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Title: The International Anarchist Congress
Author: Various Authors
Date: 1907
Language: en
Topics: international, congress, Amsterdam, 1907, organization, syndicalism, general strike, anti-militarism
Source: Taken from Original. Freedom, ed. The International Anarchist Congress: Held at the Plancius Hall, Amsterdam, on August 26th-31st, 1907. London: “Freedom” Office, 1907.  The resolutions are taken from: [London?]: Anarchist Congress. Resolutions Passed at the Anarchist Congress Held at Amsterdam, August 24–31, 1907. International Bureau, 1907.

Various Authors

The International Anarchist Congress

The International Anarchist Congress. Amsterdam, 1907.

The Congress opened on Monday morning, August 26, 1907, present about a

hundred, including eighty delegates, FUSS AMORÉ presiding. Several

suggestions were at once put forward for the identification of those

present, FRIEDEBERG proposing a list of groups represented, and NACHT

the identification of individuals by mutual acquaintance at the tables.

The latter was adopted and carried out. Discussion of the agenda was

then taken, it having been proposed by several comrades that the item

“Anti-Militarism” be struck off because the Anti-Militarist Congress was

announced for Friday of that week. Some were inviting the

Anti-Militarist Congress to join the Anarchist Congress for the

discussion of this important matter, others for taking it immediately,

others again for adjourning while the other Congress was sitting in

order that all might attend. The sitting was suspended for ten minutes,

after which it was agreed to make clear the Anarchist views of

Anti-Militarism on the Friday morning, and then to adjourn for the

Anti-Militarist Congress.

Reports of delegates were then called for.

THONAR, for Belgium, described the movement in that country was

awakening to a new activity in sympathy with the rousing of the masses.

The groups were not actually federated, but it had been found necessary

to form a central fund for building up a circulating library and a large

stock of literature. This was carried about the country, and pamphlets

sold broadcast. The central fund was also used for the important work of

helping deserters.

VOHRYZEK, for Bohemia, reported that the movement had been in existence

many years, and that four years ago organisation had been found

necessary. The groups at present numbered about forty-two: they

supported eight newspapers, one of which had a circulation of 12,000,

and they had also published fifty to sixty pamphlets. The most important

work at that time was among the peasants, to whom they were preaching

Syndicalism [1] as a means of emancipation. Anarchism was very wide

spread in the workers’ Syndicates; in fact, the two most important

Syndicates in the country, the Miners’ and the Weavers’, had an

Anarchist majority, and were conducted on Anarchist principles—that is,

by voluntary subscriptions.

SAMSON, for the Dutch Federation of Anarchist Communist groups, gave a

list of many pamphlets published by them, and of six newspapers with an

average circulation of over 1,000. Besides these there were six other

more or less revolutionary organs in the country, one published by

Domela Nieuwenhuis, one Humanitarian Anarchist, one Anti-militarist, one

Syndicalist, one Christian Anarchist, and one for Land Nationalisation

through Direct Action. They found that the best means of propaganda in

the towns was to take a stall in the market and sell literature like

vegetables.

A Dutch comrade, who rose to supplement this report, declared that there

were seventy-two groups in Holland not included in the Federation. He

also maintained that the Federation only supported on out of the six

papers, the other five being run by non-federated groups.

DUNOIS, on behalf of the comrades of French-Switzerland, described the

movement as unorganised in that country up to 1906, when a Congress was

called which resulted in the formation of the present Anarchist

Communist Federation. Every group has a secretary, whose business is

entirely correspondence, and who is constantly in touch with the same

(and the only) “officer” of the Federation. The Swiss Anarchists are

finding their chief sphere of action in the Syndicates. They were

influential in the great strike of the chocolate workers, which,

beginning as a sectional strike on behalf of one man, developed into a

general strike of such importance that the police and the army were

useless, and the Government finally had to beg the capitalists to give

in. The comrades enter the Syndicates in order to bring on such strikes

and to push them towards expropriation, and at the same time they

organise among themselves for the success of revolution.

BAGINSKY, for the foreign movement in the United States, began by

remarking that an Anarchist Congress in that country, the politically

freest country in the world, would now be impossible. The movement may

be said to date from the Congress held in 1884, although for some time

it was purely intellectual and middle-class. The condition of the

proletariat was scarcely considered. Attention was called to the

discontent and unrest among them by the action of Czolgosz. He was

absolutely unknown to Anarchists, yet their attempt to discuss his

action, without praising it or blaming it, was used against individuals

and the movement. The organ of the movement, Freiheit, was carried on by

German comrades when Most died, and has at present a circulation varying

from 3,500 to 4,000. The main lines of propaganda are Syndicalism and

the General Strike.

EMMA GOLDMAN, for the American movement, brought a long account of the

situation in the United States, which she thought advisable not to read

as so much time had been taken with reports. (This paper is now being

printed in Mother Earth.) She described how in her three journeys across

the American Continent, visiting twenty-eight States, she found

Anarchists groups all over the country, speaking every language from

Dutch to Japanese. But the purely American movement is very young in

spite of the strong foreign involvement in its midst, the Yiddish

comrades, for example, who recently started a daily paper. More than

anything else the famous Haywood trial has stimulated the purely

American movement, and helped to bring the middle-class Tolstoyans into

touch with the brute facts of the social conditions. Besides Mother

Earth, with a monthly circulation of 3,000 to 4,000, there is the

Demonstrator, published by the Home Colony, and Liberty, which is still

devoted to the individualist side of Anarchism. As to the fighting

organisations of the proletariat, their hope in the Workers’ Federation

is dead. It is now from the Western Miners’ Union that the beginning of

a revolutionary movement may be expected. The East is absorbed in

commercial and political greed, but the essential characteristic of the

West is its revolutionary spirit. Touching on the difficulties of

Anarchist propaganda in the East, she instanced the Criminal Anarchy Law

of New York, under which any person preaching Anarchism is liable to

imprisonment for ten years and 5,000 dollars (ÂŁ1,000) fine, and anyone

letting or allowing a hall to be used for Anarchist meetings can be sent

to prison for two years.

At this point telegrams were read bringing greetings from the Workers’

Friend Group and Germinal Group of London, and from groups in Denmark,

Westphalia, Geneva, Italy, and Portugal.

RAMUS then gave a report on the Austrian movement, covering the period

from 1894 until to-day. The movement suffered severely for some time

from the crushing severity of the police, and from the malicious

denunciations of the Social Democrats. Anarchists were imprisoned and

expelled for the most absurd trifles, and the opposition sections and

tendencies which arose within and separated themselves from the ranks of

Social Democracy had nothing of Anarchism in them, but competed with the

official party for the conquest of power over the workers. So it came

about that during the period 1899–1904 there was practically no

Anarchist movement among the German Austrians. Since then there has been

a distinct revival, and especially during the past year, which has seen

the formation of numerous groups. These young groups are just about to

publish their own German Anarchist weekly.

