her campaign
signs repeatedly defaced, torn down, or otherwise altered. She believes
it stems from her support for law enforcement.
September 26, Madrid, Spain:
Spanish police found four bombs attached to the legs of an electricity
pylon near the border with France, after a warning the previous day from
the Basque separatist group ETA.
October 5, Knoxville, Tennessee: Bush-Cheney Office Hit by Gunshots
A Bush-Cheney campaign office in was hit by at least two gunshots
apparently fired from a passing vehicle, but no one was hurt. The shots
were fired before the office opened for the day and shattered two glass
doors. On October 1, in Seattle, WA, three laptop computers containing
campaign plans were stolen overnight from a Washington state Bush-Cheney
re-election office. âThe computers contained much of the Bush-Cheney
campaign strategy for the state,â said state GOP chairperson Chris
Vance, adding, âThis looks like it was politically motivated.â
October 6, West Dublin, Ireland: Traveler Communities Fight Back!
The West Dublin City Council erected a huge concrete barrier blocking
all access to a lane, claiming that they were doing so to stop illegal
dumping. Several Irish traveler families who live down that same lane
were blocked from leaving or entering their homes.
Traveller ârepresentativesâ took the case to court, protests were held,
negotiations took place, but the barrier remained. On October 6, the
Garda (Irish police) were sitting closeby observing the protest when
their car was surrounded by masked people with hammers, bars and sticks.
They smashed the shit out of the car and the cops escaped up the road to
call for back-up. The masked group then stole a digger and began ramming
the barrier; they then set the digger alight and made good their escape;
no one was arrested.
The protests continued the next day with one of the main roads in and
out of Dublin City blocked. The state forces had been caught unaware.
The next day the state responded with a massive show of strength with
mounted cops and riot squads to keep the travelers at bay. A few days
later a compromise was made and the barrier was merely moved down the
lane to ease the problems suffered by the traveler families in the area
and obviously to try and end the escalating resistance. An attempt was
made to call for support from militants without political ideology on
Irish Indymedia but they pulled it from the list. On the night of the
court ruling and compromise, a group went to the local golf course run
by the local council and caused tens of thousands of euros worth of
damage. The action was roundly condemned by the traveler
ârepresentativesâ who called on travelers to snitch to the cops. No one
has been charged with any of these activities. A week or so later the
cops raided a site in Dunsink Lane and found guns and cross-bows.
This barrier was just one incident in many between the state and
travelling communities. During the summer of 2004 in the nearby county
of Wexford members of the travelling community and the cops had a
stand-off, when the travelersâ caravans were sealed in by police
barricades and anyone who left the site had to do so on foot and were
not allowed to return to their homes. This standoff lasted for several
days until the travelers fought a fierce battle, but the power of the
state overwhelmed the sealed in and isolated traveler community.
They were âordinaryâ people (no politicos) fighting the state directly
in order to live their lives. Throughout many years the State has always
been trying to assimilate, domesticate, intimidate and eventually
eradicate the travelling community from Ireland. The travelling
community notoriously does not follow the same rules as the settlers,
they are self-reliant, living through their own endeavors.
October 18, Chongqing City, China: Tens of Thousands Riot!
A violent riot erupted when a porter with a dirty pole slung over his
back accidentally struck a woman passing by, staining her clothes. A
male accompanying the woman struck the porter, breaking the laborerâs
leg. He also claimed that he was the Director-General of the Land
Bureau, and that he could buy the porterâs life with 200 thousand Yuan
(U.S. $24,000). The woman claimed that she was wealthy and that if the
passers-by slapped the porterâs face, she would pay them for every slap.
The government officialâs act caused public outrage, resulting in forty
to fifty thousand people surrounding the district government building.
Five police cars and fire engines were turned over and burned, and the
glass door forming the front entrance to the Wanzhou District government
office was broken by stones.
October 20, Pensacola, Florida: Spray Painting Spree Tags Multiple Cars
Pensacola police are seeking the vandals who went on an overnight
spray-painting spree, defacing vehicles, Bush/Cheney yard signs and a
wall that they covered with graffiti proclaiming âEat the Richâ and
âClass Warâ. At least 15 incidents were reported when residents of
Aragon, North Hill and East Hill awoke to see the political and social
commentary. While the vandals wrote mostly on Bush/Cheney yard signs,
they also hit at least one home of a Kerry/Edwards supporter.
Oct. 29, Gilbert, Arizona: Plot To Sabotage Intel Plant
A Gilbert manâs alleged plot to sabotage Intelâs Ocotillo plant in
Chandler, AZ was âhighly unlikely to succeedâ, a former Intel security
manager said. After monitoring his activities for weeks, the FBI
arrested David A. Dugan, 52, a former Intel employee, after Dugan picked
up an AK-47 rifle from a Scottsdale gun shop.
John Summers, who managed security for another Intel plant on Chandler
Boulevard from 1997 to 2001, said security at the two plants is so tight
it would be extremely difficult for an employee carrying an AK-47 to
reach the basement area Dugan allegedly planned to sabotage. The FBI
says that Dugan was plotting to attack the chip-making factory by
turning on the gas in a basement area and shooting pipes and machinery,
causing millions of dollars in damage.
Dugan, who worked for Intel as a manufacturing technician, became
enraged after receiving a letter of termination from the company after a
two-year dispute over disability payments. Dugan allegedly called a
family member in Missouri and described his plot against Intel, and
implied he would use an AK-47 along with a handgun and two other rifles
to sabotage the factory.
If convicted, Dugan faces a maximum penalty of five years in prison and
a $250,000 fine, according to the U.S. Attorneyâs Office. Gilbert,
police went to Duganâs home after his arrest and found a shotgun,
numerous shotgun shells, a loaded handgun, a machete by the door and two
axes. At least two cameras were mounted on the exterior of the house,
including one above the garage and one over the back porch.
November 2, New Orleans, LA:
The Day of the Dead march transformed from a commemoration of those who
have passed on into a night of spontaneous anti-system demonstration. At
some point participants dragged newspaper boxes, garbage cans, and
debris into the streets, blocking Frenchman and Decatur, and broke the
window of an SUV, before calling it a night and retiring to await the
outcome of who won the election: dumb, or dumber.
November 2, Wisconsin:
Thirty vans that the local Republican Party had rented to drive their
voters to the polls in Milwaukee had their tires slashed on election
night.
November 3, Chicago:
A brick shattered the windows of a North Side ward office where some
local Republicans were watching the election returns. The 32nd ward
committeeperson and other GOP supporters gathered in the building on
North Halsted to await the outcome of the presidential race. Just after
midnight, someone threw the brick through the entrance sending glass
flying all over the room. No one was hurt. Several people chased a
suspect down the alley but he got away.
November 4, Buffalo, New York: Vandals Target Two Locations
Political leaders think that anger prompted vandals to target two
locations in western New York, including GOP headquarters in downtown
Buffalo. Republicans say someone threw big rocks through the windows of
their headquarters at the Statler Towers sometime during the early
morning hours. The Armed Forces Recruiting Center on Sheridan Drive in
Tonawanda was also vandalized. Buffalo television station News 4
received a letter from a group in the early morning of November 4
claiming it committed the vandalism in retaliation against the GOP
agenda.
November 8, Rome, Italy: Looters Raid Shops
A group of 200 protesters wearing balaclavas, carnival masks and
bandanas over their faces, went on a âproletariat shopping spreeâ in a
Rome hypermarket, carrying off goods and handing them out. They swarmed
into the Panorama hypermarket on the outskirts of the Italian capital on
Saturday shouting âfree shopping for allâ.
Police chose not to intervene but later claimed to have identified 87
members of the group, who now face legal action.
The sprees hark back to similar, more violent protests in the 70s. They
were condemned as looters led by Italyâs most extreme anarchist groups.
The stunts coincided with a march by more than 10,000 workers
complaining of soaring prices, insecure work contracts, cuts in state
benefits and overspending on the Iraq war.
November 2, Paris, France: Students Fuck Shit Up!
Fifty hooded students attacked a wall at the University of Nanterre with
home-made battering rams and two sledgehammers. Twenty security guards
tried to intervene; five of them got injured. The whole crew got away as
some lightning smokebombs filled the hall. Outside of the building huge
fireworks exploded in the sky, celebrating their escape. A student
supposedly recognized during the assault is now in jail awaiting trial.
For more than a year now, numerous French universities have been victims
of assaults by various anonymous groups. Cameras were smashed by hooded
gangs, graffiti filled the walls, walls were destroyed, stupid leftist
debates were sabotaged, doors locks were glued, halls were ravaged and
eventually, a dean had his nose broken during a demonstration. Nanterre
University, cradle of the May â68 upheavals, has a long tradition of
uncontrollable students.In response to the ongoing threat to imperial
peace, in the last year pacification and control devices have been set.
Cameras everywhere, armed security guards, pressure on political people,
etc. Until last year, the administration decided to split, by building
walls, the huge hall where students used to hang out. Quickly, one of
the walls became the target for studentsâ anger. In April as hundreds of
them gathered around the wall to protest the security/control policy, a
black masked crew armed with battering rams managed to totally destroy
it.
The wall was then rebuilt. This year, various graffiti announced that
the students were still a little angry. âPacification of
behaviors=massification of fearsâ, âcitizen=copâ and even âNo to the
assassination of Audeoud (the President of the University)â could be
read on the walls.
Nov. 16, Jieyang, China: Tollbooth Incident Sparks Huge Riot
Police are searching for suspects who incited a riot over bridge tolls
in south Chinaâs Guangdong province, leaving one dead and several
injured. The riot broke out in the city of Jieyang after a woman argued
that the toll collectors had overcharged her. Witnesses said the woman
was beaten by them, which drew an angry crowd who set fire to the
tollbooth and threw rocks at police and firefighters. A teenage boy was
killed and an elderly man injured by a fire engine as it arrived at the
scene. This caused the crowd to swell to 20,000. Several people were
injured and five people arrested.
November 17: Buenos Aires, Argentina: Bombs Explode at Three Banks;
Guard Dies
Bombs exploded at three banks in the Argentine capital, including two
branches of U.S. giant Citibank, killing one security guard and injuring
a bomb squad officer. It was not clear who was responsible for the
bombs, none of which was big enough to cause major damage to the
buildings. It was the third attack this year on Argentine banks, widely
blamed for contributing to the countryâs economic collapse in late 2001
and early 2002. Hundreds of depositors demanded compensation from the
banks for lost savings. The last time banks were targeted by small bombs
was during the August visit of International Monetary Fund chief Rodrigo
Rato. No one was injured in those incidents.
The first Citibank explosion killed a private security guard who picked
up a bag with a bomb before the bank opened to the public. Another
device was detonated by police. Nearby, a third explosion hit Argentine
bank Banco Galicia but a bank official said there were no injuries. The
blasts took place within around two hours of each other. These bombs
coincided with the visits of two foreign heads of state and a large
foreign media presence. Chinese President Hu Jintao was in Buenos Aires
on a two-day state visit, while the king and queen of Spain were
attending a language conference in Rosario, 250 miles north of Buenos
Aires.
November 17, Chile: Riots Outside APEC Meeting
Hundreds of students protesting against the APEC meeting in Chile and an
upcoming visit by George W. Bush clashed with riot police.
Counter-terrorism and trade were expected to dominate discussion as
ministers from the 21 Asian-Pacific nations met.
La Tercera newspaper said the police began dispersing the students as
they met ahead of a planned march several kilometers away from the APEC
convention center. They fired water cannons and teargas, prompting local
shops to hurriedly close. The students regrouped and began taking
banners out of their bags only to be forcibly dispersed again. One
report said they built barricades down side streets with rubbish bins
and threw paint bombs at police.
November 19, Brussels:
The Belgian judicial authorities arrested a man who allegedly threatened
to kill a Belgian senator âritually.â
November 24, Baghdad, Iraq: Attackers Assassinate American Diplomat
An American diplomat was killed in an attack near the heavily fortified
sector of central Baghdad known as the Green Zone. Jim Mollen was the
U.S. Embassyâs senior consultant to the Iraqi ministers of education and
higher education. He was shot to death by unapprehended assailants while
traveling in a car. Mollen was the second U.S. diplomat known to have
been killed in Baghdad since Iraqâs interim government assumed political
power on June 28. Edward J. Seitz, an assistant regional security
officer for the U.S. Embassy, was killed in an attack on a U.S. military
base near Baghdadâsâairport on October 24.
December 2, Germany:
German police have arrested three Iraqis who the chief federal
prosecutor said appeared to be planning an attack on the Iraqi Prime
Minister, Ayad Allawi, who was visiting Germany for talks with
Chancellor Gerhard Schroder. Experts on âcounter-terrorismâ said the
apparent assassination plot was a sign that for the first time Iraqi
militants were trying to organize attacks outside of Iraq itself.
December 3, London, England: BBC Falls Prey To Hoax On Anniversary of
Bhopal Disaster
The BBC, Britainâs largest broadcaster, acknowledged that it had been
tricked into running an interview with a man pretending to be a
spokesman for Dow Chemical, who claimed that the company had taken the
blame for the chemical disaster in Bhopal, India, in 1984. The hoax,
contradicting Dow Chemicalâs rejection of any responsibility, came on
the 20th anniversary of the catastrophe, when waves of lethal gas
escaped from a chemical plant in Bhopal, in central India, killing more
than 3,500 people and permanently injuring thousands more.
At the time, the plant was owned by the Union Carbide Corporation, which
was absorbed by the Dow Chemical Company three years ago. Survivors have
long complained that they have received inadequate compensation. The
phony interview was shown on BBC World, a 24-hour television news
channel broadcast globally. Twice that day, the channel televised the
interview with a man identifying himself as Jude Finisterra, who said
that Dow Chemical had agreed to set up a $12 billion compensation fund,
reversing its previous insistence that such liabilities had already been
settled by Union Carbide.
In a separate BBC interview on a lunchtime radio news show after the
hoax was uncovered, the same man said he represented an organization
called âThe Yes Menâ, whose Web site (www.theyesmen.org) says it engages
in âidentity correction.â âHonest people impersonate big-time criminals
in order to publicly humiliate them,â the Web site says. âTargets are
leaders and big corporations who put profits before everything.â
Early December, Virginia and Maryland: Federal Vehicles Torched
Fire officials in Montgomery and Fairfax counties are investigating
several fires that have damaged or destroyed federal government vehicles
outside military recruitment offices during the first week of December.
On December 6, cars parked behind a military recruitment center in
Montgomery County were torched. The cars, shared by recruiters from the
Army, Navy, Air Force and Marines, were owned by the federal government
and were identifiable as such by government tags, said Brian Geraci,
battalion chief for fire and explosives investigations.
Fairfax fire investigators, meanwhile, are looking into a pair of
âsuspiciousâ fires that destroyed two federal government vehicles near
military recruitment offices the previous week. One vehicle in Fairfax
was damaged on November 29 near a military recruitment and another on
December 3. The second fire caused an estimated $19,500 in damage.
December 6, Canada: Bomb Attack On a Hydro-Quebec Tower
In a message received by news media outlets, the Initiative de
Resistance Internationaliste (IRI) denounced what it describes as the
âpillagingâ of Quebecâs resources by the United States.
âAn explosive device was placed under a Hydro-Quebec pylon of the
Radisson-Nicolet-Des Cantons power line, near the American border.
Through this operation, we are making public our refusal to be silent
witnesses to the waste and pillaging of our resources at the hands of
the United States empire,â said the statement, translated from French by
CTVâs Montreal bureau.
âWe are also acting against HydroQuebecâs exploitation to the benefit of
private enterprises, which profit from each opportunity that imperialism
provides.â
The group, which sent its communiqué to al-Jazeera, the Arab satellite
TV news network, also brought Iraq into the equationâalong with Bolivia,
Colombia and the Palestinians.
âWe refuse to allow all the weight of resistance to fall on the noble
Iraqi people, who are being massacred because they were an obstacle to
the American energy hegemony, or to the Bolivian peasants courageously
mobilizing against the pillage of their gas resources, even risking
their lives,â the message said.
âWe also refuse to let the Colombian and Palestinian people confront the
imperial army alone, whether or not it is hidden behind a national
banner.â
It isnât clear when the attack occurred, although a hunter on an
all-terrain vehicle discovered the damage to a hydro tower November 30.
The IRI said authorities hid news of the attack âfrom the population
during the chief dictatorâs visitâ â possibly a reference to the
November 30-December 1 visit to Canada by George W. Bush.
Police say theyâve never heard of the group before this. However, they
have seized the original letter sent out to some Quebec media outlets to
analyze it. They wonât confirm if the details in the groupâs note are
accurate.
A Hydro-Quebec spokeswoman said the tower is part of a line that
delivers electricity from James Bay to the Boston area. An ongoing
investigation involves the provincial police, Hydro-Quebec and the
Canadian counter-terrorism force. The U.S. Dept. of Homeland Security
and CSIS
have also been alerted.
United Freedom Front Prisoners:
The following three individuals are serving huge sentences for their
role in actions carried out by the (UFF) in the 1980âs. The UFF carried
out solidarity bombings against the U.S. government on a variety of
issues.
Jaan Karl Laaman W41514, Box 100, South Walpole, MA 0207.
Thomas Manning #10373-016, Box 1000,Leavenworth, KS 66048.
Richard Williams #10377-016, 3901 Klein Blvd., Lompoc, CA 93436.
Not being civilized means being outside of standardization. For example,
to pronounce a word erroneously according to the dictionary, in
opposition to common sense and the phonetic rhythm of the language, or
to go against the given use of a particular linguistic community is to
throw a rock at the tyrannical minute hand of uniformity. Television has
been in the last forty years the sinister vehicle of standardization. It
has not only imposed a way of speaking, but also of seeing and of
dreaming. Uncivilizing oneself means breaking with mediacratic
homogeneity. To liberate oneself it is necessary to grasp the uniqueness
of each and every one, that which constitutes the innate peculiarity of
the being. The poverty of progress is a product of self-standardization.
Ideologically, self-standardization means successfully learning the
modern training in order to think during the entire course of a life in
linear and progressive terms. This vision of time, which determines the
modern perception of reality, makes every subject live life according to
planned goals and promises that never end up happening. This generates
anxiety: the first step toward alienation and toward postmodern
emptiness that launches itself into the abyss of nonsense. Another form
of self-standardization is to internalize the control of authoritarian
power through paranoid and self-repressive behavior. This reinforces
self-censorship and denies spontaneity by classifying it as noxious and
inconvenient. As compensation, it offers improvisation, which is conduct
that does not ponder or weigh the effects of human action on the planet
and all other living beings, thus negating the eternal inhalation and
exhalation of the rhythm of life. âSavageryâ is liberating oneself from
the poverty of progress, which is nothing more than the symbiotic mix of
âpovgress,â the registered trademark of the civilizing product, whose
postmark and barcode have been stamped in the office of standardization.
âSavageryâ is, among other things, the only possible richness, because
it brims with peace, abounds in time, and has life and spontaneity to
spare. âSavageryâ enriches the spirit.
âFor a warrior to succeed, she must practice dissimulation and move only
when real advantage can be gained. She ponders and deliberates before
moving. Whether he moves alone or with others can only be determined by
the circumstances. When on the move he is as rapid as the wind, compact
as the forest. When she attacks she is like fire, falling like a
thunderbolt. When he needs to stand strong he is as immovable as a
mountain. Always their plans are kept dark and impenetrable as night.â
âSun Tzu, Art of War
The sight, or other sense of a cop, induces a visceral reaction in most
everyone, regardless of their actual illegality. This is one measure of
the efficiency with which most have internalized the Civilized
authority. Cops re-present this order, ensuring that we remember: we are
watched; ranked according to a vague and massified set of criteria; and
that our ability to fulfill our needs and desires is limited by the many
forces Civilization brings to bear. As both symbol and enforcer, the pig
serves to remind us of the many ways we deviate from the expectations of
those whom they protect. It is the degree to which we have been
assimilated/domesticated/civilized into the dominant order that
influences our reaction to the pigs as well as the pigsâ reaction to us.
The ruling classes of 19th century England saw themselves as lawful,
moral, righteous, and specially endowed with a destiny to enlighten and
transform the rest of the world. Consequently, they needed to envision
and portray their new security forces as also having a measure of these
qualities. Generally unconcerned with their own legal status, the elite
required cops to enforce predictable behavior amongst the inferior.
Then, as now, the non- or poorly assimilated often present their refusal
in a manner that creates fear in those whom the cops serve and protect.
If occasionally this servant and protector of the people had to issue a
polite summons to one of their class, to address some minor infraction,
it was, of course, annoying â but an annoyance one could deal with.
Often their Bobbie was depicted as a rotund, somewhat âdumbâ-looking,
unarmed pig â more bluster than substance, more swagger than confidence.
This was NOT the Bobbie (or his cousin, Officer Friendly) the
criminalized classes saw. The cops they encountered often expressed
their own frustrations with the paradox they were presented with each
time they took the beat â the unresolvable reality that they enforce an
order that also requires them to be subservient, monitored, and
controlled. Those who are designated as born-criminals and those not
accepting this unnatural lifeway know, with EVERY sense, that the cop
and their ilk are a particular danger to anyone who chooses to go where
no authoritarian can ever be free to go. Our reaction to the sight,
feel, smell, sound, or other sense of a pigâs too close presence,
perhaps, indicates an instinct not yet suppressed â to fight or to flee,
to survive and thrive.
As the number of dissidents and the intensity of their resistance exceed
manageable levels, police adopt more clearly military tactics to
maintain order (and its main deviation from the military imperative â
law). With its ever-expanding net of interlocking chains of command â
police, soldiers, teachers, bureaucrats, priests, scientists and so on,
the Machine dictates strategies for commanding and controlling the
unassimilated populations.
