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Title: Gender Nihilism
Author: Automatic Writing
Date: February 12, 2015
Language: en
Topics: gender, gender abolition, gender abolitionism, gender nihilism, queer, queer nihilism, queer theory, trans, transfeminism
Source: https://automaticwriting1.wordpress.com/2015/02/12/gender-nihilism/

Automatic Writing

Gender Nihilism

"NOTHING can/will define me! Free to be EVERYTHING!!!"

– Miley Cyrus

I wish to speak of something without knowing quite what it is. A

disposition; a sensibility; a micropolitical strategy; a navigational

heuristic; a performative absence; a forgetting, perhaps; a queer site

of refusal and resistance; a creative potential; an experiment, a mode

of living within, despite and against the regime of gender, which I'm

going to call “gender nihilism”.

Gender nihilism designates a kind of radical agnosticism at the level of

(gender) identity; a refusal of the injunction to know what one is, to

objectify oneself as knowledge, and to make oneself known; a persistent

“no comment” to the police who surround and suffuse us, and marshall

against us a vast array of tactics – promises, threats, insults, lies,

seductions, manipulations, forms of violence – to extract a confession.

It names a possibility latent within any particular gender position:

that of disidentification, of non-identification.

Silence too is performative.[1] If gender is in some sense the effect of

the repetition of gendered expressions, what is the effect of the

repetition of a silence when the question of one's gender is posed? It

is not an escape. Norms continue to inscribe gendered meanings on the

body, to produce modes of embodiment, and to act upon expression. One

remains both a relay for and a product of gender as a form of power.[2]

It is more like a strike or an act of sabotage, a refusal to function as

a site of production for a particular kind of knowledge and an effort to

disrupt one's normal functioning as a force of production.

There is nothing natural about having a gender. The shift from

sovereignty – whose mode of action is necropolitical and whose

instrument is law – to discipline – in which the fashioning and control

of life (rather than consignment to death) becomes the primary concern

of power, and the norm its instrument – as the dominant form of power

required the expansion of modes of inquiry and knowledge production.

Simply: that which is to be disciplined must be rendered intelligible to

disciplinary powers; the norm must be defined and delimited and deviance

understood in order to be corrected and eliminated. Gender, sex,

sexuality are conceptual instruments of this form of power. The belief

that one must have a gender, that is, that one must know oneself in

gendered terms and be capable of transmitting that knowledge, that

gender self-knowledge is a necessary condition for a livable life, and

that the absence of such knowledge is a form of crisis, is a historical

phenomenon and an effect of power. Gender nihilism is the lived

refutation of that belief, the demonstration that life can be lived

without such knowledge, and that such a life can flourish.

If the disciplinary society aimed at the elimination of troublesome

difference through institutional power, the new capitalism, the society

of control, produces a fresh twist on the politics of intelligibility.

Control is interested not in the elimination of difference but in its

assimilation, the recuperation and reincorporation of renegades into the

market, the state, the family and so on by adding additional axioms

which conditionally and selectively allow access to the norm.

Homosexuality no longer requires a cure, rather the marriage norm is

expanded to include gays who conform to certain norms of acceptable

difference, while the rest are further abjected. Disciplinary power is

tactile and direct, control is remote and abstract. It effects

biopolitical control through the modulation of differential access to

markets, food, shelter, recognition, rights, protections.

If the assertion of abjected identities, and the hybridisation and

invention of new identities directly confronted disciplinary power, such

gestures are increasingly incorporated by new forms of control. The

assertion of identity becomes the means by which a population delimits

itself and renders itself intelligible to power and begins a trajectory

of assimilation which assigns it a place within marketing strategies,

state institutions, culture and social life.[3] It thereby structures

oppositional politics according to a logic of recognition, drawing

renegade flows back toward the state and the reproduction of the

present.