LANGE, for Germany, described the movement as federalist, the only way

to arouse interest being through the advocacy of such organisation. Die

RevolutionÀr, with a circulation of 5,000, and Der Anarchist, with

1,800, represented the two lines of propaganda in Germany. But no

revolutionary movement could be looked for in that country while the

power of the Social Democrats remained what it is. It lies like a dead

weight on the people, but there are already plentiful signs of its

coming disruption

ROCKER, for the Jewish movement in England, reported that seven

provincial and four London groups took an active part in the life of the

Jewish Trade Unions, of which there were eleven, regarding always

Syndicalism as a revolutionary means of emancipation. The best known

paper, the Workers’ Friend, had a circulation of 2,500, and had been

clearly Anarchist for sixteen years. Another more popular paper was

Germinal, printed in 48 pages, with 4,000 copies as an average issue.

Besides these they trusted a great deal in pamphlets, of which over

30,000 had been sold. Their position was often made difficult by the

fact of their being foreigners, and on account of the exaggerated

prejudice of the English press and public regarding Anarchism.

Nevertheless they had been able to give valuable assistance to Russian

comrades, and now they had solved the difficulty of the constant

visitations of spies by taking two attached houses on a 21 years’ lease,

in one of which was a room capable of holding 800 people. The Social

Democratic and the Zionist movements are of very little importance among

the Jews of England.

WALTER, for the English movement proper, reported on the activity of the

Freedom group of London, which continued to publish the monthly paper of

the name (circulation about 1,500), started 21 years ago. The group had

also a good sale of pamphlets, a number being at present in print and

others projected. Another group had been formed for the weekly

publication of the Voice of Labour, circulation about 2,000. The object

of this paper was to infuse the Labour movement with the spirit of

direct action, and it appealed alike to Unionists and non-Unionists.

[Unfortunately, it has since ceased publication owing to lack of

support.] There were also several provincial groups who kept up the old

traditions of street-corner propaganda, and recently an attempt to

organise regional Unions for skilled and unskilled workers had resulted

in what practically amounted to an Anarchist Federation of seven or

eight groups.

ROGDAEFF, for Russia, explained that the movement only became visible in

that country five years ago, groups in Odessa and Bielostock being among

the first, together with that of Ekaterinoslav, now one of the

strongest. There were the widest differences and tendencies with regard

to tactics, the Ural Congress, for instance, admitting Syndicalism,

while the Polish movement was all for secrecy. Taking the country as a

whole, the secret organisations are by far the strongest. Then there are

groups formed for special purposes, for agitation against taxes or

against the Army. The Baltic provinces are particularly strong in

anti-militarist groups. There is also a strong organisation for

propaganda in the Navy. All of these are well supplied with literature

that includes translations of all the best foreign writers. But the

Syndicalist or non-street activities in the towns have been and are very

important. In St. Petersburg and Moscow there are Unions of unemployed,

who force the Government to give them work, and attack the shops if this

is not forthcoming; and at such times there is, of course, an intense

propaganda of wholesale expropriation. In the country also this

principle is at work; in Georgia, for instance, where the village of

Goulgouly became purely Communist and remained so for ninety days.

MUNTZICH described how the work of the Proudhonists and Bakuninists in

Servia and Bulgaria was choked by the advent of Marxism after the

Turco-Russian War. Newspapers have been started in both countries, and

in spite of their short lives they will shortly reappear, for the

movement is distinctly increasing. Also in Dalmatia there is an

Anarchist movement of great promise.

MALATESTA declared that Socialism in Italy was born Anarchist. The

number of Anarchists in some districts is surprising. In Ancona and

Massa Carrara the majority of inhabitants may safely be said to be

Anarchists, and this year has seen a great reaction against the Social

Democracy of the Socialist Party, which reaction has created a new

Syndicalist movement, in which Anarchists are taking part, and which is

in many respects Anarchistic.

The French report was held over for the following day, as it dealt

mainly with the question of organisation. It was agreed that no more

reports should be taken owing to the amount of time necessitated by the

translations.

Tuesday, August 27th . Second Day.

LANGE presiding.

ANARCHISM AND ORGANISATION.

DUNOIS (France).—The question of organisation comes first on our agenda

owing to the pressing necessity of an international understanding among

Anarchists. A great change has taken place in the movement during the

last decade. Before that period individual action was considered

sufficient in itself to bring about the emancipation of the people; but

this idea has faded as the movement has come into closer touch with the

workers. It was for want of this intimate contact that the early

Anarchist groups, really no more than groups for social study, became

merely idealistic. The two main causes of this change in France have

been the example of foreign countries and the “affaire Dreyfus.” The

result of the first was Syndicalism, of the second Anti militarism. At

the same time, and by these means, Anarchism has become a practical

revolutionary theory based on the spontaneous action of the workers. It

is true that there are still a few Individualists in the country who

sear by Rousseau that every possible form of society is bad. But

Anarchism insists on the organisation of society, organisation minus

authority. Even Marx defined it so, looking forward to the

transformation of government into administration. For Anarchism is not

simply Individualist; it is essentially Federalist. It has been said

that there lies a danger to the movement in Syndicalism. We acknowledge

it is so for those who feel it so; but for most of us this danger is

more than compensated by the new world it opens to Anarchist activities,

and by the sight of a new basis of society. We must see to it that this

new basis is Anarchist. We must not remain together, “initiates.”

Everywhere we see the corporative conceptions of the mass movement

giving way to the class conception. But that is not enough; we must

supply the means and the object to the energised proletariat. And

compare our position with that of the Social Democrats. They receive

inspiration for action in the Syndicates from their party, they feel the

strength of their party behind them, something to refer to as a common

ground of inspiration. In the same way we would gain by federation.

Besides helping each other and keeping the revolutionary spirit alive

and earnest, we have to remember that there can be no revolution without

the mass of the people. Propaganda must still be our first object, and

for this we need federation of all who agree in principles and methods.

His motion read:—

“The Anarchists assembled in Congress at Amsterdam,

Considering that the ideas of Anarchism and of organisation, far from

being incompatible, as has often been supposed, complete and explain

each other, the whole principle of Anarchism being the free organisation

of productive workers;

That individual action (important as it is, and at certain moments and

in certain countries even of greater importance than collective action)

cannot fill the want of collective action, of united movement;

That the organisation of the militant forces would give new life to the

propaganda, and would help forward the penetration into the working

classes of the ideas of revolutionary federalism;

That organisation founded on identity of interests does not exclude

organisation founded on identity of aspirations and ideas; and

That, without establishing between them any useless, nay, possibly

harmful connection, they have both a specific activity and a

well-defined different but complementary object;

Recommend the comrades in all countries to put on their agenda the

formation of Anarchist groups and federation of groups.”