A strategic formula â employed by compliant controllers using flexible
tactics prioritized and reordered as needed â was developed and improved
over the centuries. The schema to expand Civilization remains â as yet â
still viable, with technological improvements providing the main shift
in corollary tactics. Applied by all the institutional automatons, the
modus operandi is more or less as follows: ELIMINATE (massacre, starve,
exterminate, sicken); PROVOKE FEAR (threaten, bully, make examples of,
beat, brutalize); IDENTIFY (classify, count, massify, demonize,
criminalize); INFILTRATE (survey, comprehend, disrupt, divide);
ASSIMILATE (convert, pacify, civilize, domesticate); RECRUIT (induct,
create traitors, provide replacements); INCARCERATE (on reserves and
reservations, in ghettos, tent cities, hotspots, prisons, jobs); EDUCATE
(indoctrinate, socialize, politicize, train); ENFORCE (monitor,
intimidate, control, roundup); EXPROPRIATE (annex, seize, take over,
confiscate, steal, possess).
The multi-faceted, multi-fronted, and multijurisdictional attacks weâre
witnessing today are the hyperextension of the
industrial-capitalist/imperial-colonial attacks of the 17-19 th
centuries. The successes of that era are being applied and failures
corrected on the technological-capitalist/globalized-neocolonial stage.
It is our challenge as anarchist/anti-civilization warriors to
understand, target, eliminate, and stay safe from the mechanisms of this
crippling death machine.
In the many European and American colonies of âoccupationâ,
âpacificationâ, and âprotectionâ, paramilitary police forces are a key
element in this war of global domination.
âWhat was common to all these schools of thought [Platonic, Evangelical,
Utilitarian, Romantic, Enlightened Despotism] was the supposition that
it was Britainâs mission to rule, and Indiaâs duty to submit; and that
just as Indians were incapable of governing themselves, much less anyone
else, so the British had been gifted with eminently good sense, courage,
manliness, a sense of action, and active habits of thought to preside
over the destinies of a nation far removed from their shores.â âVinay
Lal, Criminality and Colonial Anthropology
The British East India Company ruled India for over one hundred years,
expanding its control and markets in silk, tea, indigo, and opium,
generating the capital necessary for expansion and for new estates,
businesses, and political power back home. This was made easier by an
earlier conqueror that had effectively divided the population into a
religious-based, hierarchical (and completely internalized) system of
order. This caste system (from casta, Portuguese for breed or race)
fixed individuals to a specific position and expectation depending on
their ancestral lineage, skin color, religious practice, and occupation.
However, the task of assimilating indigenous and conquered peoples is
never completely successful and there are always those who continue
their attacks on the foreigners bent on confiscating their ancestral
lands and who deny their ancient way of life. In India, these were
called the Criminal Tribes, the many and varied nomadic peoples who
were/are collectivized and ordained as criminal because their
ââŠancestors were criminals from time immemorial who are themselves
destined by the usage of caste to commit crime and whose dependents will
be offenders against the law, until the whole tribe is exterminated or
accounted for in the manner of the thugs.â
The aforementioned Thugs (Anglicized from Thugee) were a particular
sub-caste of men and women, who used secretive means to identify,
âbefriendâ, strangle, rob, and bury wealthy travelers. Colonial police
estimated that up to 40,000 were killed each year. This was of great
concern to the Company and Crown whose personages (along with their
Hindu and Muslim merchant/political allies) were often on the roads
exploring their new Jewel in the Crown. Indiaâs first police department,
the Thugee and Dacoity (armed robbery) Department, employed ethnic
profiling, surveillance, and native informants (classified according to
reliability as âinnocent/artlessâ, âaccompliceâ, âfalseâ, âspitefulâ,
and the most desirable âhonorableâ) and infiltrators to eliminate over
1400 Thugee and imprison thousands in work reserves.
When the criminals adopted impersonation tactics to avoid the increased
punishment meted out to habitual offenders, new technological advances
provided solutions. The People of India Project, under the control of
the Political and Secret Department of the military, stated, âEach Local
Government is expected to collect into one collection such photographic
likenesses of the races and classes within its borders as it may obtain
and furnish a very brief notice of each. The likenesses are to be sent
to the Central Committee of the London Exhibition in Calcutta.â This
project was used to identify characteristics that could be assigned to
an entire tribe or caste and also helped those innovators experimenting
with surveillance techniques in order to learn the secret codes and
languages used by the âcriminal gangsâ.
In the late 1800âs, a colonial judge invented the fingerprint
identification system. This was further enhanced by a British cop who,
with traitorous Indian associates in the Bengal police, perfected the
means of fingerprint classification along with a telegraphic code used
to transmit the results to concerned agencies. In 1887, fingerprinting
technology was adopted throughout India as a conclusive means of
identifying the criminal castes and tribes. Fingerprinting was not
introduced to the British homeland security forces until 1901, where it
was first described as âhopelessly inaccurate, ludicrous, dangerous and
completely un-British,â an attitude that prevailed until the technique
was widely accepted, with credit for this innovation attributed to
Scotland Yard.
When British educated Mahatma Gandhi (who at one point stopped the
rebellion because of âoverly aggressiveâ attacks on traitorous pigs) led
the upper castes towards âindependenceâ, they further embraced the
Enlightened order of policing.
Today, the Criminal Tribes, renamed the Denotified and Nomadic Tribes,
are targeted by the cops as prime suspects and viewed as primitives in
need of being raised up by the social justice do-gooders. Inspiringly,
indigenous people of India continue to resist both.
ââŠthe acceptance of native political authority always implied a British
redefinition and limitation of the role of African political powers and
radical mutations of traditional practices whenever they were considered
repugnant in light of European conceptions. Further, the principle of
indirect rule was considered secondary to the overall political and
economic objectives of colonial rule. Political paternalism replaced
indirect rule when local politics did not resemble appropriate
government in the eyes of the British authorities and when it conflicted
with Company Rule which sought to make colonial conquest a commercially
viable enterprise.â âMathieu Deflem, Law Enforcement in British Colonial
Africa
Before the Berlin Conference of 1884, a âmereâ ten percent of the
African continent was in the hands of the competing empires of Europe.
Indigenous humans, gold, diamonds, and ivory were amongst the
commodities deemed useful for expanding wealth and capitalism. The
conference resulted in a mandate for colonial powers to prove âeffective
occupationâ in order to gain international recognition of territorial
claims and to âpermitâ direct rule by the occupiers. Consequently, the
civilizing powers could not tolerate any acts of defiance that might
imply âineffective occupationâ. The goals of both military and police â
often interchangeable forces were clear: pacify the natives, protect
economic interests, symbolize and enforce the legitimacy of the colonial
political authorities, and maintain sufficient order so as to permit
access to and expansion of new territories.
Using ethnic security maps, British occupiers determined which tribes
could be used, with proper supervision, to self-police tribal
territories for the Crown. In the Nyasaland territory, the Yao ethnic
community was deemed to be a martial tribe and recruited to protect and
serve the masters needs. In the Gold Coast, the Hausa tribe formed the
unofficial Hausa Constabulary, a paramilitary police force possessing
the necessary qualities supportive of control, combat, and enforcement,
recruited even before the official proclamation of the colony. The
police, regardless of ethnicity, were considered an intrusive alien
force and attacked as traitors to the native African communities. By the
end of the âScramble for Africaâ, ninety percent of the continent was in
European hands with Britain the dominant owner. Through apartheid and
other brutal strategies, Africa remained under official occupation well
into the 20th century. As long as native peoples can be recruited and
trained as enforcers of their masterâs order, the possibility of
âeffective occupationâ remains.
âIndians are the most peaceful people, traditionally, you would ever
wish to encounter. But, if you tell any people â to their perpetual
suffering, agony, disenfranchisement, dispossession, disallowal of hope
â that they are irrelevant long enough, they may just prove to you, in
desperation, the irrelevance by utilizing violence. If they blow your
brains out, you see, thereâs no question theyâre relevant. This applies
to Indians, Palestinians, people of the inner cities, anyone who is
oppressed.â âWard Churchill, Listening to the Land
Prior to the Columbus invasion, over 15 million indigenous people are
estimated to have lived in what is now America. By 1894, all but 250,000
were eliminated. The remaining people, from many varied and distinct
tribal cultures, were identified as a single homogenous unit, negatively
denoted as savage and primitive, and forced into prison-reserves.
Cultural genocide programs in boarding schools and proper homes picked
up where the military genocide left off, as Indian children were
abducted and inserted into civil and Christian institutions. Educators
and religious evangelists attempted to whitewash the memory of diverse
and ancient languages, lifeways, and spiritual connections. Some of the
newly domesticated were returned to the prison-reserves to spread the
gospel of Civilized behavior.
By the mid-twentieth century, when the Empire renewed its attacks, many
believed there were no more ârealâ Indians. But the strong and diverse
response to the colonizerâs first attacks was re-ignited when materials
necessary to stoke the engines of the death machine â uranium, oil,
coal, and natural gas â were discovered on reservation land, prompting
aggressive expropriation. Using many forms of active and direct
resistance, members of the American Indian Movement and others focused
on getting treaty rights and national sovereignty upheld.
Their actions prompted a military assault by the traitorous âGuardians
of the Oglala Nationâ. These GOONs used U.S. military artillery in the
1973-1976 bloodbath on the Pine Ridge Reservation on behalf of the
Empire. Using intelligence provided by the FBIâs COINTELPRO operatives,
SWAT and other paramilitary pigs temporarily curtailed the struggle for
Indian autonomy. But, as the opening words above, along with ongoing
resistance to genocide and incarceration remind us, the spirit cannot be
whitewashed and the fight is far from over.
âThe only way to police a ghetto is to be oppressive.... They represent
the force of the white world, and that worldâs criminal profit and ease,
to keep the Black man corralled up here, in his place. The badge, the
gun in the holster, and the swinging club make vivid what will happen
should his rebellion become overt... He moves through Harlem, therefore,
like an occupying soldier in a bitterly hostile country, which is
precisely what, and where he is, and is the reason he walks in twos and
threesâ. âJames Baldwin, Nobody Knows My Name
The first militarized forces in urban North America were mounted patrols
used in southern cities to keep slave populations from uprising. Once
âfreedâ, the neo-slaves were quickly segregated into ghettos, prisons,
rural work farms, and urban factories. As on the reservations, inner
city African communities are riddled with unemployment, poverty, and by
a particular hopelessness, both induced and soothed by the drugs
supplied by a myriad of overt and covert sources. Liberals, feeling the
effects of the âwhite manâs burdenâ and bourgeois white guilt, launch
hundreds of programs designed to socialize this âviolent underclassâ. No
attempt was made, until after WWII, to inductAfricans into local
pigpens. As an L.A. pig admitted to an investigating commission, most
cops simply did not view blacks as individuals, therefore could not
discern the law-abiding from the lawless â a charge easily applied to
the pigs themselves.
Riots, gangs, and even National liberation movements echo the anger and
frustration of millions who can no longer bear a life of imprisonment
and neo-slavery. Modern police forces in segregated areas were
hyper-militarized before their counterparts in ruling class communities
and commercial areas. Heavily armed, armored, and specially trained in
urban warfare by U.S. military Special Forces, Special Weapons and
Tactics (SWAT) units conduct regular raids in ghettos, inner cities, and
âhotspotsâ of Black (and Latino) enclaves. Urban warfare, the new
primary frontline in this war, requires practice and continual
improvements. Military exercises, such as Garden Plot, aim towards a
coordination of the full war apparatus â National Guard, military,
federal intelligence, local, state, and federal cops to quell the
ever-growing urban unrest. In 1992, the pigs that attacked Rodney King
were exonerated and the new urban war machine deployed. But the machine
is not infallible and potential weaknesses are occasionally revealed for
our exploration. A provocative example; on the night of these 1992 L.A.
riots, a California State Guardsman was arrested by local cops with
materials necessary for concocting Molotovs.
âInsurgency can be extricated from the âplacenta of common crimeâ in
which the state attempted to place it by establishing its identity as a
violence which is public, collective, destructive and total in its
modalities. These are, of course, the very attributes of the violence
characteristically deployed by the modern nation-state. What name shall
we give to that violence? Surely not insurgency? In what language shall
we speak of the crimes of the state?â âVinay Lal, Peasant Insurgency in
Colonial India
In 2004, as the UNâs Decade of the Worldâs Indigenous People closes, the
American Empire and its British partner apply the age-old formula to
neutralize native, indigenous, and improperly civilized peoples. In Iraq
(as in Afghanistan), all imperial forces â military, police, social,
religious, and economic â are being employed in the crusade to secure
total control over the (nearly) decimated people. After more than a
decade of genocidal sanctions and biochemical and conventional warfare
reduced the population by millions, the ongoing military incursion seeks
to complete the mass elimination phase of the formulaic strategy. Using
superior technology â âsmart bombsâ, âprecision artilleryâ, and a steady
(if increasingly reluctant) supply of dehumanized soldiers â the
predatory neocolonialists attempt to gain access to the regionâs
valuable resources and militarily strategic position. To this end,
American and European civilizers are inserting the Western paramilitary
police model into these potential new colonies. However, a significant
change from the past must be noted â the insurgents in the new colonies
understand that the police (like the military) are key to the political,
economic, and social machine waging war on all their lives. As such,
they are combatants and are consistently targeted, attacked, and
eliminated â with significantly less technological resources than those
used by the enemy. Soon, it will be difficult to find traitors willing
to serve and protect the Predators.
Here in the Homeland, pigs are removing their dress blues and donning
the camouflage of the Battlefield Dress Uniform; exchanging their
service revolvers for automatic weapons; and tear gas is replaced with
âless-than-lethalâ biochemical weapons. Indigenous peoples of this
continent and those abducted from distant lands, along with the
disobedient, the unassimilated, and the perpetually resistant â need
take heed. Operation Civilization has entered its most aggressive phase
thus far and the enemy is preparing for the inevitable. The visceral
reaction we have to all pigs, indeed all soldiers, imparts an important
and positive message. Those who enforce this life of increasing
subjugation to the will and whim of the death machineâs masters, prepare
the way for our assimilation, incarceration, or elimination. Our
preparations for fight or flight cannot lag behind.
âThey sentenced me to 20 years of boredom for trying to change the
system from within.â âLeonard Cohen
September 14, Beattyville, Kentucky: Uprising At Prison
A privately operated prison in eastern Kentucky was under a security
clamp a day after prisoners torched three buildings during an uprising.
It apparently started when nine prisoners tried unsuccessfully to tear
down a manned, wooden guard tower in the recreation yard. With a guard
still inside, inmates used large concrete ashtrays to topple the tower,
then pulled boards loose to batter the maintenance building where
ladders, wire cutters and axes were stored.
Beattyville Police Chief Steve Mays said smoke was billowing and inmates
were yelling and throwing rocks at a Kentucky State Police trooper when
he arrived to provide backup. âIt was chaos when I first got up there,â
Mays said. Prison officers quelled the uprising while police agencies
from nearby counties provided backup outside and guarded against
escapes.
Prisoners set fire to two dormitories and an administrative building.
Inmates also broke windows and light fixtures in the dorm and damaged
toilets and sinks. Meanwhile, prison and law enforcement officials have
targeted nine inmates as suspected instigators and said the nine could
face arson and other charges.
September 17, Everett, Washington:
A prisoner in the Snohomish county jail was sentenced to an additional
18 months in federal prison after pleading guilty to sending president
George Bush a letter threatening to kill him if he was not released from
the jail.
October 4, Idaho: Prisoner Escapes from Kootenai County Jail
The Sheriffâs Office is reporting the escape of a prisoner from the
Kootenai County Jail. According to the initial investigation, Neal G.
McCrea, 40, of Spokane, WA, was in an outdoor exercise area with another
inmate when he scaled the fence, punched a hole through the chain link
that covered the roof of the outdoor area and crossed the roof to effect
his escape. Police dogs lost McCreaâs scent in a neighborhood southwest
of the jail, not far from where a dark-colored pickup went through a
stoplight and narrowly missed hitting a deputy involved in the search.
McCrea was originally arrested July 30 while parked between two banks
with a loaded sawed-off shotgun in his lap. He previously served a
federal sentence of five years in an Arizona prison for bank robbery.
According to a police report, McCrea became âagitatedâ when he was
brought into the county jail. âI intend to be violent,â McCrea told
police. âI am going to be rowdy and violent. I have nothing to lose.â
October 6, Caracas, Venezuela: Massive Demonstrations Against Prison
Abuse
âChĂĄvez, remember you were a prisoner too!â read a sign held up by
protester Ana MartĂnez in a demonstration by families of prisoners in
the Venezuelan capital. The demonstrators were demanding that something
be done about the appalling conditions in the countryâs prisons, where
225 inmates have died so far this year. MartĂnezâs sign was alluding to
the time that Venezuelan President Hugo ChĂĄvez spent in Yare prison
between 1992 and 1994 after leading a failed military uprising as a
paratrooper officer, against the government of Carlos Andrés Pérez
(1989-1993). The demonstration was held right after six inmates were
killed (several of them beheaded) and 35 were injured in fighting and
rioting in Uribana, a prison in central-western Venezuela.
The countryâs 32 prisons have a capacity to hold 16,000 inmates, but
currently house around 20,000. And of that total, only 47 percent have
been convicted and sentenced. The rest are still awaiting sentencing. In
one of the highest-profile mass killings of prisoners in Latin America,
dozens of inmates were slain by guards in the notorious Retén de Catia,
a prison on the west side of Caracas, in 1992. In 1994, over 100
inmates, mainly WayĂșu Indians, died in a riot and fire in the Maracaibo
prison of western Venezuela. And in 1996, members of the National Guard
shot tear gas canisters into inmateâs cells in the La Planta prison. At
least 25 prisoners were killed in a fire that subsequently broke out.
October 12, Brazil: Towels Used in Jailbreak
Prisoners staged a mass breakout from a jail in Rio de Janeiro, using
sheets and towels to make their escape. The 48 inmates made a hole in
the ceiling of the cellblock, then climbed to the ground using a rope
made from their clothing, bed linen and towels. They used another rope
to scale the prison wall. Brazilâs jails are often the scenes of riots,
fires and breakouts. The previous week, 69 people tunneled out of a
police detention center in Rio.
October 14, Izmir, Turkey: Prison Protest Ends with Seven Injured
Seven people were hurt in a prison disturbance in western Turkey as
inmates took guards hostage during a protest at conditions in the jail.
The trouble flared in one wing of the Buca prison near the western port
city of Izmir and spread to other areas of the jail. The prisoners
refused to allow guards into their wing and set fire to their beds and
sheets to protest their treatment and the quality of health checks in
the prison.
Media reports said three guards had been taken hostage, but were later
set free, bringing the protest to an end. Authorities had sent
paramilitary police, fire engines and ambulances to the scene and
tightened security surrounding the prison while firefighters put the
fires out.
October 20, Istanbul, Turkey: Anniversary of Hunger Strikes Sparks
Unrest
Security forces sprayed tear gas on stone-hurling protestors in Istanbul
at a demonstration to mark the fourth anniversary of a hunger strike in
Turkish prisons that claimed dozens of lives. Twenty-four people were
detained in the unrest near the ancient Blue Mosque in the cityâs
historical heart. A group of some 100 activists gathered outside the
mosque carrying symbolic coffins with pictures of victims of the hunger
strike, which was initiated on October 20, 2000 by hundreds of inmates,
most of them far-left militants, against the introduction of new
high-security prisons.
Sixty-six people are known to have starved themselves to death in the
hunger strike, including both inmates and outside supporters of the
protest. The inauguration of the new prisons is seen as one of the most
dramatic and controversial episodes in recent Turkish political history.
Using firearms and tear gas, hundreds of soldiers raided jails across
the country, several weeks after the strike started, to move the
resisting inmates to the new jails. Bulldozers were used to demolish
prison walls. The prisoners responded with gunfire, and some set
themselves ablaze. The four-day operation claimed the lives of 32
inmates and two soldiers.
The strikers have argued that the new jails, where small cells replaced
dormitories housing dozens, leave them more vulnerable to mistreatment
by prison guards. The so-called âdeath fastâ saw about 2,000 prisoners
fast on a rotating basis at the peak of the protest.
October 20, Italy: Renowned Jail Escapist Breaks Free Again!
Max Leitner, an Italian criminal famed for his multiple prison escapes,
has done it once again. The 45-yearold professional thief broke out of a
jail in northern Italy under cover of nightfall. It was the fourth in a
string of escapes pulled off by Leitner from prisons in both Italy and
Austria. On checking the cell of Leitner and another prisoner who
escaped with him, guards discovered cloth puppets tucked up in their
beds. Italyâs La Repubblica newspaper said it seemed certain that this
time the escape was an inside job, citing a discovery of a ladder, which
helped the men climb over the prison walls. Leitner, who was sentenced
to remain behind bars until 2012, was considered a âhigh-riskâ detainee
due to his series of escapes.
October 28, Istanbul, Turkey: Commando Attack On Istanbul Courthouse In
Anti-Prison Action
A five-person commando team of alleged left-wing âextremistsâ hurled
molotov cocktails and tried to set off a homemade explosive device
outside the Beyoglu courthouse in central Istanbul. The team, reportedly
militants of the outlawed Revolutionary Peopleâs Liberation Party-Front
(DHKP-C), their faces covered with red bandanas, hung up a placard
protesting against prison conditions outside the courthouse. They then
hurled molotov cocktails through the buildingâs windows, starting a
blaze.
The DHKP-C, considered a terrorist organization by both Turkish and
European Union authorities, is accused of masterminding a wave of hunger
strikes among left-wing prison inmates and their friends and families
that has resulted in nearly 70 deaths in four years.
November 2, Monrovia: Several Inmates Escape African Prison In Wake of
Three Day Gang Riots
A number detainees broke out of the Monrovia Central Prison in the wake
of three-day riots by gangs in Paynesville, Gardnersville, and the
adjacent suburbs. The actual number of detainees who escaped prison is
unknown, but police Chief Mark Kroeker said seven of the escapees were
recaptured. The police force guarding the prison compound were reported
to have opened fire to âprevent the escapeâ of more prisoners. The
escapees were alleged to have âexploitedâ the weekend riots that swept
across the city, as all attention was focused on the riots in which more
than 14 people were killed and several properties damaged. Widespread
violence erupted in and around Monrovia that weekend with youths going
on the rampage, looting, killing, and destroying churches, mosques and
private dwellings. What set off the riots is still unknown to us.
November 11, Kentucky:
A Knox County jail worker has been accused of helping prisoners escape
by selling them saw blades.
November 17, Abidian, Cote dâIvoire: 4,000 Escape!
About 4,000 inmates escaped from a prison in Cote dâIvoireâs commercial
capital of Abidjan in a hugely successful jailbreak. The escapees used a
drainage leading to the nearby forest. Earlier in November, riots broke
out in the same prison due to the lack of water supply. Some jail
facilities were damaged in the riots, but were repaired later.
November 20, Fairbanks, Alaska: Jailbreak Attempt With Front-end Loader
Two people have been indicted by a grand jury in a suspected plot to
break a prisoner out of the Fairbanks Correctional Center. Misty
Hoffman, 28, and Joseph Gilespie, 24, are accused of ramming a stolen
front-end loader into the wall of an inmate housing area. In the
attempt, sections of two parallel barbed-wire fences surrounding the
jail were leveled. The loaderâs scoop was used to smash two windows and
a portion of the buildingâs wall. Damages were estimated at $100,000.
Hoffman and Gilespie are also accused of possessing a gun Hoffman
planned on giving a prisoner in case it was necessary for the breakout.
November 27, Stockholm, Sweden: Man Shoots Cell Phones Into Prison Yard
Authorities in Sweden have arrested a man who shot mobile phones into
the yard of a high-security prison with a bow and arrows. The 25-yearold
man is charged with planning to aid a prison escape and could get up to
a year in jail himself. The suspect, whose name was not released, taped
two cell phones and a battery charger to three arrows, and fired them
over the 12-foot wall into Mariefred prison outside Stockholm during the
evening hours.
November 28, Palestine: Prisoners Attack Israeli Warden and Guards
Female Palestinian security detainees at the Sharon prison rioted and
poured boiling oil and cleaning agents on the facilityâs warden and
guards. One male guard was wounded in the face and a female guard was
wounded in her hand. The riots broke out after prisoner Amana Muna
refused to stand for an inspection. Munaâs refusal elicited a chain of
reactions when the other female prisoners joined in protest against the
guards.
The two wounded guards were evacuated to an area hospital for medical
attention and the prisoners were dispersed with high-pressure water
hoses and returned to their cells. Young male detainees also started to
bang on their doors and riot. Guards quelled the disturbances with tear
gas.
November 28, Palm Island, Australia: Death of Aboriginal Prisoner
Triggers Riots
About 200 people protesting against the death of a man in custody burnt
down a police station, a house, and a courthouse on a remote Australian
island, before police reinforcements flew in to restore âorderâ. At one
stage of the riot some 20 police were trapped inside their police
station as a crowd stormed the building, eventually setting it alight.
Radio reports said the station had been set on fire with a petrol bomb
in the protests that erupted after Cameron Doomagee, 36, died in a
police cell. Doomagee had been arrested for âbeing drunkâ and âcausing a
public nuisanceâ.
âThis is cold-blooded murder,â one rioter yelled at the crowd in
television footage. âI am not going to accept it and I know a lot of you
other people wonâtâ. Australian radio said the riot started after the
release of a postmortem examination of Doomagee. The autopsy found he
had four broken ribs and died from a punctured lung. Palm Islanders will
not accept that Cameron died by accident or, as they are being asked to
believe, that the injuries (also including a ruptured spleen and liver)
occurred as the result of a fall while scuffling with a cop at the
watch-house. They know that he was walking along the street, drunk and
singing, and an hour later he was dead with the internal injuries.
Two Aboriginal men who were in the cells at the time have given
statements that they saw him being punched and beaten by Chris Hurley, a
senior sergeant. Hurley was removed from the island for his own
protection. The interim autopsy report stated âthere was no evidence to
suggestâ his injuries had âresulted from a direct use of forceâ.
When a section of the autopsy report was read to a public meeting on
Friday the simmering mood of discontent erupted. The crowd set fire to
the court house, police station and police barracks, with many
threatening in loud tones to kill the 18 police who had fled the
buildings and were holed up in the hospital. On the night of the riot,
80 more police were flown in, including the tactical response group.
That night they began rounding up the suspected ringleaders of the riot.
In full armor they burst into homes, held guns on people while they
searched their homes. By daylight the next morning, 12 men had been
arrested.
November 29, Victoria, British Columbia: Prison âHoudiniâ Sent Back To
Slammer
A 62-year-old man described by his publisher as a prison âHoudiniâ for
13 escapes from custody is going back to the prison, this time for
illegal possession of a handgun. Lorne Wayne Carlson, author of
âBreakfast with the Devil: The story of a professional jailbreaker,â got
18 months after pleading guilty in British Columbia Supreme Court.
Carlson was on parole in July when police tackled him and a loaded
handgun fell out of his pants.
Carlson has an extensive record for robbery and other crimes in Canada
and the United States. He has spent about 35 years in prison, most of
his adult life, and has escaped 13 times. His publisher, Insomniac
Press, contends that makes him the prisoner with the most escapes in
modern North American history.
December 1, Panama City, Florida: Hostages Taken After Ambush
An inmate takeover, which ended with the shooting of a hostage and a
prisoner, began when a Bay County Jail guard was ambushed during an
escape attempt. The wounded nurse and inmate survived gunfire from a
sheriffâs SWAT team that stormed the third floor of the jail to end the
11-hour standoff. The Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) publicly
disclosed details of what happened for the first time on December 1st,
nearly two months later. As a jailer entered a cell and tried to awaken
an inmate âplaying possumâ on September 5, another prisoner sneaked up
and struck the guard in the head with an improvised weapon, probably a
bar of soap or a padlock wrapped in a sock. When the jailer radioed for
help, a shift captain closed a riot gate and shut the elevators to keep
inmates from getting off the floor. With the escape foiled, inmates
rushed across the hall to a nurseâs station, where they took a guard and
three nurses hostage.
Four inmates have been charged with felonies stemming from the escape
attempt. The shootings remain under investigation by prosecutors. John
Ferguson, president of Nashville, Tennessee-based CCA, acknowledged the
hostage-taking may have sullied the companyâs reputation, but he
insisted the company is well below average for escapes, homicides,
suicides and inmate takeovers at government-run facilities.
December 9, Nassau, Bahamas:
Migrants set fire to a detention dormitory, clashing with guards who
fired rubber bullets at detainees. At least 20 people were injured. The
riot at the Carmichael Road Detention Center in Nassau began after
immigration officials forced their way into a dormitory with mostly
Cuban migrants who were refusing to unlock the door.
The detainees set fire to the room and hurled burning objects at the
immigration officials, who fired rubber bullets to disperse the
migrants. Eleven immigration officials suffered bruises and lacerations,
though none were hospitalized. Three migrants escaped hours before the
fire, though two were quickly recaptured.
December 24, Honolulu, Hawaii: Half-Naked Inmate Escapes
A minimum security prisoner left his ripped pants and boxer shorts
snagged in razor wire atop a fence when he broke out of the Oahu
Community Correctional Center. A witness told police 25-year-old Michael
Ventura ran across the street toward a gas station. Detective Larry
Lawson says Ventura was last seen with a brown paper bag or a brown
piece of cardboard wrapped around his waist.
December 26, Israel: Palestinian Prisoner Escapes Jail
Prison security officials were in pursuit of a Palestinian prisoner who
escaped from the Damon Prison in the Carmel Mountain region. Prison
service officials said that after Ahram Ali Zaharna was discovered
missing during a roll call of the prisoners, a state of emergency was
imposed in the jail, and large police and prison service forces arrived
on the scene. Initial investigations concluded that the detainee managed
to escape the prison grounds by scaling a wall surrounding the prison
yard. The prison wall is currently under reconstruction and sections of
the wall had been removed, which eased the prisonerâs escape.
MOVE Prisoners:
MOVE is a radical ecological movement that has been attacked by the
Philadelphia Police since its inception. Nine members were convicted and
sent to prison for life following a 1978 siege at their house in which
one cop was killed by another cop. One of those nine, Merle Africa, died
in prison after being denied medical treatment.
Debbie Simms Africa #006307, Janet Holloway Africa #006308, Janine
Philips Africa #006309, 451 Fullerton Ave, Cambridge Springs, PA
16403-1238.
Michael Davis Africa AM4973, Charles Simms Africa AM4975, Box 244,
Grateford, PA 19426-0244 SCI Grateford.
Edward Goodman Africa AM4974, Box 200, Camp Hill, PA 17011-0200 SCI Camp
Hill.
William Philips Africa AM4984,Delbert Orr Africa AM4985, Drawer K,
Dallas, PA 18612 SCI Dallas.
www.onamove.com
âWe are at war, even if the images of spectacular daily life try to make
us believe the contrary. We have not chosen these social conditions
ourselves, we can only choose from what position to fight. In order to
do so, it is necessary to look at what is happening in our camp and in
that of the ruling order at the same time, what forces move below the
empire of names and official declarations, beyond the eternal present of
the media. Not at all a careful investigation by cold analysts. Rather a
social reconnaissance, if you will, of those who have the urgent need to
live, a breach in both sides of the barricades for perceiving and
practicing a different concept of force.â âWillful Disobedience
September 14: Uprising On Chicagoâs South Side
A South Side communityâs âpublic safety demonstrationâ climaxed in
spontaneous violence when police and residents clashed, leading to
several injuries and arrests. Two adults and four juveniles were
arrested just as several hundred neighbors gathered for the third annual
Hands Across the Neighborhood for District Safety â a community
relations event sponsored by the Grand Crossing District.
The unrest started after police responded to reports of an assault. As
police tried to break up a fight involving several men, Norman Shipp,
29, began to cause a disturbance and shouted âfuck the policeâ. The pigs
took Shipp into custody, ran a background check and released him, which
is when a crowd started throwing rocks at the police and their squad
car. As police tried to make arrests, one pig was hit in the face with a
rock, leaving him with a bloody nose and broken glasses. Another pig
discharged pepper spray to subdue the crowd before Shipp, Karine Manuel,
37, and four juveniles were arrested.
âItâs unfortunate that this happened at an event that was supposed to
unite police and community against violence,â said a Chicago politician.
âWe are going to have to find out exactly what caused all of this.â
(Editors Note: This news item was submitted by Partisan Resistance of
Chicago)
September 17, Paraiba, Brazil: Thieves Rob Bus Full of Cops
Forty-six Brazilian policemen traveling to a sports competition were
caught with their guard down when four Brazilian thieves robbed the bus
carrying them to the event. The bus with 46 unarmed cops from the
northeastern Paraiba state was headed to the city of Salvador in Bahia
when two cars with armed robbers forced them to stop on the countryâs
main interstate highway. âThe robbers took their cameras, cellular
phones, wallets and even the sports uniforms and sneakers,â a police
spokesman said.
Late September/Early October, Grants Pass, Oregon: Numerous
Anti-Election Actions In Southern Oregon!
This fall, there was a rash of anonymous, nonpartisan attacks on
political campaign signs in Grants Pass.
âWe put it up on the edge of our property, got up the next morning and
found it uprooted, slashed, and thrown in the bushes,â said Revella
Ruschmeyer, speaking of the BushCheney sign her husband had installed on
their Granite Hill Road property. âItâs kind of rude. I thought everyone
had the right to say what they want.â But the attacks were in no way a
one-party issue. Democratic Party volunteer Mort Mondale (brother of
Walter Mondale, former vice president under Carter) complains that he
and another local liberal put up a number of signs in the Illinois
Valley that were stolen or defaced. âItâs been a major effort to keep
the signs up,â Mondale whined. âOn two separate occasions, about a dozen
signs were vandalized.â
Sign thefts and vandalism eat into the pockets of local political
parties and candidates. âThe first round of Bush-Cheney signs were paid
for by the Oregon State Republican Party,â bewailed a local RNC
volunteer. âThe second round, we paid for, and the third round we also
paid for.â
Likewise, local Democrats groaned about having to pay for sign
replacements. âFor instance, the large sign that was taken from Kauffman
Wood Products was a $25 item!,â Mort Mondale whimpered. Resistance seems
to be on the rise in Grants Pass, a town known mostly for ignorance,
xenophobia and its sordid history of involvement with the Ku Klux Klan.
On July 4th, 2004, the âCavemanâ â a 15 1/2-foot fiberglass statue which
has âguardedâ the entrance to Grants Pass for 33 years â was torched by
a local teenager, costing $4,000 to replace. This hulking monstrosity
was an insult to our Paleolithic ancestors, and though most of the local
citizenry reacted with outrage, a dissident minority welcomed the
temporary removal of this hideous sentry, happy to get an unobstructed
view of the mountains for a change.
October 7, Baltimore, Maryland: We Donât Want To Be Learned. We Donât
Want To Be Tamed!
Baltimore City school police have made a fourth arrest in connection
with recent ânuisance firesâ at Walbrook High School, and an arrest has
been made at another school for a similar early morning fire, but more
fires at certain Baltimore City schools continued throughout the week,
despite the five arrests. Thurgood Marshall Middle and High schools were
evacuated due to a fire, two fires were set at Forest Park High School,
and at least 16 fires have been set at Walbrook High School.
Top school officials are assigning more pigs to the hot spots, and
theyâre attempting to send a âstern messageâ to possible copycat
arsonists. âThis is absolutely not acceptable. It is absolutely terrible
behavior and we are on top of this, so donât think you are gonna get by
with this. We know where the situations are,â said Bonnie Copeland, the
districtâs chief executive. Students arrested in the latest string of
Walbrook fires have been placed in the custody of state juvenile
officials.
November 2, Rockaway, New Jersey: Boy Charged In Multiple School Fires
An 11-year-old pupil at the Copeland Middle School in Rockaway Township
was handcuffed and sent to the Morris County Juvenile Detention Center,
charged with four counts of arson. The sixth-grader is accused of
setting fires that started in trashcans in boysâ lavatories at the
school January 9, 14, and 26, 2004. Three of the fires were minor and
were quickly extinguished by school staff, but the January 14 blaze
caused major damage to a bathroom that will cost an estimated $20,000 to
repair.
The small 11-year-old, who will turn 12 in a few weeks, was dwarfed by
the size of the chair he sat in and nibbled on his fingers and twisted
his feet around the chair legs as he waited for the hearing to begin.
After a nearly yearlong investigation, the cops have decided that this
young rebel is their âman.â He left the courtroom in handcuffs after
Superior Court Family Division Judge Thomas Critchley Jr. ordered that
he be kept in detention at least until a probable cause hearing is held.
November 6, Pickens County, Alabama:
Four people attacked the Carrollton Unit School overnight, destroying
property and stealing several items. Unfortunately, all four were
arrested.
November 6, Brisbane, Australia: Homeless Tension at Flashpoint
Tensions on Brisbane streets have reached flashpoint as homeless kids
revolt against authorities. Youth workers have warned of a riot if
police and council leaders continue to take a heavy-handed approach to
dealing with homeless young people. Street kids â numbering more than
100 in central Brisbane â are angry at new laws allowing police to
detain youth for paint-sniffing, and a councildriven crackdown on the
use of derelict buildings as squats. Simmering tension erupted, when
teenagers hurled glass, chairs, bricks and other projectiles into the
street from the first-floor awning of a disused, squatted building in
the heart of the city. A dozen were arrested. The following morning, a
group of angry street kids confronted Premier Peter Beattie in
Brisbaneâs King George Square after police ejected them from their
overnight squat. Lord Mayor Campbell Newman and the Queensland Police
Union have called for more police on the streets and a stronger response
to incidents. But Youth Affairs Network of Queensland director Siyavash
Doostkhah says that a heavyhanded reaction will ignite âa powder kegâ.
âAll it requires is a trigger like that,â he said. âYoung people have
been pushed so far to the edge, they have nothing left to lose. They are
fighting for survival. Thatâs how they see it.â
November 11, Lee County, North Carolina:
Two high school students slashed the tires on 12 buses overnight, hoping
to cancel classes. We were sorry to hear that the two were caught a
week later.
November 14, Jackson, Mississippi:
A French Elementary School was attacked over the weekend. Over 140
windowpanes were broken.
November 15, Battle Ground, Washington: Students Sent Home After Fires
Erupt At School
Students were sent home after fires broke out in two student restrooms
at Prairie High School. Firefighters were called in to put out the
fires. There were no injuries and it took just 10 minutes to extinguish
the flames. However, students were still sent home as a precaution.
Worried parents were held behind a fence as investigators secured the
area, which was treated as a crime scene. Arson was immediately
suspected by fire officials and a few days later, a suspect was
arrested. Clark County Sheriffâs Deputies say the suspect, described as
a 16-year-old male, is responsible for the fire that forced the
evacuation of 1,500 students.
November 22, Talent, Oregon: Police Chief Shot At With Large Dart!
Police are investigating an incident in which a large dart was
reportedly shot at the Butte Falls chief of police as he entered his
Talent home. At about 11p.m., chief pig Mark Crumley parked his patrol
car and headed towards the front door of his Wagner Creek Road home.
After shutting the door, Crumley says he heard something smack against
it. Still wearing his Butte Falls pig uniform, Crumley says he went
outside and discovered a 6-inch-long dart embedded in his front door.
âIt dented my door,â he grumbled. âIt was like a small arrowâŠthat was
shot out of a hand-held crossbow. I have been a police officer for years
and this is the first time something like this has happened. Nobodyâs
out to get me, as far as I know.â
November 26, Lafayette, Louisiana.: Vandals Delay Shoppersâ Spree
The busiest shopping day of the year turned out to be a sticky affair.
Vandals apparently glued the locks on dozens of Lafayetteâs biggest
retailers, preventing managers from opening up promptly on lucrative
âBlack Friday.â Hundreds of shoppers, some of whom arrived before dawn,
were forced to wait outside Barnes & Noble, Old Navy and other stores
while managers summoned locksmiths. At least 200 locks on dozens of
businesses were glued, including the main entrances, rear doors, and the
employee entrances, said locksmith Garan Wilson. Wilsonâs first job at
about 5 a.m. Friday was to make his way to the front door lock at the
Old Navy â by pushing through about 500 shoppers waiting outside, he
said. âI found about a half a tube of glue stuck inside,â he added.
Chuck Trenchard, an employee of S&K Menswear, said the prank had cost
his store more than $1,000 in business, because potential customers had
arrived early, then left because they couldnât get inside.
November 27, New York City: Pepper Spray Prank Prompts Evacuation of Toy
Store
The huge Toys âRâ Us store in Times Square was hurriedly evacuated after
about 20 people were overcome by a mysterious pepper spray cloud that
had been somehow dispensed above the crowds of holiday shoppers. About
3,000 potential consumers were transferred out on to the sidewalks of
Times Square. This particular Toys âRâ Us is the largest single
operation by the mega-store chain.
December 14, Monrovia, Liberia: Hundreds of Students Riot
Hundreds of public school students staged a violent street
demonstration, leaving several persons hurt and some students arrested
as a strike by their teachers entered its third week. Angry students
from the Monrovia Consolidated School System went from street to street
throwing stones at random, smashing cars and attacking private schools
across the Liberian capital city. Troops of the United Nations Mission
in Liberia later quelled the violence, firing shots into the air as
heavily armed âpeacekeepingâ soldiers backed by armor personnel carriers
took up positions at street corners in the city center.
December 15, Scotland: Concrete Block Wrecks Police Car
A heavy concrete block was dropped on a police car as cops carried out
an investigation into a theft from a building site in Edinburgh. The
pigs returned to find the block embedded in the roof of their car. The
windshield and roof of the vehicle were extensively damaged. At the same
site, a slab landed on the ground 15ft away from an unsuspecting pig.
December 22, Bratislava, Slovakia: Explosive Device Found Near
Presidentâs Home
An explosive device was found and quickly defused in a house under
construction near the Slovak presidential residence. The device was
found the day officials announced that George W. Bush and Vladimir Putin
of Russia would meet in the Slovak capital in February. The bomb was
said to be made with about four pounds of the plastic explosive Semtex.
President Ivan Gasparovic, who was elected in June, had not yet moved
into the official residence.
December 28, Croatia: Bomb Topples Statue of Dictator Tito
A bomb knocked off the head of a statue of the former Yugoslavian
dictator Tito in his hometown, Kumrovic, in northern Croatia. The blast
wrecked the life-sized statue, erected near the house where Tito â who
ruled Yugoslavia with an iron fist from 1945 until his death in 1980 â
was born in 1892.
December 31, Baghdad, Iraq: Insurgents Target Police and Officials on
New Yearâs Eve
With car bombs, assassinations, ambushes and raids on police stations,
insurgents killed at least 54 people on the last day of 2004, including
Iraqi cops and a deputy governor, across the volatile Sunni Triangle,
and a militant group claimed that it executed eight Iraqi employees of
an American security company. This string of attacks â including one in
which the throats of twelve cops were slit in their station â makes
evident that the lies of the U.S. occupation have failed. None of
todayâs rulers can look at a photo of the revolt in Iraq without
shuddering because it represents, as plain as day, the beginning of
their end.