EMMA GOLDMAN (America).—We are often accused of a desire to annihilate

society, we are constantly called the enemies of organised society, and

there have been some who, calling themselves Anarchists, have put

forward an ideal of society without organisation. But this merely

destructive conception of Anarchism rests on the fallacy of considering

present society as organised. That is not so. The State is not a social

organisation; it is an organisation born of despotism and maintained by

force, and imposed by force on the masses. Industry is not organised for

the sake of industry, it is simply an exploiting organisation,

exploitation being the basis of profit. The Army is not a social

organisation; it is a cruel instrument of blind force. The Schools are

not organised for education, but everywhere they are still barracks

wherein to drill the human mind into submission to social and moral

spooks, and so facilitate the perpetuation of the present system of

exploitation. For us, organisation is a natural organic growth, and the

test of such organisation must be that it shall increase and liberate

our own individuality, the very contrary of all the so-called

organisation of to-day. Certainly we do not want such an organisation of

non-entities, but an organisation of self-conscious individualities.

Before the morning sitting was closed, THONAR (Belgium), on a point of

order, wished to observe that although this was an Anarchist Congress,

we had voted [on the order of the day]. This was surely most

unreasonable.

MALATESTA (Italy) requested that this matter be at once taken into

consideration as bearing directly on the question of organisation.

MONATTE (France) insisted on the difference between Parliamentary voting

and free voting. The one was an expression of power, the other of

opinion.

CORNELISSEN (Holland) thought it was obvious that any voting in this

Congress left the minority absolutely free. It was simply a convenient

method of grouping and defining different opinions.

MARMANDE (France) did not wish to take up any theoretical discussion on

the point. We want to show each other how we think. If there is a better

means of doing so, we shall discover it.

Other speakers having expressed similar opinions, the matter was allowed

to drop.

Afternoon.

ANARCHISM AND ORGANISATION (continued).

CROISET.—In dealing with this question we have got away from first

principles. We must go back to them. Comrade Dunois seemed to forget

that the first necessity of Anarchism is individual liberty. However

much we may talk about Anarchist Communism—and he (Croiset) was a

confirmed Anarchist Communist—we cannot get away from the fact that the

principle of life is, “Me first and then the rest.” We do not want any

hypocritical altruism here. Life is always the individual struggle

against necessity, and it is only necessity that forces us to

co-operation. Anarchist Communism means the most advantageous compromise

between individual freedom and necessary organisation. When any form of

organisation or any system of co-operation becomes permanent, it

inevitably becomes despotic.

NACHT was not in sympathy with the previous speaker. He was not only in

favour of Syndicalism as already defined by others, but also of

Anarchist Syndicalism existing alongside the other Syndicalism. He felt

that the merely propagandist groups were entirely useless. He should

make straight for active expropriation.

THONAR (Belgium).—The Congress itself was a sign of evolution towards

organisation of some kind. The necessity of the moment was to unite all

over the word so that when anything is to be done we could act together.

He declared himself a Syndicalist as well as an Anarchist, in spite of

the Syndicates not being Anarchist. And he did this because he

recognised that the practical and effective movements of the world are

mass movements. We, too, must push forward as a mass movement.

VORHYZEK (Bohemia) could not see that even extreme Individualism

necessitated a denial of organisation. He did not know that the

Individualists wrote against organisation—Stirner certainly wrote in

favour of it. He held that the popular saying was true in this as in

everything else: extremes meet. Obviously we must avoid any form of

organisation which might breed authority, but he saw no danger in

federation provided that no executive was appointed or allowed to grow

up. He would like to insist on the necessity of keeping clearly apart

the Anarchist International and the Revolutionary Syndicalist

organisations, while at the same time encouraging every form of mutual

aid between them. He should like to touch on another point by the way.

Possibly the Congress might later on define its opinion of expropriation

as it was at present being practised in Russia. He would like to make

the personal declaration that however much the individual might be

devoted to the cause, he could not consider expropriation for

individualist uses a clean method of life.

GOLDMAN (America).—Fifteen years ago there seemed to be an antagonism

between Individualism and Communism; not it is impossible to separate

them. The liberty of the individual depends on individuality. What we

are working towards is a state of society in which social, economic, or

sexual subordination will be impossible. She had known Anarchist groups

in which objections used to be made to the personal habits of

individuals, their manner of dressing or of wearing their hair, or

smoking and so forth. This disappears as we learn how to live together

and to understand the Communist principle of toleration. As to

expropriation, this must be judged entirely according to individual

cases. It would be obviously absurd to strike off a member of a group

because he had been forced to steal for his immediate needs.

The Congress then adjourned till next morning.

Wednesday, August 28th . Third Day.

LANGE presiding.

ANARCHISM AND ORGANISATION (continued).

MALATESTA.—The misunderstanding about Individualism and Collectivism is

entirely one of terms. Some of us mean one thing by these words, and

some another; and we do not always use them in the same way. For

himself, he would define two kinds of Individualism. There is that of

the individual who thinks of nobody but himself, of developing his

individuality without consideration of others, or else at their expense;

that is the Individualism of the capitalist and of all

oppressors,—bourgeois Individualism. And there is the Individualism of

others who, for their own happiness, must be assured of the happiness of

others,—who desire the well-being and integral development of all

individuals; that is the Individualism of the Anarchists. And in order

to realise this, organisation is necessary. True freedom is only in

voluntary organisation. The very reason that we are not free is because

we are not organised and the capitalists are. How can a single

individual peasant free himself? He can only do it by organising with

his fellows.

As to the desirability of organisation in the Anarchist movement itself,

the lack of it is a constant reproach to us. Take only as an instance

what happens when one of us is threatened with imprisonment. Is it the

Anarchists who organise those monster demonstrations which by sheer

weight of public opinion force the authorities to withhold the sentence?

No; we left it to the Freethinkers and the Socialists to liberate

Ferrer. What is wanting among us is primarily the spirit of action. When

that comes we shall organise, and no fear of authority creeping into our

organisations will daunt us. While we do nothing it is only natural that

our organisations fade, but when we see what there is to be done, and

set out to do it, then the International will become a reality. It is

not for propaganda that it is wanted—with or without international

organisation the propaganda grows—but we need it for action. Whenever

there is a revolutionary movement anywhere in the world, international

organisation becomes necessary.

(At this point various telegrams of greeting were read, and a letter

from a Chinese delegate expressing his regrets for his enforced absence

through sudden illness.)

RAMUS, though entirely in agreement with those who had spoken in favour

of the principle of organisation, felt more in sympathy with the

viewpoint of Croiset than with that of Dunois. We must not say that only

now do we begin to understand Anarchism; we are simply utilising the

inheritance of the pioneers. An Anarchist International must be a

voluntary association of groups and federations founded on the basis of

freedom for the individual. He wished to protest against the idea that

it should learn and teach “technical means” for the benefit of the

Syndicalist movement. It must be the means of furthering the propaganda

of Anarchist ideas, for only inasmuch as the Syndicalist movement is a

means to this end does Anarchism concern itself with Syndicalism.