Cops For Fertilizer!: The Dead Pig Tally For 2004
The FBI reported that 132 cops were killed âin the line of dutyâ in
2004, eight more than in 2003. Of the total, 49 were killed in traffic
accidents and 45 were slain with firearms. Thirtyone of those killed
with guns were wearing body armor at the time.
We donât think much of the white manâs elections. Whoever wins, we
Indians always lose. Well, we have a little story about elections. Once,
a long time ago, the dogs were trying to elect a president. So one of
them got up in the big dog convention and said: âI nominate the bulldog
for president. Heâs strong. He can fight.â
âBut he canât run,â said another dog. âWhat good is a fighter who canât
run? He wonât catch anybody.â
Then another dog got up and said: âI nominate the greyhound, because he
sure can run.â But the other dogs cried: âNaw he can run all right, but
he canât fight. When he catches up with somebody, what happens then? He
gets the hell beaten out of him, thatâs what! So all heâs good for is
running away.â
Then an ugly little mutt jumped up and said: âI nominate that dog for
president who smells good underneath his tail.â And immediately an
equally ugly mutt jumped up and yelled: âI second the motion.â
At once all the dogs started sniffing underneath each otherâs tails. A
big chorus went up:
âPhew, he doesnât smell good under his tail.â
âNo, neither does this one.â
âHeâs no presidential timber!â
âNo heâs no good either.â
âThis one sure isnât the peopleâs choice.â
âWow, this ainât my candidate!â
When you go out for a walk, just watch the dogs. Theyâre still sniffing
underneath each otherâs tails. Theyâre looking for a good leader and
they
still havenât found him.
âTold by Lame
Deer at Winner,
Rosebud Indian Reservation,
South Dakota, 1969.
Recorded by Richard Erdoes.
Fer-al adj. wild, or existing in a state of nature, as freely occurring
animals or plants; having reverted to the wild state from domestication.
We exist in a landscape of absence wherein real life is steadily being
drained out by debased work, the hollow cycle of consumerism and
mediated emptiness of high-tech dependency. Today it is not only the
stereotypical yuppie workaholic who tries to cheat despair via activity,
preferring not to contemplate a fate no less sterile than that of the
planet and (domesticated) subjectivity in general. We are confronted,
nonetheless, by the ruins of nature and the ruin of our own nature, the
sheer enormity of the meaninglessness and the inauthentic amounting to a
weight of lies. Itâs still drudgery and toxicity for the vast majority,
while a poverty more absolute than financial renders more vacant the
Universal Dead Zone of civilization. âEmpoweredâ by computerization?
Infantilized, more like. An Information Age characterized by increased
communication? No, that would presuppose experience worth communicating.
A time of unprecedented respect for the individual? Translation:
wage-slavery needs the strategy of worker selfmanagement at the point of
production to starve off the continuing productivity crisis, and market
research must target each âlife-styleâ in the interest of a maximized
consumer culture.
In the upside-down society the solution to massive alienation-induced
drug use is a media barrage, with results as embarrassing as the
hundreds of millions futilely spent against declining voter turnout.
Meanwhile, TV, voice and soul of the modern world, dreams vainly of
arresting the growth of illiteracy and what is left of emotional health
by means of propaganda spots of thirty seconds or less. In the
industrialized culture of irreversible depression, isolation, and
cynicism, the spirit will die first, the death of the planet an
afterthought. That is, unless we erase this rotting order, all of its
categories and dynamics.
Meanwhile, the parade of partial (and for that reason false) oppositions
proceeds on its usual routes. There are the Greens and their like who
try to extend the life of the racket of electoralism, based on the lie
that there is validity in any person representing another; these types
would perpetuate just one more home for protest, in lieu of the real
thing. The peace âmovementâ exhibits, in its every (uniformly pathetic)
gesture, that it is the best friend of authority, property and
passivity. One illustration will suffice: in May 1989, on the 20th
anniversary of Berkeleyâs Peopleâs Park battle, a thousand people rose
up admirably, looting 28 businesses and injuring 15 cops; declared
peace-creep spokesperson Julia Talley, âThese riots have no place in the
peace movement.â Which brings to mind the fatally misguided students in
Tiananmen Square, after the June 3 massacre had begun, trying to prevent
workers from fighting the government troops. And the general truth that
the university is the number one source of that slow strangulation known
as reform, the refusal of a qualitative break with degradation. Earth
First! recognizes that domestication is the fundamental issue (e.g. that
agriculture itself is malignant) but many of its partisans cannot see
that our species could become wild. Radical environmentalists appreciate
that the turning of national forests into tree farms is merely a part of
the overall project that also seeks their own suppression. But they will
have to seek the wild everywhere rather than merely in wilderness as a
separate preserve.
Freud saw that there is no civilization without the forcible
renunciation of instincts, without monumental coercion. But, because the
masses are basically âlazy and unintelligent,â civilization is
justified, he reasoned. This model or prescription was based on the idea
that pre-civilized life was brutal and deprivedâa notion that has been,
amazingly, reversed in the past 20 years. Prior to agriculture, in other
words, humanity existed in a state of grace, ease and communion with
nature that we can barely comprehend today.
The vista of authenticity emerges as no less than a wholesale
dissolution of civilizationâs edifice of repression, which Freud, by the
way, described as âsomething which was imposed on a resisting majority
by a minority which understood how to obtain possession of the means to
power and coercion.â We can either passively continue on the road to
utter domestication and destruction or turn in the direction of joyful
upheaval, passionate and feral embrace of wildness and life that aims at
dancing on the ruins of clocks, computers and that failure of
imagination and will called work. Can we justify our lives by anything
less than such a politics of rage and dreams?
The Nihilistâs Dictionary was originally a regularly running column by
John in Anarchy: A Journal of Desire Armed over ten years ago. The
entire dictionary can be found towards the end of Johnâs book, Future
Primitive (Autonomedia/Anarchy), and in a zine format available from our
distro.
September 17, Germany: Web Worm Teenager Charged
Sven Jaschan, 18, the German teenager who created the Sasser worm that
disrupted computers around the world in May 2004, has been charged with
computer sabotage, a crime carrying a minimum five-year jail term.
September 24, Greece: Suspect Indicted For String of Anarchist-Linked
Attacks
The Thessaloniki judicial council indicted a man suspected of
involvement in a spate of over 60 anarchist-linked gas-canister bombings
in 2003 and early 2004, to stand trial on charges ranging from the
manufacture and use of explosive devices to resisting arrest. However,
judges rejected a police request to take DNA samples from the suspect in
a bid to establish how many attacks he was involved with. The
26-year-old, whose name has not been released, was arrested on April 16,
2004, when cops caught him in a sting operation, allegedly in the act of
placing a gascanister bomb under a private security firmâs van, and is
just now facing formal charges.
September 29, Phillipines: Earth Defender Slain in Cold Blood
Isabelo dela Pena, a forest defender who was a key figure in derailing
massive forest logging by big corporations in Southern Mindanao,
Phillipines, was shot dead by unidentified gunmen. According to reports,
two unidentified motorcycle-riding men gunned him down in the Talomo
district of Davao del Sur. The slain forest defender is now one among
hundreds of earth defenders in the country who are consequently being
murdered by hired goons.
October 5, Benton Harbor, Michigan: Stone Salesperson Pleads No Contest
A woman who police say sold stones to rioters in a southwest Michigan
City last year and used the money to pay her cable television bill has
pleaded no contest to inciting a riot. Yuolanda Taylor, 32, faces up to
10 years in prison.
The city of Benton Harbor was ârockedâ by two nights of rioting in June
2003, sparked by the death of a black motorcyclist during a high-speed
police chase. Twenty-one houses, many vacant, were destroyed. Police
said Taylor sold rocks through a riot-wracked neighborhood, selling
small ones for $1 each and bigger ones for $5. Prosecutors said the
rocks were thrown at police. Taylor told police she collected about $70
selling rocks, but quit when she got hit by one herself. Assistant
Prosecutor Gerald Vigansky said Taylor was arrested after police
investigated an informant tip. Taylor was one of six people named in
warrants in June 2004. Investigators continued working through the
areaâs FBI Violence Crime Task Force, using videotape footage and
witness accounts to identify and charge suspects.
Mid-October, Eugene, Oregon: Rebel Teen Sent to Oregon Youth Authority
A teenager charged with using Molotov cocktails to burn the car of a
school administrator who disciplined him for smoking marijuana will
serve up to eight years in a youth prison. A judge ordered Bruno Gartner
Jr., 17, into the custody of the MacLaren Youth Correctional Facility in
Woodburn, Oregon. He was also ordered to pay $8,700 in restitution to
retired Sheldon High School Assistant John Lindsley, who awoke on May 1,
2004, to find his vehicle burning in his driveway.
Mid-November: Update On The Chico, California, Grand Jury Defendants
In 2003 ALF and ELF activists targeted the town of Chico, California,
culminating in an arson attack on two McDonalds. The FBI investigated
the arsons and called several people before a Grand Jury. Following the
Grand Jury investigation it was alleged by a police informant that two
people, Harjit Gill and Robert Brooks, had lied during the
investigation. Both of these men have subsequently been charged with two
counts of lying to a Federal Officer and one count of lying to a Federal
Grand Jury.
November 16: Imprisoned Eco-Activist Released by Spanish State, But
Another Prisoner Taken
After the eco-activist group âSolidarios con Itoizâ pulled off a
massively successful sabotage action against the construction of the
Itoiz dam in Spain, in 2001, Iñaki Garcia Koch was the first of the
eight to be captured and imprisoned. We can now happily report that he
has been released! However, another member of the group is now in
prison, and would appreciate support and solidarity. On the 15th of
March 2004, Spanish eco-activist Ibai Ederra was arrested for sabotaging
the same dam construction as part of Soliderios con Itoiz.
Write To: Ibai Ederra, Carcel de Pamplona,c/o San Roque. Apdo. 250,
31080 - Iruñez - Pamplona, Navarra, Spain.
Mid-November: Update On Political Prisoner Richard Williams
United Freedom Front (UFF) combatant and political prisoner Richard
Williams has been transferred from U.S.P. Lompoc to U.S.P. Victorville,
in Butner, North Carolina. This move comes as Richard has been diagnosed
with Hepatitis A and C, as well as cancer. A recent biopsy revealed that
he has seminoma, or a partial invasion of cells by cancer, but so far,
the cancer seems isolated and has not invaded his lymph nodes.
Since finding the cancer, prison doctors have recommended a three-month
transfer to a prison medical facility in Rochester, Minnesota for
treatment. That means a best-case scenario is a transfer to Rochester,
then back to Lompoc, before being moved to Victorville. Weâll keep the
pressure on and keep people informed. In the meantime, Richard Williams
can be contacted at: Richard Williamsâ10377-016, F.M.C. Butner, P.O. Box
1600, Butner, NC 27509-1600
November 23, Iowa: Denver Woman Charged With Threatening the Life of the
President
A Denver, Colorado, woman is being held without bail in Linn County,
Iowa, on a two-count indictment charging that she twice threatened to
kill president Bush in May. Catherine M. Guertin, 24, is pleading not
guilty on both charges. The indictment alleges that Guertin made the
threats against Bush on May 3 and May 16.
One count charges that she threatened Bush by saying âI want him goneâ
and âIf I ever have a gun, I will shoot him between the eyes.â The
second count claims that on May 16, Guertin wrote statements threatening
the president.
Late November: Eco-Prisoner William Cottrell Named A POLICE INFORMANT!!
âUnder the spreading chestnut tree, I sold you and you sold me ...â -
1984
It is with deep regret that we have to announce that William âBillyâ
Cottrell testified against others at his trial. In two hours of
testimony, Cottrell claimed that he had been present at an Earth
Liberation Front action, admitting to painting ELF slogans and to
causing criminal damage. However, he then went on to say that he did not
start any of the fires and named two people, Tyler Johnson and Michie
Oe, he claims were responsible for setting fire to sport utility
vehicles in Monrovia and West Covina in August 2003. The FBI has now
named Tyler and Michie as âfugitive co-conspiratorsâ. The prosecution
pointed to several mistakes Cottrell allegedly made in carrying out the
crime, including leaving his DNA at the scene, telling friends about the
incident, and sending the anonymous e-mails to the Los Angeles Times,
which eventually were traced back to him and led to his arrest.
Some Background On The Summer of 2003:
On August 22, 2003, the ELF hit four SUV dealerships and damaged a small
number of privately owned vehicles. In all, the ELF damaged and burnt
approximately 125 vehicles and caused over $2,500,000 damage.
The police arrested a local vegan âpeace activistâ named Josh Connole.
The only evidence against Josh was he looked similar to a suspect caught
on CCTV security footage. There was no other evidence and whilst Josh
was being held in custody, someone claiming to be involved with the ELF,
emailed a local media outlet saying the police had the wrong person.
Police finally recognized they had no evidence against Josh and released
him. He subsequently sued the police for $20,000.
The hunt for the person who sent e-mails (allegedly written on behalf of
the ELF) to the media, led the FBI to the California Institute of
Technology (Caltech), where they claim to have identified the computer
which was used. From that computerâs records the FBI claimed to have
identified William Cottrell, a Ph.D. student and an outspoken critic of
SUVs, as their suspect.
Cottrell was arrested and remanded into custody, without bail, in March
2004. During the course of his trial in October, he ratted on his
friends and comrades and, in our opinion, should no longer be supported.
A full report on Cottrellâs trial appears in the January 2005 issue of
âSpirit of Freedomâ. The âFree Billy Support Networkâ has been dissolved
because of Cottrellâs decision to implicate others.
December 1, Paris, France: Man Sentenced for Shooting At Chirac
A French court convicted a man who tried to shoot French President
Jacques Chirac during a national Bastille Day parade in 2002 and
sentenced him to ten years in prison. Maxime Brunerie, 27, could have
easily received a life sentence for the July 14, 2002, assassination
attempt, in which he pulled a rifle out of a guitar case and fired a
shot before being subdued. However, his lawyers successfully argued that
he was in a âborderlineâ mental state at the time of the attack.
December 2, Arizona: Yaqui Warrior Rod Coronado Indicted on Federal
Charges
Federal prosecutors indicted Chukâshon Earth First! activist Rod
Coronado on conspiracy charges related to the local environmental
groupâs interference with the hunt for mountain lions in Sabino Canyon
last March. The indictment came just seven days before Coronado was to
stand trial for three lesser misdemeanor charges filed after his arrest
in Sabino Canyon on March 26. The new charge, âConspiracy to Impede or
Injure an Officerâ carries a maximum penalty of six years in prison.
Last March (2004) when Arizona Game & Fish Department (AZGFD) and U.S.
Forest Service officials attempted to remove four to five mountain lions
from Sabino Canyon, Coronado, with Chukâshon Earth First!, organized a
campaign of interference that included nonviolent tactics such as the
spreading of false lion urine scent to lead AZGFD hunting hounds away
from the real lions. Coronado and a reporter from Esquire magazine were
originally charged with violating a federal closure and disabling a
steel-cable snare set by AZGFD to capture a lion.
âIts just an Orwellian attempt to intimidate me for criticizing and
drawing attention to AZGFD policies that cater to urban sprawl and
trophy hunters. If AZGFD continues controversial programs such as lion
eradication, trophy desert bighorn sheep and sandhill crane hunting,
CEF! will continue to document and expose those abuses of public lands
and wildlife,â Coronado said after he learned of the new charges.
Rod is a long-time friend and ally of the Green Anarchy collective, and
a passionately committed earth warrior who already served multiple years
in Federal Prison for actions taken in defense of our animal relations
and the web of life. We STRONGLY encourage our readers to offer
financial aid, legal assistance and moral support to Rod in his hour of
need.
Contact: Rod Coronado 520.623.9184
email: rod@resist.ca
Matthew âRampageâ Lamont Released; Conviction Overturned
After serving 2 and a half years for allegedly planning to attack an
Aryan Nation celebration of Adolf Hitlerâs birthday, Matt Lamont was
released from prison this fall. Surprisingly, only months after his
release, a state appeals court in Orange County reversed the conviction
of the Long Beach, CA anarchist. The 4th District Court of Appeal found
that an Orange County trial court should have allowed Lamont to
challenge the search of the car in which he was a passenger during the
arrest. After the initial trial court ruled that Lamont could not
challenge the evidence found in the search, he pleaded no contest in
April 2003 to charges that included possessing a destructive device. He
was then sentenced to three years in prison. Lamontâs lawyer said the
attorney generalâs office is likely to appeal to the state Supreme
Court, because of conflicting rulings on this legal question and a high
degree of interest in the issue.
January 6th: Craig Marshall (aka âCritterâ) Released from Prison!
After serving 4 and a half years for the 2000 arson of SUVâs at a Eugene
dealership, Critter (co-defendant with Jeff âFreeâ Luers) has been
released from prison. He will be on parole for 3 years.
Critter had this to say:
âI want to thank everyone who has shown me support whether through
letters or through attacking civilization. Iâm not about to roll over
and lick my nuts now that the state has got me by the balls. Sure, they
could lock me up again if they catch me slipping, but they could do that
to anyone whoâs not sitting on their asses and letting this world get
more fucked up by the morons who care more for their comfort and their
wallets. We all need to be striking back, the time for fear is over. Go
out and get shit done, but be smart and keep your mouth shut and youâll
probably get away with it. Free and I got unlucky, but the greater
majority of the time the way you get caught is because someone snitched
so keep your mouth shut and letâs get busy tonight.â
The Green Anarchy Collective wishes him much luck, and encourage people
to support him in this transitional period. While Critter would rather
see peopleâs time, energy, and money spent on resistance, if you wanted
to contribute to his post-release fund, you can send well-concealed cash
or checks/money orders made out to âCraig Marshallâ.
Contact Critter: c/o Green Anarchy at:
PO Box 11331, Eugene, OR 97440,
or email him at: miscreantcretin@yahoo.com
(although he doesnât check his email all too often)
by Nick Griffin
Recently a man who hung out in Eugene around green anarchists started
promoting the idea of National Anarchism. A few years ago he had written
a well-known essay from a green anarchist perspective, and he was a
familiar face to many. His new belief system advocated that people of
different ethnic backgrounds should live in different villages, and he
later wrote a letter to Green Anarchy in an attempt to propagate his
views about supposedly ânaturalâ hierarchies. [GA Note: We were going to
print his letter, but it is almost as long as this article, and we did
not want to provide a forum for his ideas on ânatural hierarchiesâ and
âNational Anarchismâ. If people are interested in the letter, and who
wrote it, you can contact us.] Fortunately his attempt to spread this
racist, anti-Semitic and homophobic (so-called) âanarchismâ were quickly
unveiled. But what is National Anarchism? How did it arise, and what
does it stand for, and why are these racist Right-wingers attempting to
recruit anarchists?
Radical politics of all kinds took a new turn after the collapse of the
Soviet Union, and this accelerated after the demonstrations against the
WTO in Seattle in 1999. Decentralized and networked political forms
started becoming the predominant types of resistance. In the last few
years, we have seen anarchism replace marxism as the dominant radical
movement in the U.S., but changes have also occurred elsewhere. Parts of
the white power movement started advocating âleaderless resistanceâ as
early as the 1980s; the Islamic jihadists Al Qaeda are a state-less,
transnational entity; and even marxist groups like Left Turn have
rejected the tight âvanguard partyâ model in favor of a more
network-based structure.
But anarchism itself has also became a magnet for the racist radical
right, and a tiny fringe group in the UK called the National
Revolutionary Faction has re-christened itself as National Anarchists.
They are attempting to use anarchist symbolism and rhetoric to recruit
both âWhite Nationalistsâ (WN, a catch-all term for the various kinds of
white racists) as well as anarchists â especially green anarchists â to
their strange belief system. They advocate a decentralized economic and
political system which features ethnically-pure villages which are
defined by racial separatism, anti-semitism and homophobia.
Most National Anarchists (NA) tend to be long-time participants in the
Nazi or other racist movements (ie Klan, Christian Identity) who are
looking for a new âhookâ to use to break-out of the ghettoized White
Nationalist scene. Many are former skinheads who retain their interests
in racist Oi!, metal and goth bands, European football (soccer), and
sci-fi. They also tend to be interested in occult or pagan religions,
although the proprietor of the sole NA-affiliated website in the U.S. is
a Christian. Sometimes they are interested in the ecology movement or
animal rights, although this seems mostly to be lip service to attract
anarchists to their ideas. Their real interests are clearly racism
against non-white people and a hatred of Jews.
Unfortunately, their bait has seemed to hook a few from the anarchist
scene, mostly mystical anarchists, individualists, and green anarchists
â including the aforementioned Eugene hanger-on. There has always been a
small Left-Right crossover point, especially where the politics involve
a mixture of anti-capitalism, mysticism, environmentalism and questions
of technology. (Although skewed in its conclusions, Ecofascism: Lessons
from the German Experience by Janet Biehl and Peter Staudenmaier offers
a detailed historical account of this, and many of the racists have read
this and taken it as a guide.)
In Germany, there is also a similar phenomena afoot. There is a wave of
fascist groups that are attempting to cross-recruit by sporting Che
t-shirts and Palestinian scarves, even marching in Black Blocs!
Sometimes calling themselves Autonomous Nationalists, they â just like
the National Anarchists â are attempting to pull people from anarchist
and left movements into the white racist milieu.
NA guru Troy Southgate claims that NA is a âThird Wayâ between
Capitalism and Communism, and has nothing to do with âfascism.â But he
can only do this by falsifying history; for it is fascism that has
always been called the Third Way. Southgate attempts to mobilize various
philosophies in defense of his project, but he can only do it by
distorting their messages. For example, in an essay on National
Anarchist history, Southgate cites Gautama (the first Buddha) in support
of his own work â but the Buddha was an opponent of the racist caste
system. Southgate invokes Hakim Bey, a queer man who would be horrified
at this usage of his ideas. Southgate also misattributes Fictheâs
trinitarian concept to Hegel, whose dialectic is not triadic at all, but
rather involves a more complicated process of double negations (the
negation of the object and then the negation of the negation).
Southgateâs attempts at constructing a NA lineage are bullshit to anyone
who has read their references.
But besides the details, Southgateâs general claims are historical
revisions and obfuscations which only serve to cover up NAâs function as
an attempt to recruit people to the same sour old racist right under a
new label. He distances NA from âfascism,â and the Autonomous
Nationalists have even been known to call themselves âanti-fascistsâ by
attempting to redefine Socialists like the PDS (a German left-wing
party) as âfascists.â Nonetheless, Southgate quite openly proclaims NAâs
intellectual forefathers to be the âleft-wingâ of the original German
Nazi party. Under the leadership of Otto Strasser, these âleft-wing
fascistsâ advocated a racist, anti-semitic, ecological, anti-capitalism
before being thrown out of the party by Hitler in 1930, several years
before his rise to power. A long discussion on the Stormfront site (a
kind of bizzaro-world Infoshop.org for racists) will confirm that racist
âWhite Nationalistsâ themselves look to NA to recruit anarchists and
others to their cause, much the same way that Marxist-Leninists utilize
the strategy of front groups. Here is an excerpt from that page, in a
post by Pan Zagloba:
How can National Anarchism recruit people to our cause?
It speaks to these kids [anarchists] in a language they understand,
which draws them closer to our side, and makes them more open to our
ideas.
It plays upon their distrust of Marxism, Zionism, and ZOG [the
âZionistOccupied Government]. It demonstrates to them something that
they probably donât realize now â that many WN values are often the same
as theirs. These include concern for the environment, distrust of
globalization and the NWO, and a desire to preserve the rights of
indigenous peoples (in our case, Europeans).
Websites and other media that support National Anarchism expose them to
quotes from prominent Anarchist thinkers which actually support WN, such
as Bakuninâs and Bookchinâs writings on nationalism.
It can show them that the mainstream Leftâs version of âdiversityâ
doesnât leave room for Whites. This can be very instrumental, as a large
portion of the Anarchist movement is made up of disaffected White youth.
Once they become more interested in National Anarchism, they are more
open to the influence of other nationalist and WN ideas, up to and
including National Socialism.
How can we be sure this is the case?
Well, this is purely anecdotal, but: It worked on me, and I have the
feeling that Iâm not the only one here on Stormfront who may have been
attracted to WN due to exposure to National Anarchist ideas.
NA itself has a complicated history. Its origins are in a â70s UK racist
right-wing party called the National Front, who are probably best known
to U.S. anarchists as the object of hatred in many â77 punk songs. The
group adopted a âThird Positionistâ stance in the â80s, attempting to
meld elements of communist and fascist political systems. They embraced
racial separatism (as opposed to White Supremacy, which often advocates
racial genocide) and started to work with black and Asian racial
nationalist groups to promote their common ends of ethnic separatism. In
the early â90s these politics were later copied by Florida Klan leader
(and former SDS member) John Baumgardner, which led to the spectacle of
joint Klan and Black nationalist demonstrations, held in conjunction
with Chief Osiris Akkebalaâs Pan-African Internationalist Movement
(PAIN).
Originally a two-tone Ska skin, Southgate âcrossed-overâ into the white
power Oi! scene and became a teenage National Front organizer. He later
navigated several splits in the party-turned-movement, first entering
the International Third Position (who tried to recruit the far-right
Roman Catholics of the Society of St. Pious X), and then the English
Nationalist Movement (ENM). In 1998 the National Revolutionary Faction
came out of the ENM, and then in turn morphed into the National
Anarchist movement in 2003. NA is friendly with groups such as the
National Bolsheviks in Russia, who mix their Stalinism with German
fascism, and NA cites influences as diverse as occult philosopher Julius
Evola, Libyan leader Colonel Qathafi and former UK Green Anarchist
editor Richard Hunt. Hunt quit the magazine to form the eco-fascist
Alternative Green group, which Southgate says NRF was âheavily
influenced byâ and which helped prompt their transition to so-called
âanarchism.â
NAs also frequently cite anarchist founders Proudhon and Bakunin as
influences, supposedly for their advocacy of an economically
decentralized society. Actually, they are more interested in their
anti-semitism, an unfortunate attribute that both thinkers shared but
which all anarchists since have repudiated. If this wasnât the case, why
are NAs reluctant to mention other decentralists such as Alexander
Berkman or Emma Goldman? The answer is because of their clear opposition
to nationalism, and their progressive politics and Jewish backgrounds.
Jews were always a vital part of the European anarchist movement, and no
amount of NA historical revisionism can change this.
Southgate sometimes makes feeble attempts to avoid answering if NA is
anti-semitic, lest its true nature as a White Nationalist front group be
revealed and potential recruits be put off. However, in a Stormfront
discussion, the man who posts as âFaith & Folkâ calls for
fellow-travelling National Bolsheviks to be âmore folk centered and dare
I say anti-Zionist and Judaic.â In a 2001 interview
(www.rosenoire.org/interviews/southgate.php), after a rant about
âInternational Zionismâ and the banking industry, Southgate is asked
point-blank if he is an anti-semite. He responds by reciting a bizarre
story about Israeli Jews actually being not Jewish but being members of
another ethnic group, while at no point repudiating anti-semitism. In
the same interview he says that he is not a fascist âbecause the main
tenets of this creed â bureaucracy, centralisation, the police state,
the cult of personality, the mass movement etc. â are contrary to our
objectives.â Naturally, the Nazi murder of 6 million Jews represents no
problem to Southgate. Only organizational issues separate him from the
Hitler cultists.
In the end, since there is so little that is anarchist in National
Anarchism, they will probably have limited success in recruiting
anarchists. Anarchists seek the abolition of all hierarchies on the
basis of our common humanity â not a separatism based on ethnic,
religious or sexual identity. In any event, most NAs seem obsessed with
watching and deprecating the more orthodox racist factions, as if they
were somehow not just as much a part of the white power circus. But if
people appear in your scene sporting the National Anarchist symbol (a
purple star with an NA in the middle), or attempt to promote the setting
up of separate ethnic villages, know that these people are not talking
about a new kind of anarchism, but just a very old and obscure style of
fascism. If you encounter these people, donât be fooled by the surface
similarities; treat them as if they were Klan members or Nazis. The only
difference is that this time, instead of pointy hats and braces, their
racist ideas come dressed in a hoodie and patches.
Websites of Interest:
National Anarchist sites in English:
www.national-anarchist.org (main NA site of Troy Southgate)
www.folkandfaith.com
www.rosenoire.org
âStormfrontâ discussions about National Anarchism:
www.stormfront.org/archive/t-103484
www.stormfront.org/forum/showthread.php?p=1297693&posted=1
Ecofascism â Lessons from the German Experience:
www.spunk.org/library/places/germany/sp001630/ecofasc.html
Autonomous Nationalists:
see the article âNazis Go Popâ at http://www.raggacore.com/
Photos of racist âblack blocâ:
http://www.germany.indymedia.org/2004/11/97143.shtml
Just in case you forgot. These are the OPINIONS of various Green Anarchy
Collective members (or others when noted) and do not necessarily reflect
the OPINIONS of the entire collective, all green anarchists, or anyone
else for that matter (why we continually need to point this out is
beyond us). If you donât want to know what some people think, you can
skip the âreviewâ sectionâŠwell, you might as well put down this entire
magazine. We never claimed (nor do we think that it is even possible or
desirable) to be unbiased.
Yet another impoverished pamphlet from See Sharp Press has reached our
dirty doorstep (to be honest, they have managed to produce a couple of
decent titles, such as The Revolutionary Pleasure of Thinking for
Yourself and The Irrational in Politics, but these are certainly the
exceptions). This newest release is one in a long line of âcurrentâ
anarchosyndicalist rantings, including Anarchism vs. Primitivism (an
incoherent and fraudulent caricature of primitivism from a
pro-civilization technophilic organizationalist) and The Inefficiency of
Capitalism (which argues that capitalismâs main flaw is its
inefficiency, and that a systematic anarchoworkerist program is the
blueprint to liberation) both by Brian Oliver Sheppard (see Reviews in
issue #13). This time, it is Chaz Bufeâs definitive statement:
Anarchism: What It Is & What It Isnât. Thanks for clearing this up for
us, Chaz. Remind us to come to you when we are making love, raising
children, or understanding who we are as autonomous beings. It is always
nice to have someone tell us the correct answers to all of lifeâs
difficult questions, like what unrestrained freedom means for everyone
(according to some leftist platform, scheme, or agenda).
You may remember Chaz from such vital and pertinent anarchist classics
as Astrology: Fraud or Superstition and Alcoholics Anonymous: Cult or
Cure. He is perhaps best known, however, for a preceding pamphlet of
sanctimonious, closedminded, and shallow drivel with the self-important
title, Listen, Anarchists! This new pamphlet, Anarchism: What It Is &
What It Isnât, seems to be the abbreviated and dumbed-down (if it is
possible to get any dumber) re-write of that same leftist/absolutist
position.
It is one thing to have solid convictions (which can also become
limiting), but it is quite another to confine everyone else to them. Iâm
always a little cautious in presenting âwhat anarchy isâ for lack of
interest in imposing my personal agenda. I try to limit my perspective
to an open presentation of my analysis, questions I wish to raise,
personal dreams and desires, and a critique on a tactical and strategic
level; avoiding morality, ideology, and absolutes. This, I guess, brings
us back to the âanarchy vs. anarchismâ discussion: anarchy as a
formless, organic, subjective, and non-ideological process, while
anarchism (unfortunately) has become a rigid, programmatic methodology
based on historical figures. Anarchy is open, and therefore rejects
definition, but we can say a few things it is not (based on the
linguistic definition), such as hierarchy, domination, control, statism,
etc; basically, it is the rejection of power. Chaz, however, rather than
expressing his differences as one anarchist with other anarchists
(dialogue of critique), goes quite a bit further in denouncing all those
he disagrees with as ânot anarchistâ.
As some sort of self-appointed public relations representative for the
âactual anarchistsâ, Bufeâs agenda is to straighten out the masses:
âThere are many popular misconceptions about anarchism, and because of
them a great many people dismiss anarchism and anarchists out of hand.â
Also, attempting to âschoolâ the rest of us, he adds: âWorse, some who
call themselves âanarchistsâ donât even know the meaning of the term.
These people fall, in general, into two classes. The firstâŠconsist of
those who are attracted to the lies in the mass media. By and large,
these people are simply looking for a glamorous label for selfish,
antisocial behaviorâŠThe second class consists of those who equate
anarchism with a pet ideology having essentially nothing to do with
anarchism. In modern times, the most prominent of these beliefs have
been primitivism and amoral egoismâŠ[these positions] attract a fair
number of what [Luigi] Fabbri calls âempty headed and frivolous types,â
and occasionally outright sociopaths, whose words and actions tend to
further discredit anarchism.â While thereâs a lot there to respond to,
Iâll let you sift through the self-righteous and moralistic dogma
yourself, otherwise I may be accused of getting âdefensiveâ.
Chaz goes on to define his biggest pet peeves as to âWhat Anarchism
Isnâtâ. Beginning with, of course, âAnarchism is not terrorismâ, by
which he means that âviolenceâ is generally ineffective and in conflict
with anarchism, and in the rare cases that it is deemed necessary must
either be approved by the correct organization or accepted by some vague
notion of the masses. Any individualistic or autonomous cells taking
action are therefore denounced as vanguardist, arrogant, and
unjustifiable, as well as somehow âresponsibleâ for the (re)actions
taken by the state (repression).
Probably Chazâs most heartfelt statement, the all-too-common attack by
anarcho-leftists, is that âAnarchism is not primitivismâ (or more
accurately, âprimitivism is not anarchismâ). Without missing a beat or
stepping outside of his faith, he states: âIn recent decades, groups of
quasi-religious mystics have begun equating the primitivism they
advocate (rejection of science, rationality, and technology â often
lumped together under a blanket term âtechnologyâ) with anarchism. In
reality, the two have nothing to do with each other, as weâll see when
we consider what anarchism actually is â a set of philosophical/ethical
precepts and organizational principles designed to maximize human
freedom.â I want to see the equation! You seem well-schooled, show us
your work.
And for those with a mind to think for themselves and reject the
fetishization of orderly masses, in favor of organic spontaneity and
unrestricted autonomy, listen up; âAnarchism is not chaos; Anarchism is
not the rejection of organizationâ As Bufe so convincingly explains,
âOver and over in the writings of Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Rocker,
Ward, Bookchin, et al., one finds not a rejection of organization, but
rather a preoccupation with it â a preoccupation with how society should
be organized.â So, anarchists have traded in a life of unfettered
experience to become master planners. He left out that theyâd tolerate
all of us who donât quite fit in, until we start to complain. (Just a
funny side note: when you do a spellcheck on Chaz on my computer, the
word Chaos comes up first. Maybe heâs not really an anarchist after all!
This doesnât really mean anything significant, but hopefully it pisses
Bufe off just a little. Thatâs right, a cheap shotâŠhe had it coming).
In case you thought that you are your own authority, that there is any
legitimacy to the idea that you should have ultimate control over your
own life, that subjectivity could be anarchist, or that absolute truth
and universal right and wrong are for the domesticated, think again;
âAnarchism is not amoral egotismâ (by which he generally means
âpost-left anarchismâ). And now, Chazâs non-judgmental clarification
about those thinking for themselves: âAs does any avant-garde social
movement, anarchism attracts more than its share of flakes, parasites,
and outright sociopaths, persons looking for the glamorous label to
cover their often pathological selfishness, their disregard for the
rights and dignity of others, and their pathetic desire to be the center
of attention.â While some of this may be true on some level, Bufe
extends this to anyone unwilling to fall in line or get with the program
(as dictated by our anarchist forefathersâŠletâs leave Emma out of this,
please).
Chaz then proceeds to declare, with his usual arrogance, âWhat Anarchism
Isâ. No need to even get into this in detail, itâs nothing terribly
exciting, just the same old anarcho-syndicalist line (âworker-controlled
unions coordinating the entire economyâ) and an idealized account of the
Spanish Revolution. There are whiney complaints about not having the
same college opportunities or equal access to the media and medical care
as rich people, and even some vague talk of freedom. But a noteworthy
slip occurs when Chaz declares that âanarchists recognize that absolute
freedom is an impossibilityâ. We do? You mean YOU do (the âactual
anarchistsâ I guess he means).
While Buffe doesnât explain this position in detail, it reminds me of an
email I recently got from a similar mindset (one Iâm sure Chaz would, or
at least could, appreciate; one which shows the glaring contrast in our
perspectives). It was from the International Anarchist Tribunal
(ifa@anarchy.no), another group who also apparently determine anarchist
credentials: âAuthoritarians notoriously mix up anarchy, anarchist, and
anarchism with authoritarian tendencies: Chaos, disorder, lawlessness,
criminality, riots, [etc]).â Going on to add: âSufficient public service
of policing is important. Man (Iâm sure they mean everyone, really) is
not like ants who cooperate socially, naturally and voluntarily without
coercion/repression automatically by themselves. Thus, doing away with
the existing rule or tendencies of authority may result in oligarchy,
mob rule, and not anarchy, if not a firm horizontal social organization,
ideally or practically is established with sufficient police corps to
create security and libertarian law and order.â Do I hear accusations of
âcounter-revolutionaryâ in the background? But donât worry friends: âThe
police corps shall of course be well educated in libertarian human
rights and policing and be democratically regulated and controlled, and
bully types, corrupt and other âbrownâ [term for fascist], oligarchical
elements should be expelled during the education process and thus
stopped from participating in the police corps.â
So, now that yâall understand âAnarchism: What It Is & What It Isnâtâ,
go out there andâŠdo what youâre told. Huh?
No Listed Price. See Sharp Press, PO Box
1731, Tucson, AZ 85702-1731
www.seesharppress.com
It is with this issue of AJODA that we bid farewell to its long-time
editor, Jason McQuinn. While he will still contribute to the magazine,
and will most likely stay on as an editor of sorts, the project will
move from Columbia, MO to the San Francisco Bay Area, and be produced by
a collective made up of folks who have increasingly become a larger part
of the past few issues. AJODA has been at the forefront of the Post-Left
discussion for years, and an uncompromising journal of anarchist theory
for almost a quarter of a century, and for much of this we have Jason to
thank. Always controversial for asking the tough questions, his legacy
will continue with a healthy infusion of fresh energy and ideas.
One area in which the magazine is sure to improve is in its physical
presentation. While it will likely take a couple of issues to get the
hang of it, the new collective plans on keeping some of the familiar
aspects, while making its presentation more dynamic and interesting than
it has been. This will probably mean more than the typical graphics from
Richard Mock or James Koehnline, which have dominated their aesthetic
landscape for far too long. I recently looked back over the last ten
years of AJODA, and could hardly tell the difference from one issue to
the next. This may just be a personal preference, but I enjoy a wide
range of images, and firmly believe in the old cliché that a picture can
tell a lot more than a thousand words; and the Bay Area is filled with
artists from which the new collective can draw.
Another area I hope will improve is the review section. While there has
always been a priority on in-depth book reviews, which has been helpful,
reviews of periodicals have left a lot to be desired. They typically
read as an uncritical listing of the table of contents, with ordering
info and prices (often incorrect), and maybe one or two complaints about
not numbering pages or tiny print size. AJODA seems to be providing free
ad space for zines rather than an ongoing discussion of the anarchist
underground press and the various elements that make up the âanarchist
movementâ. I think some big opportunities are missed here.
This latest issue (#58) begins with two predictable, but not
disagreeable positions on the recent elections (criticizing some
anarchistsâ disgraceful push for participation in them), as well as some
interesting news reports. However, the reason I never miss an issue of
AJODA is the theoretical and historical content. This issue has lots of
interesting articles, and I am already hearing the grumblings of
discontent over what is being discussed. Most controversial, at least
among leftists, is Lawrence Jarachâs âPreliminary Thesis for a Longer
Discussion on Essentialism and the Problem of Identity Politicsâ.
Despite the title being almost as long as the actual essay, this was a
muchneeded explanation of some very basic concepts that have long
plagued the left and anarchism, something Lawrence is superb at
providing. His essay, broken into 11 brief points, describes the dynamic
of essentialism; âthe idea that there exists some detectable and
objective core quality of particular groups of people that is inherent,
eternal, and unalterableâ; the counter-essentialist discussion of
Identity Politics; and the problems and limitations of these
perspectives. Whether pertaining to race, ethnicity, gender, sexual
orientation, etc, essentialism and Identity Politics, while
understandable reactions, are not the healthiest, most liberatory, or
openly anarchist positions, and are in need of deconstruction and
abandonment. Hopefully this essay will open up more discourse along
these lines.
Another noteworthy piece is Jason McQuinnâs âDemoralizing Moralismâ.
While the title is shorter on this one, it takes almost half the article
to get past the disclaimers and qualifiers, perhaps unavoidable when
addressing such a complicated and loaded subject. Once it does get
going, however, it has a lot to offer anarchists in regard to the
rejection of âcompulsory moralityâ or âa system of fetishized values
that demand complianceâ, in favor of a ânonfetishized system (or
nonsystematic set) of valuesâ or âfinite ethicsâ. Again, this is the
opening for vital discussions to occur for anarchists in relation to
both action and the ideas which guide them.
Some interesting articles offering in-depth historical perspectives
joined with contemporary situations were the lengthy âThe Meaning of
Tiananmenâ by Burt Green and Wolfi Landstreicherâs âAutonomous
Self-Organization and Anarchist Interventionâ. I found Wolfiâs piece,
while occasionally repetitive, very needed. It offers theoretical ideas
linked with real examples on what an âanarchist interventionâ in the
struggle of the dispossessed (of which we are a part) against their
conditions might look like, while maintaining our complete autonomy and
understanding that âthe basic unit of autonomous self-organization is
the individual.â Challenging the purity of ideology and the
specialization of activism, Wolfi prioritizes the social over the
political, and warns against vanguardism and evangelizing, with the
provocative thought that âwe are not seeking followers or adherents, but
accomplices in the crime of freedom.â Also of interest was Aragorn!âs
column âStrategy & Anarchyâ. This issue focused on âThe Myth of Massâ,
which offered much insight, but seemed to be over before it really got
started. I look forward to the furthering of these ideas in future
issues.
One article which I personally felt fell short (and a number of folks
who were in attendance have agreed with me on this), was âMiscellany
from the Black & Green Gatheringâ. This was a series of short vignettes
attempting to share experiences at the Feral Visions Gathering in Oregon
last summer. While the concept could have been an interesting attempt at
providing varying personal perspectives, it, for the most part, repeated
the same limited view: people were cliquish and ageist (although one of
the authors hypocritically contradicts their own statement by saying
that âthe people who were most interesting (with a few rare exceptions)
were the over-40 crew in the kitchenâ); people were lazy and
irresponsible; and the swimming was good. I think there was a hell of a
lot more than that going on (see âA Look At the Feral Visions Gatheringâ
in issue #18 or talk to people who went for more details). Sure, they
canât cover it all, but a more representative portion would have been
nice, considering that there were over a dozen discussions, workshops,
and presentations on everything from Nihilism and Insurrectionalism to
skinning roadkill and identifying medicinal plants going on every day
for a solid week, as well as lots of dedicated enthusiasm to making it
all happen, and the immeasurable personal connections made. Believe me,
these are not sour grapes. Criticism is vital concerning anything we do,
but I would have preferred, say, Bob Black coming and writing a report
trashing everything about the gathering. At least then people would have
gotten some idea of what actually happened. Instead, what we are left
with appears to be a small group of complainers trying to one-up the
next on who can be the most critical, not the actual experiences they
had (I can say this with some certainty, since I hung out with them all
for a big part of the week). I had a hard time taking much of their
âcritiqueâ seriously though, especially after one of them admitted that
the last time that they went âcampingâ was the summer before their
senior year in high school.