BAGINSKY held it absurd to imagine that individual liberty and

organisation are antagonistic. We do not want Kropotkin only, or Stirner

only, but both at once. We must unite them and Ibsen too. On the other

hand, we cannot regard the State as an organisation; in every

manifestation of itself it proves to be simply an institution for the

application of blind Force. An Anarchist organisation would naturally be

without that force, authority. Nor do we want similarity in our

organisation, but, on the contrary, the greatest possible variety, so

that it may respond to the needs of the greatest possible number of

different individualities.

CORNELISSEN felt strongly that all Anarchist organisations must be

independent of all other organisations. He felt that we had heard too

much of Individualism, and that some comrades carried it so far that the

strongest individual Anarchist would end by becoming a moral despot. The

despotism of personality is a thing we must guard against. We have still

to discover the form of organisation that would leave the individual

free while at the same time safeguarding us against this.

BROUTCHOUX was not so sure of the necessity of isolating Anarchist

organisations. He was proud to say that he was attending the Congress as

delegate of an Anarchist group and a Miners’ Union, which had combined

for that purpose. He did not see why there should have been so much talk

about Individualism and freedom. The liberty of the individual is only

limited by the liberty of others. When two individuals begin to

interfere with each other, there is no liberty for either.

CHAPELIER rose to reply to what Cornelissen had said regarding the

despotism of personality. It was obvious that while there existed men

eminently more active, more intelligent, and more capable than others,

this moral authority would continue. The only way to abolish that

authority is to educate all so that each one may find his special sphere

of activity and freely develop his personal capacities.

SAMSON did not see that the question was so much one of finding a

suitable form of organisation. There would always be discontented

individuals in any form of organisation, but if the organisation is

really busy their discontent will not upset it. Besides, they are always

as free to leave as they were to join.

It was then agreed to close the discussion as the afternoon was required

for a private sitting at which the same question would be treated from

the practical side. The above resolution (Dunois) was carried

unanimously together with the following addition suggested by Vohryzek

and Malatesta:—

“An Anarchist federation is an association of groups or individuals in

which no one can impose his will or limit the initiative of others. It

has for object to change the moral and economic conditions of present

society, and to this end it employs all adequate means.”

Afternoon (Private).

THE ANARCHIST INTERNATIONAL.

As a result of the afternoon sitting, the following resolution was

handed to the press:—

“The Anarchists (individuals and delegates of groups and federations)

assembled at Amsterdam declare that:

The Anarchist International is constituted.

It is composed of existing organisations, and of individuals, groups,

and federations who shall adhere.

Individuals, groups, and federations shall remain autonomous.

An International Bureau is constituted, composed of five delegates.

The Bureau will found international Anarchist archives, accessible to

all comrades.

It will put itself into communication with Anarchists in all countries,

either directly or through three comrades chosen by the groups or

federations of those countries.

For individual affiliation to the International, the individual must be

identified by an organisation, by the Bureau, or by comrades known to

the Bureau.

The expenses of the Bureau and archives will be covered by the

affiliated federations, groups, and individuals.”

Evening.

ANARCHISM AND SYNDICALISM.

MONATTE.—Before dealing with the general question of the relations

between Anarchism and Syndicalism, let us see what is meant by the

latter in France. The revolutionary Syndicates are composed of men who,

while they are by no means all Anarchists, are all

anti-Parliamentarians. The basis of Syndicalist organisation is one

Union for each trade in each locality. These Unions, or Syndicates, are

grouped together locally by the Bourses du Travail, which are

unfortunately subsidised by the municipality. The Syndicates are also

federated nationally by trades, these federations at present numbering

sixty-four, with headquarters usually in Paris. Out of these and the

Bourses du Travail is formed the Confederation—that is, one delegate

from each Bourse and each national Syndicate. This dual organisation has

been found most effective, and it now remains only to strengthen it by

supplementing the Bourses du Travail by about seventy regional

organisations, thus linking up the whole country. The whole history of

the movement shows the mistrust of the workers for Parliamentary action.

Over and over again the politicians have tried to win them, and for this

reason they were for a long time shunned by Anarchists. But with the

political success of Millerand the atmosphere cleared. Then came the

union of all revolutionists, and the Anarchists shows that they were

organisers. There are still a few Syndicates outside the

Confederation—the Miners, for example—but they will soon join. The

Syndicalist movement is the workers’ movement, and for that reason alone

all Anarchists should join their Syndicates.

Direct Action is the one principle of Syndicalism, and the strike is the

most important form of action in the Syndicates. Some Anarchists might

say to him: We do not want strikes; we want revolution. But he would ask

them: How is the revolution to come before the workers know their power?

Every strike is a lesson in revolutionary action. A strike is also the

best means of propaganda. Until a great strike aroused that province,

Brittany was the most backward part of France. Since the strike the

number of Syndicates there has grown to over a hundred. To have taken

part in a serious strike brings to each man a total change of mentality.

He must clear up one popular misunderstanding about the movement in

France. It was often imagined that the business of the Confederation was

to order strikes, and that Syndicates could not strike without referring

the question first to the Confederation. This is entirely a mistake. The

Syndicates and their sections are absolutely autonomous and strike when

they think fit, simply advising the Confederation of the fact.

In putting the case for Syndicalism he would point out that the General

Strike, to have any permanent effect, is obviously more complicated an

affair than any merely political revolution. It would have to be carried

out with a clear understanding of what was wanted, and with an absolute

confidence in the organisations. Anarchists had begun to lose confidence

in the coming revolution in France, Syndicalists had restored it. He

would not deny that there were serious dangers in the movement, besides

that most serious one of the subsidising of the Bourses du Travail.

There was the danger of centralisation, which naturally chokes

individual initiative to a certain extent. Here was work for

Anarchists—and in fighting against this they would find many Socialists

with them. Then there was the danger of officialism. It was inevitable

that the man who had been sitting in a secretary’s armchair year after

year should begin to take a different view of the movement to what he

did when he was working in the mine or the shop. Every Anarchist in the

Syndicates would naturally oppose this dangerous principle of

re-electing officials. Finally, he would warn Anarchists against joining

Syndicates simply to use them as fields of propaganda. Let them join as

exploited workers pure and simple first, as men of noble opinions after.

Thursday, August 29th . Fourth Day.

LANGE presiding.

ANARCHISM AND SYNDICALISM (continued).

LANGE, in declaring the sitting open, pointed out that while several of

the Dutch daily newspapers were giving good long reports of the

Congress, the current number of VorwÀrts had no mention of it.