Another piece that I felt could have said a lot, was John Zerzanâs
critique of the limits of Post-Leftism. I agree with John that there
does seem to be some reluctance to question certain institutions
specifically (technology, domestication, etc), as well as some
hesitation to make stronger breaks with obvious leftists (although I do
think specific elements of certain individualsâ ideas can still be
valuable, Iâm not quite as quick to brand someone with the scarlet
letter âLâ as John). But, I felt his piece was overstated (at one point
he crudely equates Wolfi Landstreicher with the anarcho-liberal Chris
Crass without explanation) and too definitive (hinting that the only way
to be anti-civilization or truly postleft is to be a primitivist). While
I know this mostly comes from years of frustration with the left, and an
understandable impatience with peopleâs unwillingness to break from it,
this discussion is vital, and cannot be undermined by a lack of clarity,
sloppiness, or stiffness.
Ultimately, my opinion of AJODA is positive. I consider it to be one of
the few worthwhile and critical anarchist projects out there. I have no
problem considering them a sister project of GA, and I think the move to
the west coast will only strengthen this connection. I have to say
though, my biggest concern is that it remains too high above the ground,
offering little in practical thoughts on how we (or they) might live
anarchy and fight the power structure outside of the realm of ideas.
Itâs important to be uncompromisingly anarchist, but rarely giving much
of an indication as to what they would actually like to see happen or
their own passions and desires, can be somewhat frustrating, and also
limiting in what it has to offer (not to mention minimizing anyoneâs
ability to pin them down on anything, therefore eluding specific
criticisms). There often seems to be an overall lack of immediacy or
even enthusiasm, and there seems to be a desire to view the world from a
detached perspective, void of emotion and connection. Being pure means
you touch nothing directly, and Iâm not sure this is helpful. This being
said, I feel that AJODA is a vital part of ongoing anarchist theoretical
discourse. For me, every issue challenges and is well worth the read.
$4.95 U.S./$5.95 Canada.
C.A.L. POB 3448,
Berkeley, CA 94703,
www.anarchymag.org
Fire and Ice (subtitled: Disturbing the Comfortable and Comforting the
Disturbed While Tracking Our Wildest Dreams) is an extraordinarily
potent new book put out by the underground publishers, Apeshit Press. I
really dug the style and personal approach of their
stream-of-consciousness writing, often missing in the either
over-simplistic rhetorical or hyper-intellectual writings of the
anarchist milieu. This emotionally poignant and extremely lucid book is
the joint effort of two damaged/socialized souls struggling/dreaming for
moments of health and sanity as they flee the cesspool of civilization.
With a narrative of two distinct voices, interwoven with a collective
voice, Laurel and Skunkly offer their unique anti-civilization
perspectives with stories of trauma and loss, tales of perseverance and
journey, and their deeply personal insights. I wanted to pull an excerpt
from the text itself, but I book-marked almost half the book, so youâll
have to read it yourself.
To be honest, it did bug me at first that the authors seemed fairly
defeatist in terms of resistance. Donât get me wrong, Iâm pretty
nihilistic myself, and have no simplistic delusions of a âRevolutionâ or
think that a handful of primitivists will bring down civilization, but
at times, for me, the book dwells a little too much in an almost
escapist tone (which, I certainly understand and have no judgement of in
any way). But hey, who wouldnât want to get the fuck out of here asap?
For me though, part of my rewilding praxis, part of my recovery, part of
my reason for continuing, is resistance, even if this appears, for some,
(in some sort of logical or linear way) to be pointless. But, as I read
on, I felt their frustrations and cynicism blur and meld into a more
positive, yet sober, transformation of self-empowerment, healing, and
released rage.
Laurel and Skunkly are dealing with probably the most important aspect
of dismantling the logic of civilization, the psychological. Without
looking at how fucked up civilization makes us all, and exploring ways
of achieving some inkling of recovery, however minor that may beâŠwhat is
the point? Then weâre all fucked. Fire and Ice reminds me of a mix of
the tragic and curious personal tone of Derrick Jensen, the earthly
poetic analysis of Susan Griffin, the deep desire for recovery of
Chellis Glendinning, and the more playful dreaming and cleverly
mischievous aspects of CrimethInc, but certainly distinct in their own
voices and perceptiveness. They do all of this in clear and articulate,
yet provocative and exciting, language. Fire and Ice is highly
recommended. Great book!
Contact authors at: www.apeshitpress.org
Now available from the Green Anarchy Distro for $10
Jeff Baena)
Are you looking for a little break from endless days of constructing the
perfect rhetoric to âbring on the ruckusâ? Are your eyes sore from too
many late nights âengagedâ in the insular theoretical debates on
internet discussion boards? Are you sick of the eternal ass-kissing of
depthless coalition building? Are you tired, wet, and hungry after weeks
up in a tree? Are you exhausted and frustrated in your perpetual search
for some sort of meaning in all of this? If you answered yes to any of
these questions, than a re-assessment of your lifeâs priorities may be
in order. But, if you donât have that much time and energy right now,
and just want a short intermission from the insanity of your existence
(and a visit to a parody of other peopleâs problems), you might consider
the little treat of I â„ Huckabees, a new self-described âexistential
comedyâ (due out on video soon).
I â„ Huckabees is a cleverly confusing film which mocks all singular and
ideological answers to âthe meaning of lifeâ or âway of beingâ, while
exposing the American cultureâs bankruptcy and susceptibility towards
âhucksterismâ, propaganda, stupidity, and ridiculousness. The film
primarily revolves around Albert (Jason Schwartzman), a struggling
environmentalist/poet whose most recent campaign to save a piece of land
has been reduced to protecting a single rock (to which he writes a poem
with the line: âYou rock, rockâ), leaving him wondering, âIs it
hopeless? Can you change things?â His directionless yet idealistic
search for meaning leads him to seek out the help of Vivian and Bernard
(Lily Tomlin and Dustin Hoffman), a wife-and-husband team of existential
detectives, who explain to Albert that individual details of his
existence are irrelevant once you understand that âeverything is
connectedâ. As Albert âlooks into his voidâ, his fragile and neurotic
life begins to crumble around him, as his leadership position in a local
branch of the âOpen Spacesâ coalition is usurped by smooth-talking
marketing executive, Brad Stand (Jude Law), from Huckabees, a giant
retail chain. Brad has joined the group to subvert the
environmentalistâs effort and guarantee his companyâs ability to
construct a new megastore on a beloved marshland.
Vivian and Bernardâs clients eventually include: Brad; Tommy (Mark
Wahlberg), a depressed fireman traumatized by September 11, whose
newfound intellectual and moral restlessness has cost him his family,
and is so dedicated to his cause (a single-issue campaign against
petroleum) that he rides his bike to fires; and Dawn âThe Huckabees
Girlâ (Naomi Watts), whose obsession to be the perfect spokesperson,
model, and wife (of Brad), eventually drives her to reject Huckabees and
into Tommyâs arms. Vivian and Bernardâs efforts seem to be destroying
all of their clientsâ lives, and Albert and Tommy begin to be influenced
by the teachings of the existentialistsâ nihilistic arch-enemy (and
former student), Caterine Vauban (Isabelle Huppert), a French
philosopher who preaches that we are all isolated and alone, and that
the world is dominated by âcruelty, misery and meaninglessness,â caught
between pure being and the human drama of desire and suffering.
The plot is all over the place and will totally frustrate those who
attempt to find something too specific in the narrative (somewhat of the
point), and the characters are a bit over the top, as it often verges on
slap-stick and inconceivable crisis on top of crisis. But, I â„ Huckabees
is a witty response to the âeasy answerâ prescriptions and delusional
New-Aged escapism of the liberals and progressives who ate up the film
âWhat the Bleep Do We Knowâ (see âReviewsâ in issue #17).
While I â„ Huckabees isnât perfect by any means, very disjointed and
incoherent at times (although probably somewhat intentionally), and
often a bit corny, it nevertheless cleverly pokes fun at the âI want to
understand the meaning of life right now (and straighten out all my
problems) by reading the right book, taking the right pill, or talking
to the right specialist/guruâ approach that is all too common in our
absurd postmodern MTV reality. If you need a hiatus from âsaving the
worldâ or âfiguring it all outâ, this film is definitely worth a watch.
www2.foxsearchlight.com/huckabees
This delightful little slumber time minibook put out by CrimethInc is
subtitled, âa magical story about a perfectly ordinary worldâ. The
Secret World of Duvbo, âcomposed long ago, in the darkness of a Swedish
winter,â is a refreshing reminder of the heartening and whimsical nature
of earlier CrimethInc, like Days of War, Nights of Love, before they
started heading down the more activist-oriented road with propaganda
like Donât Just Vote, Get Active (see âReviewsâ in issue #18). It is an
innocent tale of a curious boy who inadvertently discovers a reoccurring
clandestine nocturnal celebration in the midst of a monotonous and
regimented average town. In this tale of the sorrow of repressed
desires, we are reminded that our passions can eventually find a
release. Reminiscent of the simple, playful, and curious writings of
Italo Calvino (Marcovaldo, Invisible Cities, and If on a winterâs night
a traveler), we discover that our wildest dreams can only be realized if
we, despite the uncertainty, fully embrace them.
Obtained for a song from: CrimethInc.
Editions Unadulterated, PO Box 1963,
Never-Never Land. www.crimethinc.com
Arson is a new mag from Australia that leaves little doubt it means what
it says. The unvarnished passion of this fat anti-civilization booklet
just leaps off every page. Yeah, this zine rings true and comes out
swinginâ!
Its authors surge with a desire to torch up this oppressive and
imprisoning totality. Analysis, poetry, tactical advice, first-person
accounts, indigenous struggles, tales of heart-ache... Arson really
delivers.
One of its stand-out strengths is a section on patriarchy and sexism,
which brings forth practical as well as theoretical considerations.
Among many other things, this part helps us see how civilization and
patriarchy are very possibly synonymous.
Other primo features are the powerful âAgainst Civilization...and its
consequencesâ and an anti-cell phone piece which shows the generally
hidden costs of modern technology. These tie together so very much in a
page or two: compelling and right on target. If you want to be
emotionally moved as well as mentally stimulated, Arson is a winner.
No price. Contact: itsalreadyhere@wildmail.com
Nature
This is a nifty 7-pager that responds to 15 basic questions or
stereotypical statements about the anarcho-primitivist outlook. It also
contains a brief glossary of terms (e.g. foragers, civilization) and a
list of useful books and websites.
I think that this kind of format is both accessible and dynamic, also
under-utilized in our milieu. Radical Anthropology 101 is a handy and
very basic introduction, very nicely produced and quite concise. â10,000
Years Ago We Were All Anarchistsâ proclaims the cover, and that sums up
a lot. This little booklet, handling topics like âhuman nature,â
scarcity, and violence, is the perfect starting point for beginners
curious about an important sphere of anti-civilization exploration.
Available from: Wild Resistance and the Crimethinc. Apocalypse Faction
www.WildResistance.org or wildresistance@riseup.net
This 36-page booklet will not win many points for looks or style; the
muddled cover âartâ pretty much escapes me completely, for example. But
Heretic and High Priest Wombat have come up with a real contribution
here, nonetheless. Rage and analysis (and a few poems) keep company in
essays about work, nihilism, feminism, class society and more. The
personal is also present, as in âThis Medicated Hell,â a diatribe about
the pharmaceutical straitjacket that doesnât leave out the writerâs own
painful experience. Yeah, political commentary and fireâplus a healthy
dose of humor. Hereâs their Xmas card:
I smile because I am told to
I destroy this false happiness
Give a seasonâs greetings with a hand grenade
hpwombat@yahoo.com or visit
www.arawakcity.org
âFor me, democracy, autocracy, and dictatorship are all the same. All
are used to control and manipulate people. All are to exploit. Theyâre
all tools of the ânation-stateâ that does not exist in tribal
communities. Therefore promoting democracy is not the solution for
tribal communities.â
âWiwa Wewo,
Lani Tribesman, Just Leave Us Alone!
A stated aim of Solidarity South Pacific (SSP) is âto support the West
Papuan tribal resistance, Earth First! and indigenous people in the
Philippines and bring attention to the revolution in Bougainvillea.â
This newsletter describes some of that support: direct actions in the
U.K. and elsewhere, fundraising for âmedicine, books, funding and
friendshipâ, and producing materials âto bring the voices of rebels in
the South Pacific unmediatedâ. This bulletin is one of those
publications.
The quote above opens this 8-page newsletter; the second from the U.K.
based Solidarity South Pacific. The first was published in Do or Die
self-contained to give new readers a clear sense of the issue the
writers/editors are focusing on, along with sufficient inspiration and
sourcing to encourage the reader to explore the subject more thoroughly
on their own. This newsletter does a fair job at the first and quite a
good job with the second.
The newsletter contains a number of articles describing some of the more
recent activities by the regionâs indigenous resistors to Civilization.
For example, Indonesians are required to vote, a law also effecting
Papuans. Mass abstentions and voting blockades were planned for the
Spring 2004 elections. This is significant as in 1977, the Papuans were
attacked by the state for refusing to vote. Thousands were reportedly
massacred or starved in that earlier refusal to participate in selecting
their own oppressor/killers. I am inspired to follow up on this issue,
having recently witnessed the pro-voting bloc (that did not require
State threats) within American anarchist circles.
A second interesting article was related to the banana plantations on
Mindanao. Most people in the consumer world are clueless about the
impact of our eating habits â usually choosing foods not from our own
bioregion and frequently buying foods from remote areas of the world.
This article points out the devastation the Southern Philippine lands
and people are undergoing for a new treat desired by the Japanese â
high-altitude bananas. Tribes have been uprooted, forced to work on
plantations, and the land they used for subsistence farming taken for
the banana and pineapple monocrops.
One page is devoted to ideas of âThings You Can Do!â to support the
resistance. It also includes a list of projects SSA is looking for cash
support for. It was useful and low-key, but direct. Financing projects
that resist the onslaught of Civilization is a daunting challenge and an
effort to assist folks who do not want to become Civilized is
particularly difficult.
One of the most powerful essays I have ever read was included in this
newsletter â âWhen The Nature Speaksâ. Written by a Papuan tribesman in
response to a recent earthquake it gives depth to what Civilized green
anarchists and primitivists are only able to give hints of, as yet â
that we are of Nature and Nature speaks a language that most humans no
longer understand. Indeed, most humans do not accept such a
non-scientific, irrational possibility.
Prisoner information, direct and non-direct actions give a sense of some
of the activities being conducted to either effect change in or to bring
attention to some of the few remaining wild areas under attack in the
South Pacific.
An addition I could have used was a map of the area along with a brief
history of the attacks that led to the current situation. The editors do
include a useful âWhoâs Who?â page describing some of the organized
groups involved. They also offer an important cautionary note about the
nature of these groups and their affiliations. As part of this warning
we are told they offer their solidarity for the âmore insurgent and
libertarianâ and that they come to âtheir conclusions through a
combination of ecoanarchist analysis, advice from trusted friends in the
region⊠and direct experienceâŠâ
One final note of interest was an editorial regarding a recent split
they have had with Friends of People Close to Nature, a German NGO who
has purchased parcels of land for the tribal people to live on and who
support many indigenous causes of resistance to Civilization. They
mention certain restrictions being enforced on the Agta people of the
Philippines who are permitted to live on FPCN lands as one cause of
their discord (and withdrawal of support). As in many anarchist
writings, it is difficult to determine if splits being played out on the
pages of magazines and web forums are due to political/philosophic
differences or personal vendettas. Independent research on this
particular issue was not elucidating and I look forward to some
clarification. Overall, it is a worthwhile read and other publications
by this group were equally interesting and provocative.
www.eco-action.org/ssp
Uprising (2004)
firestarter press
âWhat is going on in Algeria?â
Timelines, chronologies, a glossary, mainstream news reports, essays,
communiqués, and one anarchist analysis make up this collection meant to
tackle the editor(s)â opening question. The title of the publication
repeats the cries of young rioters fighting police and gendarmerie
forces following the murder of teenager Massinissa Guermah by police
while he was in custody (no mention is made as to the conditions that
brought him into the cop shop where he was âaccidentallyâ killed by
machine gun fire). Demonstrations, riots, general strikes, blockades,
election boycotts, and battles with security forces followed in the
âBlack Springâ of 2001 and continue today. That this incident renewed
and invigorated the anger amongst the minority Berber population is a
clear theme repeated throughout all the writings. Most of the writers,
hailing from Europe, the United States, and Algeria also insist that
this is a self-organized, leaderless, nonhierarchical âpopular
uprisingâ.
The âreaderâ opens with an uninspiring BBC news report about the 2002
election boycott. Additional writings follow including a short letter
from an exiled Algerian psychoanalyst/novelist, several essays from the
West and the Middle East, a letter of solidarity from Italy, and one
analysis and call to solidarity by an anarchist.
A glossary section contains Abbreviations â listing and describing the
numerous organizations and groups involved in the insurrection â and a
section of Key Terms that are found throughout the issue. This is a
great way to open a publication, laying down a foundation about the
groups involved, their focus, and an explanation of the language used
throughout the publication.
A Timeline sketches a history starting in the year 670 with the Arab
conquest of North Africa and takes readers through the 1962 independence
movement, and ending with the March 2001 popular general strike. The
Timeline, when combined with the Abbreviations section does a decent job
of introducing events and actors influencing the increasingly dismal
situation leading up to the Black Spring uprising. It leaves out other
important factors, however, such as the economic turmoil following the
global drop in oil prices and the resulting unemployment, poverty, and
dwindling resources for the poorest of the country.
Sixteen pages of the collection are devoted to a Chronology of the
Algerian Insurrection starting in April 2001 after the murder of
Guermah. By the time I got to those pages, located at the end of the
text, I had realized that the âreaderâ was not going to make any clearer
what role the various political parties, coordinations, delegations,
military and paramilitary forces, and informal groupings have in the
struggle for power and surely, in many cases, for authentic liberation.
Perhaps this section may have been more useful in the first part of the
issue.
The only article from an explicitly anarchist source is Insurrection in
Algeria by Wolfi â a reprint from the December 2002 Willful Disobedience
journal. Wolfi describes the actions taken by people of Kabylia in a
straightforward and interesting form. His repeated emphasis on the
horizontal and leaderless nonrepresentational self-organized nature of
the rebellion is echoed in other writings in the collection. Quoting the
âvery interestingâ Code of Honor adopted by some of the participants
that requires delegates (which my dictionary clearly defines as
representatives) to pledge themselves ânot to carry forward any
activities or affairs that aim to create direct or indirect links to
power and its collaboratorsâ; ânot to use the movement for partisan ends
nor to drag it into electoral competitions or any other possibility for
the conquest of powerâ; and ânot to accept any political appointments in
the institutions of powerâ was immediately interesting. However, the
11-point Code of Honor (included in this âreaderâ) reveals some
troubling nationalist and decidedly non-anarchist goals. For example,
the Code refers to a platform as a necessity to honoring the code. Wolfi
notes that this El-Kseur Platform âmainly deals with relief of the
immediate effects of government repressionâŠâ
Again, the platform is included in this compilation and outlines the
clear demands being made to the state for: prosecution by civil courts
for criminals of the state; satisfaction of the Amazigh claim (identity,
civil liberties, and culture); âconsecration of Tamazight as an official
national languageâ; âfor a state that guarantees all socioeconomic
rights and democratic freedomsâ; âfor all executive duties of the state
and the security forces to be placed under the authority of
democratically elected bodiesâ.
While neither Wolfi nor other writers in this collection portray the
insurgency as an explicitly anarchist one, they do encourage our
solidarity with the rebellion. A call for anarchist solidarity is
serious and requires a strong analysis of the situation in question. All
over the world people are rejecting oppression from every quarter. No
doubt many (we might wish to think most) folks are agitating for total
liberation from all oppressive regimes and actors. Certainly there is a
strong element alluded to and even likely in the constant expression of
resistance in the Berber region. That the people of the region are
organizing themselves along their traditional community lines seems
likely as there is a strong history of this discernible in most
uprisings. But it is important to expose the reality that there are many
who want a state apparatus, who agitate and organize for
institutionalized âfreedomâ in the guise of democracy, and who are
easily influenced by leadership masked as âdelegatesâ. This has been the
case for all liberation movements in the past and the articles in this
âreaderâ do nothing to convince me that it is different in Algeria. In
fact, Wolfi mentions delegates as âself-styledâ when they claimed to
represent the âarsh to the stateâ. But who else are the coordinationsâ
delegates, self-styled or otherwise, going to make demands to?