A FRENCH COMRADE.—Nor has HumanitĂ©!

A BELGIAN COMRADE.—Nor Le Peuple!

Amidst much laughter MALATESTA rose to congratulate the Social Democrats

on having adopted a policy of silence in place of their old one of

misrepresentation.

LANGE reminded the Congress that before noon of the next day the three

questions, Syndicalism, the General Strike, and Anti-Militarism, had to

be disposed of.

It was unanimously agreed to take the first two together. The discussion

on Syndicalism and the General Strike was then declared open.

ROGDAEFF was in favour of Anarchists entering their Syndicates. Where

the conditions of the people were different, the movement was naturally

different. It was to be expected, therefore, that strikes would be

fiercer in Russia than in France. The recognition of the class was is

the basis of Syndicalist propaganda in Russia, and the real basis of all

the great strike movements—even of those supposed to be political—was

economic. The famous revolt of the ‘Potemkin’ was in reality a sympathy

strike carried to its logical conclusion of expropriation. The Anarchist

position in the Syndicalist movement should be simply that the workers’

movement should be cleared of all politicians. At the present time

practically all the Syndicates in Russia are anti-Parliamentarian. The

Government had started the formation of some Syndicates for its own end,

but in the strikes of 1903 things went so far that it had to act against

its own pet organisation. There were very few Anarchists in Russia who

did not sympathise with the Syndicalist movement.

CORNELISSEN felt that Monatte had not spoken as an Anarchist, but as a

Syndicalist. At the same time he agreed with him that there was good

work to be done inside the Syndicates. Besides the dangers already

mentioned, there was that of the Syndicates becoming merely co-operative

and an authority in their trade. Another evil of the movement was shown

in America, where the patriotic influence of the Unions was used in

exciting hatred of the Japanese.

OBERSLAGEN said that Anarchists had been very active in the Syndicalist

movement in Holland, and consequently the movement was in a very hopeful

condition.

Afternoon.

MALATESTA expected some comrades would be surprised to hear him speak

against Syndicalism and the General Strike, against a certain conception

of the General Strike, a pacifist conception that seems to be growing

popular among Syndicalists. But first he desired to make it quite clear

that he as much as any one regretted the isolation that is the fate of

Anarchists who do not participate in the Labour movement. In the

propaganda of Anarchist ideas we must, of course, support the mass

movement. He was so far entirely in agreement with previous speakers.

But he felt that the other side of the question had not been fairly put,

so he would limit himself to bringing out what he considered the

essential differences of opinion between Anarchists and Anarchist

Syndicalists. He had himself been such a strong advocate of entering the

Syndicates that he had even been accused of being a Syndicate-maker.

That was all very well at one time, but now we are confronted with

“Syndicalism,” the doctrine. He would have nothing to say against it if

he could believe that Syndicalism alone could, as was claimed for it,

destroy Capitalism. But who could expect to overthrow Capitalism while

remaining a servant of capitalist production? Together with a solution

of the unemployed problem, they might do it; but the fact of the matter

was that as the Syndicalist organisation grew nearer and nearer to

perfection, the number of unemployed grew greater and greater.

Certainly, Syndicalism in this way can emancipate a part of the workers,

but not all. It is only too obvious that the Syndicates make a serious

division of the workers, and often enough without doing any harm to the

capitalists.

Do not let us make any mistake about what we mean by “solidarity of the

workers.” It is often used as if there existed some natural economic

solidarity among the exploited workers. But this class solidarity even

is only an abstraction. The material fact of life under existing

conditions is the personal antagonism between all workers. Solidarity is

an aspiration, and in that alone lies its importance to the workers. It

is an aspiration that is capable of transforming the economic conditions

of a nation, for the differences of economic conditions are not due to

financial causes, but to the varying spirit of the people in the

different countries. Indeed we may as well confess at once that the

purely economic struggle is not sufficient; it must be based on an

intense moral struggle, for changes in economics conditions soon

readjusted themselves where the moral conditions of the people remain

unaffected.

Of one point about Anarchists in Syndicates he was quite certain,—that

no Anarchist could take an official position in a Syndicated without

placing himself in a false position. Indeed, he was not sure whether

even the plain Anarchist member of a Syndicate would not before many

years find himself in a false position, for he was only accepted until

the Syndicates bocame really strong, and then he would be asked to go.

He did not see why France should consider herself in a novel condition;

English Trade Unionism began in just the same revolutionary tone, and

look at it now!

He should like, in passing, to clear up a misunderstanding of terms. He

often heard political action referred to as if it involved

Parliamentarism. This was a great mistake. What, for example, was

Bresci’s act? Was it economic? No; it was political. Marx was

responsible for this confusion. He approached the whole question from

the economic viewpoint, and sometimes almost takes it for granted that

the peasant enjoys paying rent to his landlord. This is manifestly

absurd. No peasant—and no other worker for that matter—likes paying

rent; he does so simply because of the force—the political force—that is

behind the landlord.

He now came to the General Strike. What he objected to was the idea, so

freely propagated by some Syndicalists, that the General Strike can

replace insurrection. Some people fondly cherish the idea that we are

going to starve the bourgeoisie. We should starve ourselves first. Or

else they go so far as to admit that the General Strike involves

expropriation. But then the soldiers come. Are we to let ourselves be

shot down? Of course not. We should stand up to them, and that would

mean Revolution. So why not say Revolution at once instead of General

Strike? This might seem only question of words, but it goes deeper than

that. The advocates of the General Strike make people think they can do

things without fighting, and thus actually spoil the revolutionary

spirit of the people. It was propaganda of this kind that brought about

such illogical positions as that taken up by the strikers recently at

Barcelona, where they did fight the soldiers, but at the same time

treated with the State. This was because they were under the delusion

that it was only an economic question.

He considered that some of the pamphlets published on the General Strike

did nothing but harm. In the first place, it was a fallacy to base their

arguments, as some of them do, on a supposed superabundance of

production. Not being much of a hand at statistics himself, he once

asked Kropotkin what was the real position of England in this respect,

and he was told that England produces enough for three months in the

year only, and that if importations were stopped for four weeks

everybody in the country would die of starvation. The modern

possibilities of transport make it undesirable for capitalists to

accumulate food. It was estimated that London was never provisioned for

much over three days, in spite of all her warehouses.

In dealing with this question of the General Strike we must begin by

considering the necessity of food. This is a more or less new basis for

the conception. A peasant strike, for instance, appeared to him as the

greatest absurdity. Their only tactics were immediate expropriation, and

wherever we find them setting to work on those lines it is our business

to go and help them against the soldiers. And then he had read somewhere

that we ought to go and smash the railway bridges! He wondered whether

the advocates of such foolishness ever realised that corn has to come

the same way the cannons come. To adopt the policy of neither cannons

nor corn is to make all revolutionists the enemies of the people. We

must face the cannons if we want the corn.

Let us realise that the General Strike is only one means of fighting the

capitalists, and let us find out how it works in practice, how really to

use it. If the Governments have perfected the arms of repression, we

must set to work to perfect those of revolution. We need more knowledge;

we want new methods of fighting; we need a technique militaire. In his

own early days when hey talked about the General Strike for the first

time, every man had his own rifle and revolver, his plan of the town, of

the forts, arsenals, prisons, Government buildings, and so forth.

Nowadays nobody thinks of these things, and yet they talk on glibly

about revolution. Look at what happened in South Italy. The Government

shot down peasants by the hundred, and the only soldier that was hurt

fell off his horse by accident. (it was this massacre that made Bresci

take extreme action. He believed a telegram which was sent him from Rome

saying that the King himself had ordered the soldiers to shoot without

mercy.)

If we talk about revolution, then, let us at least be prepared for it.

Unfortunately, the fight must be brutal. He would like to think

otherwise—but how could it be? We cannot let ourselves be killed. These

are a few of the things he would recommend the comrades to ponder and

discuss.

BROUTCHOUX thought the two tendencies were now clear. He was himself of

opinion, and he was delegated by Anarchists of the opinion, that

Syndicalism was in itself enough to break up Capitalism. Anarchism is a

question of opinion; Syndicalism is a party of material interests. He

wished, moreover, to point out that if we did not want the Syndicates to

support the Social Democrats, we must join and use our influence to the

fullest extent. All workers—opinions apart—should enter the Syndicates.

FRIEDEBERG expressed himself in favour of Syndicalism as a means of

direct action. Anarchists should enter the neutral (non-political)

Syndicates, and where these do not exist, should set to work organising

them.

VOHRYZEK considered Syndicalism only one form of economic action. He was

very doubtful of the utility of some of the agitations carried on by the

Syndicates. For instance, what was the use of agitating for higher wages

when the cost of living automatically rises with any increase of cost of

production?

RAMUS felt that the two extremes of the question had been fully

represented by Monatte and Malatesta. The fact that Monatte treated the

question entirely from the Syndicalist viewpoint proves that there is a

danger of Syndicalism absorbing and stifling Anarchism—in France, at any

rate.

MONATTE contended that the cost of living does not increase in

proportion to the rise of wages. He could not agree with Malatesta as to

the necessity of Anarchists refusing to take official positions in the

Syndicates. Such positions were a tremendous help in propaganda. Nor was

the talk of the General Strike addressed to the gallery, as had been

suggested. Syndicalists were in earnest all right. A General Strike will

never be made with their hands in their pockets. They knew it was no

simple, easy matter; but they held that life in the Syndicates will give

the necessary technical training and organisation.

The following resolutions were then read and accepted, approximately the

same amount of support being given to all three:—

(a) SYNDICALISM.

“The Anarchists assembled at Amsterdam, considering—

That the present condition of society is characterised by the

exploitation and slavery of the producing masses, thus causing an

unavoidable antagonism of interests between them and those who profit by

their labour;

That the Syndicalist organisation founded on the basis of economic

resistance and revolt, all questions of political doctrine put aside, is

the specific and fundamental organ of this conflict between the

proletariat and the bourgeoisie and all bourgeois institutions;

That it is desirable for a revolutionary spirit to be infused into this

organisation in order to guide it towards the expropriation of the

capitalists and the suppression of all authority;

That none but the workers themselves being able to expropriate and take

collective possession of the instruments and produce of labour, the

Syndicate will eventually transform itself into a productive group, thus

having in itself the living germ of the society of to-morrow;

Advise the comrades in all countries, without forgetting that Anarchist

action cannot be entirely contained within the limits of the Syndicate,

to take an active part in the independent movement of the working

classes, and to develop inside the Syndicates the ideas of revolt,

individual initiative, and solidarity, which are the essence of

Anarchism.”

(b) THE GENERAL STRIKE.

“The Anarchists assembled at Amsterdam declare that the General Strike

with Expropriation is a remarkable stimulus to organisation and the

spirit of revolt when advocated as the manner in which the total

emancipation of the proletariat can be accomplished.

The General Strike is not to be confounded with the political General

Strike, which idea is nothing but an attempt of the politicians to use

the General Strike for their own ends.

By the extension o strikes to whole localities, districts, or trades,

the working class moves towards the General Strike with Expropriation,

which will mean the destruction of society as it now exists and the

expropriation of all the instruments and means of production.”

(c) SYNDICALISM AND THE GENERAL STRIKE.

“The International Anarchist Congress considers the Syndicates as

organisations fighting in the class war for the amelioration of the

conditions of labour, and as unions of productive workers which can help

in the transformation of capitalist society into Anarchist Communist

society.

The Congress also, while admitting the eventual necessity of the

formation of special revolutionary Syndicalist groups, recommends the

comrades to support the general Syndicalist movement.

But the Congress considers it the duty of Anarchists to constitute the

revolutionary element in these organisations, and to advocate and

support only those forms of direct action which have in themselves a

revolutionary character, and tend in that manner to alter the conditions

of society.

The Anarchists consider the Syndicalist movement as a powerful means of

revolution, but not as a substitute for revolution.

They recommend the comrades to take part in a General Strike even if

proclaimed with the aim of capturing the political power, and to do all

they possibly can to make their Syndicates put forward questions of

economic rights.

The Anarchists further think that the destruction of capitalist and

authoritarian society can only be realised through armed insurrection

and expropriation by force, and that the use of the General Strike and

Syndicalist tactics ought not to make us forget other means of direct

action against the military power of governments.”

Friday, August 30th . Fifth Day.

LANGE presiding.

ANTI-MILITARISM.

MARMANDE thought this was a subject on which we were all entirely

agreed, so we could briefly define our position towards the general

Anti-Militarist Congress then opening. Anarchists had been largely

instrumental in starting the agitation, and had always recognised the

value of desertion and propaganda with revolutionary action inside the

army.

MALATESTA would like to point out the difference between Anarchists and

some other Anti-Militarists. Some of the latter take simply the

financial or economic viewpoint of the agitation; others would like to

abolish armies but not the police.

The following resolution was then accepted unanimously without further

discussion:—

“The Anarchists, desiring the integral emancipation of humanity and the

absolute liberty of the individual, are naturally the declared enemies

of all armed force in the hands of the State,—army, navy, or police.

They urge all comrades, according to circumstances and individual

temperament, to revolt and refuse to serve (either individually or

collectively), to passively and actively disobey, and to join in a

military strike for the destruction of all the instruments of

domination.

They express the hope that the people of all countries affected will

reply to a declaration of war by insurrection.

They declare it to be their opinion that the Anarchists will set the

example.”