I would have appreciated a note that described the political perspective
of the editors. That producers of any media are merely reporting
objective facts is rarely, if ever, supported in reality. We all stand
somewhere when we write or speak and we surely have a goal with our
communication. No information was available regarding the political
tendencies of firestarter press and their âIntroductory Notesâ did
little to clarify their own goals beyond encouraging solidarity for an
expanding uprising that is ânational, not nationalistâ, a distinction
that is never clarified. From the Introduction:
âThose of us who have an interest in determining the course of our
lives, would do well to not only study this âspreadingâ but to implement
it as well. They are demanding everything and so should we [my emphasis
added]. Letâs work to extend the revolt beyond the confines of Algeria,
across the Mediterranean to Italy and France, across the Berber belt
from Morocco to the Middle East, across the Sahara to the populous West
African Coast, across the Atlantic through the Kabyle Diaspora in Canada
and the U.S., and beyond!â
Rousing words indeed! But, what are the people of Kabyle demanding when
they demand âeverythingâ? And to whom do we make OUR demands for
everything?
Information is scarce from the many regions in revolt throughout the
world and it is good to have folks exploring and reporting on the
uprisings. While this âreaderâ does not answer the original question of
the editors, âwhat IS going on in Algeria?â, it inspired further
reading, prompted more questions than gave answers, and perhaps provided
a much-needed launching pad for a discussion of anarchist solidarity.
Not bad for a simple compilation of scattered essays and chronologies.
The interested reader will want to augment this collection when
attempting to resolve the contradictions and confusions inherent to any
situation such as that in Algeria.
PO Box 50217, Baltimore, MD 21211
firestarterpress@ziplip.com
âThe Baltimore Anarchist Union withdraws their draft call for a Black
Bloc for January 20, 2005 protest ...because of lack of interest.â We
have seen the fascination with elections come and go (on what appears to
be a quadrennial basis) and we much prefer it when they go but this last
one just doesnât seem to ever end. Our friends in Baltimore at least
have the good sense to have cancelled their protest of the J20
ascension. (When is this naming convention going to end? Itâs as bad as
using an acronym every time you find a group of people you can stand
working with.) But what are they replacing it with? Something called
Anarchist Resistance. To quote: âa prime opportunity to shatter these
illusions of grandeur by crashing this decadent display of arrogance and
wealth.â Is this some variation of speaking truth to power where instead
of us all becoming boring reporters, we all become statistics of this
weekâs police blotter?
A word of advice. Waving a black flag does not make you bulletproof.
Charging into the maelstrom of armored police, military checkpoints, and
surveillance that is going to envelop the entire area of Washington D.C.
is not going to shatter any illusions. No decadent display will be
crashed. The media will not care about this âactionâ. It makes my bum
knee (shattered by the Pinkertons back in the day) act up just thinking
about it.
Boo Hiss!
Joel Olsen, former anarchist and vegan cook, is currently an organizer
in the Race Traitor-influenced âBring the Ruckusâ organization. His
comments about the election in âVoting for Malcolm Xâ shouldnât go
entirely without notice (although the temptation to ignore all
commentary about elections for fear of being put to sleep is real). His
claim is, shockingly, that Bush and Kerry werenât all that different;
especially when it comes to policies of militarism and economics. He
also correctly states that âthe leftâ (whoever they are) become social
democrats every four years regardless of their (alleged) political
stripe. His conclusion? That he went into the poll booth and voted for
Malcolm X. Why? âI did what any person who just canât put political
principles aside to vote for the lesser of two evils...Like Iâve done
for every election since I started voting, I cast my ballot for the only
person Iâd truly support for president, Malcolm X.â
Leaving aside our befuddlement at such terms as âprinciplesâ and
âsupportâ in this context is the question of logistics. How exactly, if
elected, would Malcolm serve as president? What exactly is the Bring the
Ruckus strategy for bringing him back from the grave? Would Joel serve
as high priest of the sect and the only correct interpreter of Malcolmâs
words? Has Malcolm actually already come back and is he among us now?
Does Malcolm have a tulku?
If Malcolm is still dead does the Bring the Ruckus organization have a
way to bring him back? If they do, it may be time for Statler and I to
join for fear of the Reaper. Should Race Traitor be renamed Race and
Death Traitor?
Grimoire my ass!
Itâs been a while since weâve taken a look at RAAN â the Red Anarchist
Action Network. As you may have recalled from their logo they are an
organization that intertwines the âedgy-nessâ of anarchism with the
âseriousnessâ of the Bolsheviks and combines them in internet form as a
series of web pages and discussions about whether to split hairs or
raise each otherâs âclass consciousnessâ. I thought there were only two
directions that this entirely mediated organization could go in; they
would either particularize their politics so obscurely, and righteously,
that they would lose whatever tentative relationship that they had to
the outside world (the RCP option) or they would become so buried with
projects like Food not Bombs and rushing to the latest protest that they
would seem more like a sub-cultural social aggregation than âa strong
association based on shared revolutionary beliefsâ (the Crimethinc
option).
With the arrival of the fourth version of their newsletter it appears
that they found a third direction entirely, that of total incoherence.
If you take the newsletter at face value you would come away with the
picture of RAAN as running an all-ages venue in suburban Washington DC,
helping put on environmental conferences in Ohio, supporting IWW
organizing at health food stores, and doing FnB in Modesto. We might as
well put out a newsletter where we discuss our organizing of
underrepresented communities (weekly backgammon games at the home), work
with the disabled (physical therapy for the bum knee), and labor
organizing (complaining so much in the gruel line that the workers
refuse to serve me). If this is the future of anarchism, and the
âpossibilities of the internetâ made real, maybe we will not need the
Ruckus after all. Weâd rather die.
Bah Humbug!
Thanks for your letters. Sorry we can't print them all. We prioritize
thoughtful responses, clarifications, critique, or outright anger
brought on by recent issues. Send your letters to us by May Day for the
Summer Issue, and please keep them under 500 words.
Next time some liberal or pacifist tells you, âyour fearful anarchy is
violent and bespeaks great loss of life,â say: âyour concept of
quantifiable violence is an abstraction, equally as reified as your
untenable utopianism, motherfuck â and ignores the truth that our
violence will be poetic & that a tiny, gleaming nick across the shoulder
will mean more than fifty of your Lusitanias, your Hiroshimas & your
Dresdens. âWatch for a wild boy of no particular clan, ready for
anything, always armed. Prefers fighting to toil, drink to fighting ...â
(Nelson Algren, A Walk on the Wild Side)
Love & Anarchy,
Dimitri
what are you really trying to do. will anything we do ever stop this.
reality is a bitch. what can i really do, im just a fucking pissed off
kid with no friends sitting at home wishing civilization would just die.
i wanna blow something up, wanna kill something evil, wanna experiance
life, cuz im afraid i never will. what am i gonna get out of life, i
wanna try, but what can i fucking do. ârevolution changes nothing, and
voting changes even less.â maybe im just pissed right now because i just
wasted a beautiful saturday working 8 fucking hours, my whole goddamn
day for roughly 50 fucking dollars. is it worth it? im trying to figure
that out. my plan: get the fuck out of wisconsin, go to where the action
is, cascadia. But what then. i expect oregon to be a region ready to
overthrow civilization, go on a rampage and destroy all signs it was
ever there, i expect people to just stop everything they believe theyâre
living for, and follow the black and green flag to freedom. then i
realize im a fucking antisocial pseudo punk/hippie who dreams all day of
civilizations annihiliation, and beauty. I makes me so sad just to
think. think about what? about what the world once was. All the beauty,
the life, the relationships. am i fucked up? i wouldnât say so, u
probably wouldnât say so, but society would. and society is every person
i see everyday. every person i have ever met, 99.9% of the people i will
ever meet. so who is the enemy? how do i know im right? how do i know i
shouldnât be out right now, not worrying about all this shit, and having
a good time with other people who donât give a shit? how did i ever get
outside. so far i havnât seen anybody else out here. and sometimes i
wonder if maybe i should just walk right back in. then i realize i
canât. iâve made my choice. ill never be able to go back. im a green
anachist. i just want to be with people who feel the same way. i would
die, i would kill for the wilderness to overtake the city, for the fish
to come back to the Fox River, for the deer and bear and moose to come
back to the dense forest of Green Bay. but then i look out the car
window and see farm fields, parking lots, and paper mills. what can i
do.
i really dont know
Dearest Comrade
To thank you for the publication you sent me is not enough (Issue #16).
To pay homage to your beacon of truth also falls short. Your magazine
went around my cell block and touched everyone it encountered, in a
meaningful way. Yours is the only publication Iâve encountered that
echoed my sentiment about the failure of the Left to offer up solutions
and assert viable alternatives to the policies of the current
administration. We are surrounded by those that rush past us, into
submissive patterns, their senses blunted by routine.
I will always read and reread your publication because I value the
message. I still cannot afford a subscription but I thank you for your
generosity.
Thank you
J.A. Nino T54325, C11.130 MCSP
P.O. Box 409000, Ione, CA 95640
Fuck Yeah! I love the new issue! Thanks for showing NEFAC that they
donât have the intellectual (sorry to use that word in relation to
commies) property rights on class-consciousness. As someone who grew up
working class, no fuck that, dirt poor, I find most anarchists to be
severely lacking in understanding of class. At best we get some
college-educated kids trying to reheat Marx and the likes (or as a
letter in the last issue referred to them, âbearded dudes who fart
dustâ). Do they really think we need their help? I am a self-educated
high school drop-out maneuvering through this mess just fine without
their guidance. Why donât they get on with their own liberation already?
As someone who has worked in a number of factories (from Coors to Del
Monte), not to mention my share of janitorial and dishwasher jobs, I
have no interest in being a part of any proletarian take-over of this
shit hole. I want out! I found the linkage of class society to the rise
of civilization, in particular to permanent and surplus-driven society,
to be very interesting. I am glad, however, that this primitivist
perspective was balanced with personal tales of disgust with the class
society, and civilization, which creates it.
Iâve recently heard some grumblings that Green Anarchy is too mean and
not as encouraging of anarchist and leftist projects as they should be.
Oh fucking well, I say. It seems obvious to me that Green Anarchy is
supportive of projects, people, and ideas they have kinship with, or
feel have some sort of value to a revolutionary agenda, whether they
agree with them completely or not. I have seen you be quite fair (and
often too restrained) with undertakings I have no interest in, like
Fifth Estate (hippy-pacifist art freaks) and CrimethInc (dumpster-diving
future/ex-college kids who idealize poverty from their privileged
positions). Most of the time Green Anarchy cuts through the shit and the
smiles to get down and dirty so they can address the drawbacks (like the
Left) of the anarchist movement and its continual failings. We donât
need fucking cheerleaders, we need clarity. In almost no other place
does this happen. Face it folks, weâre getting our asses handed to us,
and are obviously doing something wrong. But even if this part is too
difficult for the faint-hearted to handle, I think Green Anarchy offers
much more, for instance pages and pages of inspiration in the form of
action reports from around the world, most of which occur outside this
miserably conditioned country. Anyway, I hope you all know that there
are lots of us out here who desperately anticipate each new issue, and
spend our time in between chipping away at the foundation of this
dreadful nightmare. Keep it up!
Cheers,
Sam (H)Unger
Hello, GA, I appreciate Volonta Terrarotturaâs comradely review of
Barbaric Thoughts [see Reviews, Issue #18]. It helps to clarify where
the affinities and differences currently lie between s/he and I.
Unfortunately, I donât feel the letters section here provides space for
a deeper discussion of the difference, but there are a few more minor
things I want to bring up.
First, I donât merely reject biocentrism, but the entire
biocentrism/anthropocentrism dichotomy. It is within this false
opposition that the ideological, moralistic nature of biocentrism lies.
I have yet to encounter anyone who uses the term biocentrism without
making that opposition. This would be a point to expand on in
discussion.
Second, my critiques of primitivism and the study of primitive skills
are not absolute, as a careful reading of BT will show. I do reject
primitivism as an ideology, but also point out that we can learn from
what little is known about âprimitiveâ people (though I may disagree
with Volonta about how much and what we can learn). As to primitive
skills, I say: âThough primitive skills may be usefulâŠ, they do not
constitute the practical expression of a revolutionary critique of
civilization.â This is not a rejection, but a recognition of
limitations.
I put a reference list at the end of BT, rather than taking citations
out of context, so that people can read things in context and draw their
own conclusions. Itâs far too easy to take quotes out of context to
prove whatever one wants to. As a former bible scholar, I know that all
too well.
I personally find present concrete reality much more convincing in
explaining why the civilized order has to go, than unprovable
speculations about origins. And it is present realities that have led me
to question Zerzanâs speculations on origins.
My critique of Zerzanâs ideas and practice was not âattackâ âoften
taking cheap shotsâ. The only âcheap shotâ was the reference to Steve
Booth. The rest forms a critique of Zerzanâs theoretical method and
practical projects as I perceive them. My attacks are never so gentle,
and I save them for real foes, not comrades with whom I disagree.
I have limited this letter to minor matters and brief clarifications. We
will need to find a context to debate the real differences in the way
they deserve. The letters section is not the space for it, due to the
need to be brief. Thanks again for the comradely review.
Wolfi Landstreicher
Venomous Butterfly Publications
818 SW 3rd Ave., PMB 1237
Portland, OR 97204, USA
P.S. I ask $1 @ for copies of Barbaric Thoughts to cover my expenses.
Dear Green Anarchy,
As always, I enjoyed the last issue. I found the class topic to be very
useful and interesting.
âA Surrounding for Us to Live Withinâ was my favorite because it was
amazingly articulate and stimulating, yet relevant to our lives in the
physical world. Other favorites included: âCamatteâ, âAbout getting free
from the myth of Revolutionâ, âReclaiming Kafkaâ, and the two reports by
Felonious Skunk. As always, I was inspired by the action reports and
enjoyed the reviews, especially âDonât Just Voteâ (is that the best
thing Crimethinc. can do?), âThe Corporationâ, and âBarbaric Thoughtsâ.
I felt they offered critical analysis of these projects, and helped add
some depth to the anti-critique, a sort of âhow our politics apply to
our projectsâ.
One review which seemed out of place, in an anti-moralist and
antiideological magazine, however, was âThe Eco-Hotties Calendarâ
review. While I too found the idea of a nude eco-defense calendar to be
juvenile, pathetic, and objectifying, I felt the review to be
moralistic, self-righteous, and excessive. I felt like we were being
scolded by my 3rd grade teacher, not reading the opinion of a fellow
anarchist. Maybe I did not get the same feminist schooling, or
something, but I found the reviewerâs perspective to be not that unlike
the branch of feminism which is sexually repressive, controlling, and
methodological. Do we want a singular solution or do we want
exploration? Huge statements like: âFolks are not dealing with sexismâ
should be followed by âthe way I think they should.â A statement like
âIt annoys and frightens me that we are still in the âobservationâ phase
of understanding sexismâ echoes in my head with assumptive
self-righteousness.
As a âpromiscuousâ pro-sex, nonessentialist, pro-exhibitionist woman
with my own analysis of sexism and patriarchy, I would warn the author
against creating a new morality based on one specific feminist ideology.
This is not only antianarchist, but it also marginalizes women who have
their own perspectives, through shame and dismissal. I say this not to
discourage the author, who obviously has much passion and insight, but
to warn her/him of a troubling tone. I think there were good things
raised in the review, like security concerns, priorities,
objectification, and such, but it also left an all too familiar âI know
what is correct, you Cretinâ feel. This tone is all too prevalent in
feminist writings (as well as the Left in general), and is one of the
reasons I have retreated into the woods and developed my own community
of open-minded free-thinkers. Hopefully, this will not be defensively
taken as anti-feminist (although most feminism is for liberals), but as
a healthy suggestion.
Against All Domination,
Helen A. Bucket
Dear Green Anarchy Folks,
Thanks for doinâ the magazine. Iâm writing this to correct a portion of
Issue #17/Summer 2004. Unfortunately, in the âEarth and Animal
Liberation Actions from Across the Planetâ section, the âApril 30. Sea
Shepherd Crew Save Sea Turtle from Taiwanese Long-line!â is not true. I
volunteered on the Farley Mowat from October of 2003 to May of 2004. I
was on the ship during the long-line incident and it was quite different
than the report that âCaptainâ Paul Watson gave. The actual amount of
line that was pulled in was 8 kilometers, not 25 kilometers, and there
was absolutely no sea turtle saved. The long-line was freshly baited and
there was no catch whatsoever on any hook that we pulled in, which in my
opinion is a good thing. We got the line out of the water before it
caught and injured or killed any marine life. The radio transmitter buoy
was pulled in and estimated to be worth around $1,000. This action
happened on our journey to the Galapagos Islands. When we reached the
Island and checked the SSCS website, the same report that you published
was on the website. When the âcaptainâ was confronted about the lies, he
said that he thought that was what happened. In my humble opinion that
was a lie as well. Any other person on the crew could have told you the
same thing that I have written above; for the âcaptainâ to be the only
one on the ship to think that happened raises an eyebrow. I would be
cautious of any reports about the SSCS that you publish in the future.
If you have any questions feel free to email me.
ugosquashnow@riseup.net
Dear Green Anarchy,
I am a staunch believer in autonomy and enjoyed your Winter 2004 issue.
I got this issue from another inmate and would like to receive more
issues since you mail to prisoners for free. I am also a Hare Krishna
devotee, and if you know anything about us then you know that we are
peaceful non-conformists to the struggle of modernization against
nature. So please put me on your mailing list so I can read more about
green anarchy.
Sincerely,
J. Forest
P.S. I loved the gecko photo on your magazine. Hare Krishna! and ELF
power to the highest magnitude.
Hey GA!
First off, is âA. Morefusâ in the GA collective? âBeyond Utopian
Visions,â his extremely awesome article, really amazed me. His
description of our âneedâ to improve civilization really hit home and
described the way I thought as a libertarian anarchist in high school.
He actually described the history and flaws of every utopian ideal there
is! If Morefus is around, give him a âfist in the airâ for me please.
Also, the ELF prisoner mailing list is just what I needed. I sent
letters and stamp money to all of them. I wish I could meet those
hardcore mother-fuckers.
John, your âPost-Leftists! One more effort if you would be antileftistâ
put tears in my eyes. Finally someone draws a line between the âwhinersâ
and the âdoersâ. This essay finally broke my leftist âIshmaelâ
philosophy. Itâs gone. Iâm finally listening to my instincts instead of
EF! and Greenpeace authority figures. Every time we believe that we are
liberating our minds, weâre really just following a new leader â itâs
our instincts that liberate, never will the answer be found in some
dictator under a âgreen peaceâ flag. Never give up guys, youâre all
keeping me sane. Iâd send you every penny my poor ass has to keep the
magazine afloat. Until then, Iâll be here at the home of âhomelandâ
security (College Station, TX), fighting with everything I got.
Thanks again for the note John. I hung it on my wall, haha. You guys are
amazing. Keep it up! Never stopâŠplease.
Respectfully,
Dominic
Dear John (and GA),
Yesterday I received the parcel! Two issues of GA and your Gender
article. Many, many thanks!
Iâve just rushed over the pages but I saw many great things. Iâm not
here to judge like some customer, but GA #18 is outstanding. What a
scope and what a focus at the same time! How did you get that?
Obviously, some mighty powers are streaming between all of you joined in
GA.
Please donât think that Iâm flattering you because of this contact. Iâm
really impressed and thankful for such an inspiration. Thatâs what I
wanted to start here in next year (very uncertain project, but Iâll
try). I donât feel the need for entire sections and I generally have
some other vision, but itâs the same magic formula: a wide scope, beyond
all ideological clichés and separations, and, at the same time, that
focus, clear and sharp like an arrow. Just look at that scope of
authors, some unknown, some known to me and all those themes and other
messages: Teresa, Riesel (his text, what a finale!), Kevin, Bonanno,
that piece about Kafka, Dave A, that guy Zach F., etc. And yet thereâs
not a trace of some eclecticism or empty talk.
I also think itâs good that you published Sasha Kâs âNotesâ although
Iâve already told him something about that. I like Sasha K and his
Killing King Abacus 1 & 2 very much, but in his more recent attempts,
like this one, I see a kind of setback. He â and heâs not the only one,
itâs a much broader phenomenon â made such an enormous detour through
class theory only to find out that itâs too narrow and static. And then
he started to stretch and squeeze its vocabulary in order to get few
drops of remaining potential. Why? Why do people feel that need for
approval of some theories (authority?) instead of looking into reality
as directly as possible and then, maybe, in the lack of better way, to
use some theoretical concepts in order to express their insights? He
started from the opposite end, from a theory â a very dubious one â only
to find out what is obvious: that we must surpass and reject whole that
perspective. And then he made that mixture of some good points and empty
ideological rhetoric (ârevolutionary class struggle of dispossessedâ,
class-this, class-that, etc.)
Maybe one could argue that Debord or Camatte did the same and yet they
were so convincing. Maybe itâs true but itâs always been at the expense
of clarity and closer touch with the reality (although they surfed
through Marxist theory magnificently; and Camatte succeeded to break
through the open air). Beside that, those were different times: that
language was so prevailing that even sparrows spoke it. Anyway, itâs not
that simple, but I noticed that phenomenon among many other people. It
seems that they feel more selfconfident, even superior, with some more
solid ground under their feet when they use that language. It serves as
a kind of psychological anchor, something like that. It could also mean
that our intuition, our direct insights, authentic expressions and other
approaches are not valid if they are not checked out through such a
rigid and distorting prism. Well, thatâs what I tried to tell Sasha (and
to Red H, from Against Sleep And Nightmare) with few more things, but I
didnât succeed to express myself in English clear enough. Sorry if I
bother you with all that in these emails but I was really provoked by
that subject.
I must admit that I was afraid that friends from some distant anti-civ
camps are also on the verge of slipping in an ideological jargon,
repeating always the same slogans and formulations instead of broadening
that new approach who finally broke the spell of the past and all those
defunct strategies. And now I see this. Mighty stuff. I simply didnât
have the right picture.
Please tell me just one more thing: who made the inside cover? I mean,
that âIâm not...â piece? That one who made it is already free. The
abolition of âclass divided societyâ begins with throwing out all that
class mud from our hearts and our minds. We are not anything from that
offer. The best thing I saw in years. And thatâs the direct answer to
all those people who still seek approval from old theoretical
authorities. That one who made it doesnât need that; he or she is
already on the other side.
Wish you all the best and please send my best regards to all GA people!
Aleksa
Green Anarchy,
The population of the planet increases at two additional people PER
SECOND. Each will want a computer, a car, a house, water, food, and
other stuff, just like you. So, unless you address that issue, youâre
just blowing smoke into the assholes of naive brats. The government
provides the muscle for the corporations to provide the resources for
the breeders to breed, and then shop for computers so they can complain
about the government. Get a clue.
Anarchy begins at home.
Jim
Civilization by Skunkly
Iâm white, and I donât have much experience with indigenous resistance
to civilization, but my impromptu apprenticeship with some Anishinaabe
elders in northern Ontario last summer and fall left me with an
overwhelming sensation of the importance of those connections and others
like them. Relationships between those who have been colonized and we
who â whether we like it or not â come from a class of invaders and
imperialists are inevitably difficult and run the risk of repeating old
patterns and adding fresh wounds to the old. However, after my
experience last summer, I believe they are also crucial to our attempts
at healing or creating radical and meaningful change.
White people who strive for social justice, who resist global forces of
destruction, who defend wild lands, and who want nothing more than to
live a better way than any option weâve been presented by civilization,
would do well to seek alliances with Native people who do all these
things and more whenever they attempt to maintain or reclaim their own
ancestral traditions and/or territories. We end up helping ourselves (in
sometimes unexpected ways) when we aid indigenous resistance. There may
come a point where our goals and our lives will be stunted without the
help and insight that some Native people continue to offer.
Last summer I traveled north by canoe, beyond where industry and even
roads reach. I hoped to meet someone (most likely someone Native, since
not many white folks live there) who could help me learn the skills Iâd
need to survive the winter in the bush. Though I did learn a thing or
two about gill netting fish, trapping beaver, and calling moose, these
things were a small part of what my Anishinaabe hosts shared with me
before I was forcibly removed by Canadian immigration. (Not
surprisingly, the feds didnât seem to care that I was a welcome guest of
the rightful inhabitants of that land.)
Through my friendâs examples I saw what it is to take care of each
other. I witnessed the value of family and home. I learned about healing
and prayer âin the forest and in the dark, moist heat of a sweat lodge.
I felt true respect and generosity, and was inspired by their
persistence and humility.
I listened to stories from their lives, and through them got a clearer
understanding of the processes of domestication. I did my best to
imagine what they must have felt as loved children in healthy families
that still traveled by canoe with their clans. Hunting, fishing, picking
blueberries. I shuddered when they struggled to describe the sharp
contrast they experienced when at the age of around seven each child was
forced into residential schools. There they were segregated, verbally
abused, beaten, and regularly sexually assaulted by the nuns and priests
who were hired by the Canadian government to wring every bit of Native
culture from the children. Thankfully, this genocide attempt on my
friends did not succeed.
After being released from school they each eventually found themselves
at the bottom of despair, and began the long, slow climb back toward
health. They are still climbing, aided by gifts from their ancestors:
ceremonies and exceptional spirits. They were rich enough to share
things my life has always lacked â home, with a history that goes back
generations in one place; respectful interactions with people from the
generation before me; healing herbs and rituals that are ancient and
necessary; and so many lessons that are still inside me â that Iâm yet
unable to name.
I felt awkward and out of place, especially at first. I had to resist
the urge to retreat to my comfortable, homogenous community. I did not
expect to be welcome right away. I did not expect to be trusted or
liked, but that didnât make it easy. I made plenty of mistakes. Despite
all my best intentions to be humble and listen, I still found myself
speaking at inappropriate times, mistakenly thinking that I had some
special insight to offer a certain situation. It would have been much
easier to stay home. There would have been no risk of offending or being
rejected, but Iâm so grateful that I stayed.
I donât want to presume anything, but it certainly seemed that our
relationship fed my Native friends in some way as well (youâd have to
ask them for specifics.) It seems important to me that any exchanges
with Native people are fair. White culture has taken enough. If one
thing is certain, itâs that Native people owe us nothing. Making sure
that we have no expectations of generosity, and that we are giving back
is crucial. However, it is just as important that we realize that no
matter how much we give, we can never remove the injuries our ancestors
inflicted, nor those our culture continues to this day. White guilt and
subsequent acts of charity do not aid our relationships, nor do they
engender respect. Charity repeats patterns of imperialism. It maintains
the conventional power imbalance where âgood white folk help the poor
Indians.â True respect, it seems to me, will only result when we can
find ways to value what one another have to offer.
One question that Iâm still not clear on is, âwhat do we white kids have
to offer?â A friend of mine suggested that we have our desire to live in
a good way, as our ancestors once did, though often that time is so long
past we easily forget. She also said we have our strength of spirit,
gifts from those ancestors. We have the potential of creating healthy
and strong communities, and those are beginning to be. Iâd add that some
of us have the courage and commitment that utter desperation can lend.
However, before we can ever meet as equal nations, white people have a
lot of work we need to do on our own. I do not want to encourage the
hordes of lost and spiritually starving white kids to go off in search
of Native elders to be their new gurus or guides. It bears repeating
here: Native people owe us nothing. Romanticizing a Native person into a
spiritual cartoon can be more dehumanizing than assuming theyâre a
drunk. The emptiness inside us is our responsibility to acknowledge and
find ways to fill. Someone who is not conscious of their own lack of
self is prone to cultural appropriation, and other transgressions. It
seems to me that one of the most important aspects to re-wilding or
healing is stalking ourselves. Whether our domestication process spans
one generation or thousands of years, the results are the same: we lose
our sense of self. Reclaiming our lives requires a trip to that dark,
despairing place affectionately termed, âthe bottom.â Itâs a frightening
journey, and one that many do not survive, but I believe it is the only
way to begin to see clearly where weâve been, what weâve done, who we
are, and the faint glowing promise of authentic hope.
If a person coming from a âprivilegedâ position in society has not made
it this far on their healing journey, I cannot in good conscience
suggest that they seek a relationship with the colonized. If they have,
then I advise patience and humility. Remember that we are trespassers on
this continent. Iâve been asked by a Native elder to ask permission to
live on stolen land. Our culture has a history of deafness when it comes
to listening to Native people. Strive hard to listen; it may require
major life changes. Also, feel. Youâll hear horror stories. Go ahead,
let your heart break. Itâs the most appropriate response Iâve found, and
the only one that has resulted in any healing action.
White people have seldom been up front about our intentions or motives.
Perhaps we can change that. I do not know what is appropriate to ask for
as this changes with each situation. When it feels right, we could
openly communicate what we are looking for or expecting. We can ask
directly what they need in return. We can talk about issues of cultural
appropriation, and be honest about our own dangerous tendencies that
weâve learned over a lifetime in a racist culture. Perhaps weâll
discover that despite all the obstacles put between us, we have a fair
bit in common âincluding work that we can do best if we do it together.
Skunkly is co-author of the book Fire and Ice: disturbing the
comfortable and comforting the disturbed while tracking our wildest
dreams (see âReviewsâ section, page 62). He is currently helping to
organize the Earthbound Gathering, happening this Spring/Summer in
Northern Minnesota. It will be a forum where Native and non-native
people who share a common love and concern about the earth can come
together to create healing relationships that can benefit us all. In
this gathering, we hope to address cross-cultural issues and dynamics,
strategize, and foster unity. Toward this goal, we hope to find our
similarities and differences, focus on our strengths while working on
our weaknesses, learn from the past and build for the future. It will be
free to all, and we hope to be able to provide travel stipends for
elders and others who may need it. If you want to support this project,
help spread the word. Please contact us if you want to stay informed,
attend, present a workshop, donate resources, or help with fundraising,
organizing, or anything else.
For more information, contact Skunkly: (866) 758-9634
earthboundcollective@hotmail.com
Thoughts on Indigenist Resistance to Civilized Colonization of the Mind,
Body and Earth
by A.R. Son
We are not separate beings, you and I.
We are different strands of the same Being.
You are me and I am you
and we are they and they are us.
This is how weâre meant to be,
each of us one,
each of us allâŠ
âLeonard Peltier
A few weeks ago, my mother mentioned in casual conversation that her
grandmother was a âhalf-casteâ Maori â the indigenous people of Aotearoa
[known as âNew Zealandâ in the civilized world]. Thus I am apparently,
to the extent that I actually believe in these biological blood-quantum
calculations, 1/16 Maori. This was something of a bombshell to me. In
recent times, I have become increasingly aware and passionate about
indigenous cultures and politics, but it had never occurred to me for a
second that I might actually have some indigenous heritage. I know my
motherâs family in Aotearoa only as white, lower middle-class, and more
than a little racist. It seems that the spiteful racism of my
grandfather stems not just from his conditioned white colonial mindset,
but also from his pathological denial of his own ancestry. The
child-abusing, wife-beating fuck has no more room for his own Maori
heritage in his racist worldview than he has for his own sexuality in
his heterosexist worldview. But thatâs another story.
Because of the shame and stigma attached to the indigenous heritage, my
motherâs family have lived, and continue to live, in denial â a common
condition in todayâs world. Denial is everywhere: the Earth is not
crumbling beneath the weight of our sick culture; the nuclear family
really works; I really donât mind working for 40+ years; we are not in
any way connected to those people. But as well as the insanity that
clearly comes along with it, denial also just simply means secrecy. My
mother canât answer my questions about the Maori heritage in her family,
because she doesnât know the answers. We donât know where her
grandmother was from, or where her people were from. We could call up my
grandfather and see if he fancies having a chat about it, but even if we
tied him down and tortured him for the information, he has probably long
since cast the names of the people and places out of his tiny mind.
Deny. Vilify. Forget. Thus the thin shred of hope that I might find a
place within a culture that I could feel part of, or even proud of,
slips awayâŠ
But hope was always a false promise; an indulgence of disempowerment â
merely an excuse to sit quietly with fingers crossed and try to wish
misery away. Hope be damned. I am an anarchist. I want action and
empowerment, uproar and uprise, glorious victory and yes, even
catastrophic defeat. Anything but resignation.
So Iâm taking what I have: my white skin, my cultural privilege, my mind
and body, my so-far cursory knowledge of the indigenous culture I have a
tenuous biological link to, my love of the Earth and of life, my utter
disgust for this culture thatâs wrecking the planet as I write these
words and my fury and determination that this will not continue â and
Iâm fighting back.
My struggle for liberation will be fought on three fronts: my mind, my
body, and this Earth â all currently colonized (that is to say,
occupied) by the sickness we call civilization. All three fronts must be
fought at once â colonialism cannot be divided up and asked to wait
until it is convenient for me to fight. Colonialism is everywhere.
Colonialism is relentless. Colonialism is the totality. Thus if I am
serious about liberation I must struggle constantly, everyday to
decolonize my mind, my body, and the land I am standing on. I must be
prepared to live life as war.
âLife as warâ isnât the desperate and deathly existence it seems to be,
of course â self-perpetuated misery would hardly be a sustainable or
successful form of resistance! We need only remind ourselves of our
enemy in this war to be assured of its liberatory potential and absolute
necessity: boredom, drudgery, domestication, dispossession, subjugation,
rape, genocide, ecocide (and eventually omnicide), the colonization of
all lives and all land: civilization.
If I am to live my life as a war against my colonization and the
infinitely destructive force that maintains it, I am in need of various
strategies and tactics. One such strategy for liberation, one that I
think warrants widespread discussion, expansion and implementation
amongst anti-civilization anarchists, is indigenismâ perhaps best
expressed in Ward Churchillâs 1992 essay âI Am Indigenistâ. Churchill
characterizes his indigenist outlook thusly: ââŠI mean that I am one who
not only takes the rights of indigenous peoples as the highest priority
of my political life, but who draws on the traditions â the bodies of
knowledge and corresponding codes of value â evolved over many thousands
of years by native peoples the world over⊠indigenism offers [âŠ] a
vision of how things might be that is based on how things have been
since time immemorial, and how things must be once again if the human
species, and perhaps the planet itself, is to survive much longer.â In
short, âindigenism stands in diametrical opposition to the totality of
what might be termed âEurocentric business as usualââ.
The relevance indigenism has for anti-civilization anarchists is obvious
here, and indeed to a certain extent many of the ideas that comprise
Churchillâs indigenism are already part of the green anarchist spectrum
of thought. There is, however, clearly some hesitation â demonstrated
aptly enough by the lack of clear, direct affiliation with actual
indigenous peoples. My recent cultural identity crisis has made clear to
me why that hesitation is so prevalent, as I have most certainly felt it
gripping me these past few weeks: weâre terrified of becoming colonizers
ourselves. Of course we are, and rightly so. White activists (including
anarchists) have a long and sordid history of taking over, fucking over
and flaking out on non-white struggle of all kinds. Just as often white
activists (still including anarchists) have feigned support for a far
more militant non-white struggle, and then left them to be crushed by
the full force of the state once some actual effort was required â you
could ask the Black Panthers about this (but evidently theyâre mostly
all dead or in solitary confinement).
This dichotomy of white and non-white struggle has troubled me deeply
these past weeks, ripped me apart even. I have felt like a power-hungry
racist undercover agent for the white colonial empire every time Iâve
given serious thought to even just investigating my Maori heritage. And
then just last night I read those words, echoing out from the belly of
the beast, from the cell of an Indian warrior kidnapped and held captive
by the U.S government, a bona-fide prisoner of war in this
war-to-end-all-wars: âWe are not separateâŠâ.
What if we were to take this note from the front to heart? Not as a
license to co-opt and colonize, or even as a new âstrategyâ in our own
idea of the war-that-need-be-waged, but as simple truth? What if the
indigenous of the land we live on are simply our older siblings, ready
to guide us with their knowledge and strength if only we would stop
running around in circles and listen? What if the impossible quandaries
of race and history and power and privilege disappeared as soon as we
learned to love our older sisters and brothers, and act accordingly?
I want to be clear that Iâm not talking about abandoning our
responsibilities and realities as (mostly) white anarchists, and
wandering into indigenous communities with our hands in the air
proclaiming âShow us the way! We are but lost sheep!â While it would be
a huge understatement to say that we have a lot to learn, we are also
not entirely clueless â it is entirely possible that indigenous people
in struggle will want to exchange ideas with us. Certainly it is
doubtful they will want an army of mindless zombies or disciples waiting
to be shown the way. We have to have the maturity and intelligence (by
this I am not referring to sharpening our âcritiqueâ with even more
convoluted academic theorizing) to find our way to effective struggle
and sustainable lives starting from here. Look at what you have â your
heritage, your knowledge, your passion, your strength, everything that
makes you the flawed, damaged, brave and uniquely beautiful person that
you are. Then start your process of inner and outer decolonization in
earnest: keep what you need and burn the rest. Thatâs what you have.
That has to be enough. Donât steal from your brothers and sisters.
Cheating sends us all back to square one. Also, and this should hardly
need saying, indigenous lives and communities are far from perfect. To
varying degrees they are in fact ruins â the rubble left behind after a
merciless demolition job. This is why they need active, militant
supporters, not brain-dead, burdensome followers.
I am not advocating cultural appropriation â unless you mean
appropriating this culture in order to further undermine it; or
âforgettingâ the holocausts our white ancestors perpetrated against
indigenous nations everywhere (and that our white relatives continue to
perpetuate). Quite the opposite: I am advocating realizing that, as
people trying desperately to disentangle ourselves from the mire of
civilization and simultaneously bring it crashing to the ground, we have
more in common with indigenous peoples, struggles and communities than
with our fucking murderous âancestorsâ, ârelativesâ and the civilization
they have erected on the backs of every living creature on this planet.
Itâs time to decolonize our minds and bodies, to build the bridges of
trust and love with the indigenous communities that will accept us
(those that will not can hardly be blamed), to leave this culture of
death for good in order to gather in its shadows and at its frayed
edges, and finally, to wage one last assault against Babylon and bring
it down forever, together. Un-separated. Unconquered. Unbowed.
This article has barely scratched the surface of a deeply complex topic.
I do not suppose to have offered all, or even any, of the answers, and I
do dearly hope that this will continue to be discussed â on a clear,
practical level as well as a theoretical one â amongst those who take
liberation seriously. I welcome any feedback and discussion at:
itsalreadyhere@wildmail.com
Can you hear the cries of our Earth Mother every time another sacred
site is destroyed?
Is your heart breaking to see forests being leveled, strip mines ripping
open the land,
entire species of plants and animals disappeared forever?
Do you hear the muffled screams of our children and feel the agony of
our sisters being
violated and physically abused by their own relatives?
Is your heart raging at the loss of yet another brother or sister to
alcohol or another
grandmother to cancer?
The Indigenous Ancestors of this land spoke of a time when our
relationships with the
Earth may be healed.
That time has come.
Weâre on the Edge.
We can go forward to our death, try to go backward to our past, or we
can turn around
and go forward to a new future.
A future that honors the past.
A future where we listen to the Elders of the Earth and remember our
lessons.
A future where unity and love breeds a New Generation strong enough to
stand up to the
Destroyers of Earth. If we defend the Earth she will provide all we need
to be strong and happy.
We must remember the ways of the Earth, walking gently with respect and
ritual in our
hearts, asking for guidance from the Earth, the Plant and Animal people,
the
indigenous Elders, and the Wimmin â always dancing to the rhythm of our
own Heart, and remembering the sacrifices our relatives made so that we
may Live, not as victims, but proud.
Itâs time to form new, or rejoin traditional warrior societies. Gather
together to sing and strengthen our spirits and dance. Gather
together to form a Strategy. Gather together to learn how to be
together. Gather together so that Spirit will speak through You.
Gather together in the Mountains.
Build a Fire. Watch it Rage.
[1] Hamilton-Merritt, Jane. Tragic Mountains: The Hmong, the Americans,
and the Secret Wars for Laos, 1942-1992. (Indiana): Indiana University
Press December 1, 1999.
[2] Ibd. 381-382.
[3] Ibd. 18.
[4] Ibd. 22.
[5] Ibd. 27.
[6] Ibd. 67.
[7] Ibd. 65.
[8] Ibd. 226.
[9] Ibd. 356.
[10] Ibd. 368.
[11] Ibd. 376.
[12] Ibd. 393.
[13] Ibd. 394.
[14] Ibd. 403.
[15] Lee, Gary Yia. Bandits or Rebels.
http://www.atrax.net.au/userdir/yeulee/Topical/bandis%20or%20rebels.html.
October 31, 2004.
[16] Lee, Gary Yia.
[17] Hamilton-Merritt, 1999: 91.
[18] Lee, Gary Yia.
[19] Lee, Gary Yia.
[20] Lee, Gary Yia.
[21] Network for Asian Liberation. âVideo Allegedly Showing Atrocities
Shock Hmongâ. October 31" http://asianliberation.org/sept18.html.
October 31, 2004.
[22] Floyd, Peter. âUS Warns ASEAN Summit Targeted by Hmong Rebelsâ
http://www.abc.net.au/am/content/2004/s1252940.htm. November 30, 2004.
[23] Asia One. âI Killed Them Because They Called Me a Gook.â
http://newpaper.asia1.com.sg/top/story/0,4136,78130,00.html. November
27, 2004.
[24] Paul Feyerabend, Conquest of Abundance: A Tale of Abstraction
versus the Richness of Being (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
1999), p. 270.
[25] Terence H. Hawkes, Structuralism and Semiotics (London: Methuen,
1977), pp. 149, 26.
[26] Michael Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1971), p. 44.
[27] Paul Feyerabend, Killing Time (Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1995), p. 179.
[28] Susanne K. Langer, Philosophy in a New Key (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1942), p. 75.
[29] Ernest Jones, cited in Dan Sperber, Rethinking Symbolism
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), p. 43.
[30] Edward Sapir, The Emer gence of the Concept of Personality in a
Study of Cultures, Journal of Social Psychology 5 (1934), pp 408-415.
[31] For example, Johann Gottfried Herder, Treatise on the Origin of
Language.
[32] Michel Foucault, The Archaeology of Knowledge, translated by
A.M.Sheridan Smith (New York: Pantheon, 1972), p. 216.
[33] Terrence W. Deacon, The Symbolic Species (New York: W.W. Norton,
1997), passim.
[34] Ernst Cassirer, Language and Myth (New York: Dover, 1953), pp
45-49.
[35] Sigmund Freud, Moses and Monotheism, The Standard Edition of the
Complete Works (London: The Hogarth Press, 1964), p. 114.
[36] Dan Sperber, Anthropology and Psychology: Towards an Epidemiology
of Representations, Man 20 (1985), pp 73-89.
[37] The major rise in the incidence of autism is not metaphorical.
Autism as a retreat from symbolic interaction seems to be a terrible
commentary on its
unfulfilling nature. It may not be coincidental that autism first
appears in the medical literature in 1799, as the Industrial Revolution
was taking off.
[38] Geert Lovink,Uncanny Networks(Cambridge: The MIT Press, 2002), p.
260.
[39] George Steiner, Grammars of Creation (New Haven: Yale University
Press, 2001), p. 3.
[40] Movement is defined as speed (time and space) and does not change
velocity, where momentum (mass and velocity) expresses changed velocity.
[41] As a vector (directed magnitude) quantity, the momentum of an
object is more fully described by both magnitude and direction.
[42] These concepts are an outgrowth of Newtonâs Second (Fnet=m*a)
stated that the acceleration of an object is directly proportional to
the net force upon the object and inversely proportional to the mass of
an object.