This practically closed the Congress, Saturday morning being devoted to

private sitting. In the afternoon, a short discussion on a resolution

presented by CHAPELIER took place, in which he advocated Esperanto for

Anarchist international communications. The following resolution was

finally accepted without opposition:—

“The Congress expresses the hope that all Anarchists will study the

problem of an international language.”

The Congress then closed with regrets that no time had been found

available for the discussion of other subjects on the agenda—Alcoholism,

Productive Associations, and the Integral Education of Children.

Resolutions Passed at the Anarchist Congress Held at Amsterdam, August

24–31, 1907

We publish herewith the resolutions approved by the Anarchist Congress

held in Amsterdam (August 24–31, 1907) at which the ANARCHIST

INTERNATIONAL was constituted.

For those who are used to consider Congresses as legislative bodies that

can dictate to the members of a party the official doctrine and the

methods which should be used, it will seem strange that more than one

resolution, more or less different between themselves, were taken on one

and the same subject. But for the comrades, this will look nothing but

quite natural.

The Amsterdam Congress, being a Congress of Anarchists, could not, and

should not, have had the pretension of making laws for others: he simply

desired to express the opinions of the comrades present, as well as of

the groups represented, and to propose these opinions to the discussion

and, possibly, the approbation of all anarchists.

It might have occured that radically contradictory opinions should have

manifested themselves—they would, all, have an equal right to

publication and discussion. As a matter of fact, there was, as will be

seen by the resolutions, no other difference than the more or less great

importance which each member attributed to some method or other of

action or propaganda—so that many congressists could, without

contradiction, equally vote for the different resolutions. And it was

that fact of fundamental agreement which persuaded all of us that it was

necessary to establish between ourselves a permanent bond which, without

diminishing anyone’s liberty, facilitates our relations and our

co-operation in the common work.

We hope that all comrades will decide in the same direction.

ORGANISATION.

The anarchists, meeting in Amsterdam, Considering—that the idea of

anarchy and of organisation, far from being contradictory, as sometimes

pretended, complete and explain each other, the principle of anarchy

residing in the free organisation of the producers;

that individual action, however important it may be, could not be

sufficient without common action, just as common action could not be

sufficient without individual action;

that organisation of the militant forces would give a new impetus to the

propaganda and could only hasten the penetration of the ideas of

revolutionary federalism in the working class;

that the workers’ organisation, based upon identity of interests, does

not exclude organisation based upon identity of aspirations and ideas;

Are of opinion that the comrades of all countries should discuss, as a

matter of vital importance, the creation of anarchist groups and the

federation of the groups already in existence.

The anarchist federation is an association of groups or individuals,

where no one can either impose his will or diminish the initiative of

others. It has, in the present society, the concrete duty of changing

all the moral and economical conditions, and in this direction, it

supports the struggle by all adequate means.

ANARCHIST INTERNATIONAL.

The anarchists (federations, groups represented and individuals) having

met in Amsterdam, declare the Anarchist International constituted.

It will comprise the organisations already existing, the groups and

individuals who will adhere later on.

The individuals, groups and federations remain autonomous.

An International Bureau is instituted. It will be composed of 5 members.

In case on of the members of the I.B. finds himself in absolute

impossibility of fulfilling his duty, the remaining members, by a

unanimous agreement, will have to replace him by another comrade.

The Bureau has, for its duty, the creation of international anarchist

archives accessible to all comrades.

The Bureau gets into communication with the anarchists of different

countries, either directly, or through 3 comrades chosen by the

federation or groups of the countries in question.

To be members of the International as individuals, the comrades will

have to be identified, either by an organisation, by the Bureau, or by

comrades known to the Bureau.

The expenses of the Bureau and archives should be covered by the

adhering federations, groups or individuals.

Three copies of each publication (journals and pamphlets) should be sent

to the International Bureau (Archives) who will place them, if necessity

arises, at the disposal of federations, groups or individuals who might

want them as documents

ANARCHISM AND SYNDICALISM.

Considering—that the present legal and economical rĂ©gime is

characteristic of the exploitation and slavery of the great mass of

producers, and determines between them and those who reap the benefit

from the present régime, and antagonism of interests absolutely

irreducible which gives rise to the class-struggle;

that the syndicalist organization uniting the resistances and the

revolts on the economic ground, without doctrinary preoccupations, is

the specific and fundamental organ of this struggle of the proletariat

against the middle-class and all the bourgeois institutions;

that it is necessary that a revolutionary spirit, always more daring,

should direct the efforts of the syndicalist organization in the path of

capitalist expropriation and the suppression of all power;

that the expropriation and the taking collective possession of the

instruments and the products of labour, being only able to be

accomplished by the workers themselves, the syndicate is called upon to

transform itself into a producing group, and is therefore, in the

present society, the living nucleus of to-morrow’s society;

The anarchists recommend the comrades of all countries, without leaving

out of sight that anarchist action is not entirely contained within the

limits of the syndicate, to actively participate in the autonomous

movement of the working class and to develop, in these syndicalist

organisations, the ideas of revolt, individual initiative and

solidarity—which are the essence of anarchism.

ANARCHISM, SYNDICALISM, AND GENERAL STRIKE.

The International Anarchist Congress considers the syndicates as

fighting organisations in the struggle with a view of bettering the

conditions of labour, as well as unions of producers being able to help

to the transformation of the capitalist society in an anarchist

communist society.

Thus, the congress admitting the eventual necessity of creating separate

revolutionary syndicalist organisations—recommends the comrades to

support the general syndicalist organisations to which all the workers

of one industry are equally admitted.

But the congress considers as the duty of anarchists, to constitute, in

these organisations, the revolutionary element and to propagate and

support only those forms and manifestations of “direct action” (strikes,

boycott, sabotage, etc.) which carry, in themselves, a revolutionary

character and lead to the transformation of the society.

The anarchists consider the syndicalist movement and the General Strike

as powerful revolutionary means, but not as substitutes to the

Revolution. They recommend also to the comrades, in case a general

political strike is proclaimed, to go out in strike, but invites them,

in the same time, to induce the syndicates who are under their influence

to voice their economic claims.

The anarchists think that the destruction of the capitalist and

authoritary society can only be realised by armed insurrection and

violent expropriation, and that the use of the more or less general

strike and the syndicalist movement must not make us forget the more

direct means of struggle against the military force of governments.

ORGANISATION.

The anarchists, meeting in Amsterdam, Considering—that the idea of

anarchy and of organisation, far from being contradictory, as sometimes

pretended, complete and explain each other, the principle of anarchy

residing in the free organisation of the producers;

that individual action, however important it may be, could not be

sufficient without common action, just as common action could not be

sufficient without individual action;

that organisation of the militant forces would give a new impetus to the

propaganda and could only hasten the penetration of the ideas of

revolutionary federalism in the working class;

that the workers’ organisation, based upon identity of interests, does

not exclude organisation based upon identity of aspirations and ideas;

Are of opinion that the comrades of all countries should discuss, as a

matter of vital importance, the creation of anarchist groups and the

federation of the groups already in existence.

The anarchist federation is an association of groups or individuals,

where no one can either impose his will or diminish the initiative of

others. It has, in the present society, the concrete duty of changing

all the moral and economical conditions, and in this direction, it

supports the struggle by all adequate means.

GENERAL STRIKE.

I.

The class-war and the emancipation of the proletariat are not identical

with the ideas and aspirations of anarchism which desires—over and above

the immediate aspirations of classes—the economic and moral emancipation

of the human personality, the society without authority, and not a new

power—the power of the majority over the minority.

Anarchism considers nevertheless, the abolition of class-oppression, the

suppression of the economic dependancy of the majority of human beings,

as an absolutely necessary and essential step on the path to the final

object.

Anarchism must however be opposed to the struggle for the emancipation

of the working class being conducted by certain means contradicting the

idea of anarchism and being an obstacle to the precise object of this

movement. Anarchism is therefore opposed to engage the struggle by the

methods propagated by the marxist socialism, i.e., by parliamentarism

and by a corporative syndicalist movement having only in view the

bettering of the conditions of the working class—these two methods being

only able to help to the development of a new bureaucracy, of an

intellectual authority—may it be patented or not—and to lead to the

oppression of the minority by the majority. The anarchist methods for

the suppression of the class-oppression being only those that derive

directly from the affirmation of the individual personality: “direct

action” and the “non-consent” of the individual—i.e., the active and

passive individuality either of one person, or of a whole mass

penetrated with a common will.

The Anarchist Communist Congress rejects, therefore, the strike for

political rights, (Politischer Massenstreik) the object of which is

inacceptable to anarchism, but recognises, in the revolutionary general

strike, i.e. in the refusal to work of the whole proletariat as class,

the means capable of disorganising the economic structure of the present

society, and of emancipating the proletariat from the wage-slavery. To

realise the General Strike, the penetrations of the syndicates by the

anarchist idea must be considered as indispensable. A syndicalist

movement imbued with the anarchist spirit can, by means of a

revolutionary general strike, destroy the class oppression and open the

path to the final object of anarchism—the accession of a society without

any authority.

II.

The Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam declares that the expropriating

general strike is a remarkable stimulent to the organisation and the

spirit of revolt in the present society, and it is the form under which

can be accomplished the integral emancipation of the proletariat. The

General Strike cannot be confounded with the Political General Strike

(Politischer Massenstreik) which is nothing else but an attempt of the

politicians to divert the general strike from its economic and

revolutionary ends.

By strikes generalised to localities, to regions, or to entire

professions, one will progressively raise the working class until it

will come to an expropriating general strike which will comprise the

destruction of the present date of society and the expropriation of the

means of production as well as of the products.

ANTIMILITARISM.

The anarchists desiring complete liberty of all individuals, the

integral emancipation of humanity, are naturally, essentially, the

outspoken enemies of any armed force in the hands of the State (army,

police, magistracy etc.). They engage the comrades,—and in general all

men aspiring for liberty—to struggle by all possible means, according to

their temperament and the circumstances—individual revolt, refusal of

military service, individual or collective, passive or active

disobedience,—for the radical destruction of all instruments of

domination.

They express the hope that all nations concerned will answer by an

insurrection to any declaration of war.

They declare that the anarchists should give the example, the more so

that they spread these ideas in the syndicates.

RUSSIAN REVOLUTION.

The representatives of the Anarchist Communists of Russia, N. Rogdaeff

and Wl. Zabrejnev propose the congress to accept the following

resolution:—

The congress—considering

more noticed that the russian people—the artisan and the peasent—will

never be satisfied by the conquest of a vain political liberty. It

requires the complete suppression of the economical and political

slavery and employs these means of struggle which were always propagated

by the anarchists as the only efficient. The russian people does not

expect anything from above, but rises to arrive to the realisation of

his demands by new direct action.

importance, but that the near future of the international proletariat

depends on it.

its privileges so as to retard the moment of its destruction, and that

it has given its moral and material help to the greatest support of the

reaction—to the government of the tsar which it has helped with money

and ammunition against the will of the Russian people; that at the

critical moment it is always ready to support them with its guns and

rifles (as it is the case with the Austrian and German governments);

the struggle lead by the Russian people, as well as over all brutalities

of the autocracy.

The congress recognizes that: The proletarians of all countries must

oppose the most energetic action of which the Workers Anarchist

International is capable against all the agressions of the Yellow

International composed of united capitalists and governments of all

sorts: monarcho-constitutional or republican-democratic; by this action

they will prove their solidarity to the Russian proletariat in revolt.

In their own interests, they must categorically refuse to take part in

anything that might stifle the strikes and insurrections in Russia.

Never should the foreign proletariat in uniform lend his hand to

whatever action against his russian brother.

If the industrial proletariat, at the moment of a strike in Russia,

could not have the possibility of declaring a general strike in the

corresponding industry because of local conditions, he should then take

up all other means of struggle—the sabotage, the destruction or

deterioration of products sent to the common enemy, the destruction of

railway lines, ships etc. The congress recommends persistently all those

who are of his opinion, the largest propaganda in favour of all means by

which one could help and support the Russian Revolution.

ESPERANTO.

The Congress recognizing the utility of an international method of

communication, declares itself incompetent to judge on the proposed

international language (Esperanto), but proposes to the comrades who are

able to do so, to study the question.

The Congress has also passed the following resolution:—

The Congress ascertains that the Republican Government acts towards the

working men as all governments have never ceased to act.

Sends his fraternal greetings to comrades Yvelet, Marek, LĂ©vy, Bousquet,

Corton, Lorulot, Berthet, Clementine, Delmott, Gabrielle Petit; to the

twelve antimilitarists now detained in Paris and to all Comrades who are

in the Republican jails.

The Congress sends, in the same time its hearty salutations to all the

defenders of liberty who are in the prisons of the Worldly Capitalism

and invites the International Bureau to defend and support all our

imprisoned friends—as one of the first acts of its labours.

ANARCHIST INTERNATIONAL.

The International Bureau being unable 1) to know all anarchists of all

countries who wish to become members of the International, 2) to loose

too much time in trying to enquire about the always increasing number of

groups and comrades desiring to join the International—

Notifies all comrades, groups, and federations wishing to join the A.I.,

that no account will be taken of any letter from comrades seeking

adhesion unless it contains a recommendation or an introduction of the

comrade or group in question signed by a group already belonging to the

A.I. or by a comrade known to the Bureau.

The comrades will readily understand why the Bureau felt compelled to

publish the above note.

[1] This expression is used throughout as being less cumbersome than

“Revolutionary Trade Unionism.”