Gender nihilism is disinterested in recognition. Recognition is always

“recognition as...” and therefore remains always conditional: “I

recognise you as...” is always conditional on a prior identification,

always implies a “because you are...”, and always retains the

possibility that recognition will be withdrawn if you become something

else. The power of recognition is also simultaneously the power of

misrecognition and non-recognition, and the goal of recognition, whether

demanded or asked for, exposes one permanently to these forms of

violence. However forcefully we assert “I am...”, we remain vulnerable

to “You are not...”, “You are instead...”[4]

Gender nihilism has no positive content. In itself it does not prescribe

or recommend any particular way of being in the world. It makes no

claims about what it is. If identification is drawing a circle in the

sand saying “here are the things I am, there are the things I am not”,

gender nihilism simply lets the circle be washed away by the waves. The

gender nihilist is therefore indifferent to the names they are called

and the genders they signify. * Gender nihilism opens the entire space

of gendered possibility as a terrain for exploration, but does not

replace fidelity to an identity with fidelity to an ethics of

exploration. One can stay where one is just as surely as one can set off

at a sprint. In this sense it is less a nomadism than a homelessness.[5]

It opens up gender as a space of play, or of combat, without mandating

either. It's mode of address is “you can...” – “you should...” and “you

must...” only emerge when other components are bolted on. It is futural

in the sense that it refuses the conception of historicity that grounds

identity (“I am what I always have been”) which is always in any case a

founding myth, a constantly reworked fiction that establishes continuity

with the past. Gender nihilism is at ease with rupture. It allows us to

treat our histories as a resource, an archive of past styles, ways of

living, memories, experiences, beliefs to be reworked and refashioned in

any way desired, but is not innately a postmodernist, or futurist, or

accelerationist disposition towards novelty or innovation.

Gender nihilism is political but it is not a politics. It is queer by

definition, but proposes no ideal queerness, nor any queer horizon

towards which to direct itself. It is a negation that doesn't presuppose

some future dialectical turn. Clearly it is in various ways a marginal

and precarious position and thus its structural position pushes towards

certain forms of alliance, and indeed may in itself open unique

political possibilites. In this sense gender nihilism may be a valuable

conceptual component in a political assemblage, but one ambivalent to

the particular political projects it connects with.[6]

since it prescribes indifference as an ideal way of living queerness -

prescisely the kind of prescriptivism this text seeks to escape. I have

struck it out because, while I feel it can safely be removed from the

text without loss of coherence, I don't believe in simply deleting

problematic/contentious mistakes so it appears as if I never said them.

[1] One stock example of performativity is the “I do” of a wedding

ceremony. Consider how the same ceremony also incorporates a

performative silence to sanction the legality of the marriage: the

moment after “speak now or forever hold your peace”.

[2] A question arises here: if we assert that gender cannot be escaped,

are we not legislating against the identities of those who claim for

themselves a position outside of the gender binary, or outside of gender

as such - those who call themselves agender, non-binary, or third

gender, for example? This, I think, is a problem that arises in all

forms of gender identification, which I call the problem of 'lived

ontology'. That is: any particular assertion of gender identity involves

claims about what kind of genders can exist and which cannot, whose

implications extend beyond the self to the whole social body. For

example, a trans person's insistence that their anatomy does not dictate

their gender troubles the gender of a cis person who understands their

gender as grounded in biological fact, while in turn forms of lived

gender fluidity trouble some trans people's understanding of their lived

gender as grounded in fixed interior truth. The various forms of gender

identity in the world are mutually incoherent, and in some cases

mutually canceling. This should not be seen as a problem, rather we

should seek to understand the ways that a variety of mutually

incompatible forms of gender dissidence each open up their own spaces of

freedom and effect their own disruptions of the gender regime. I intend

to return to this topic in a more systematic way in the future, but

provisionally we can say that all genders are in some sense impossible,

and that the extension of recognition despite or even because of that

impossibility is one of the ways in which we can collaborate and support

one-another to performatively open up possibilities that are barred by

gender norms.

[3] Of course, this process is not inevitable. Identity categories can

be queered and re-queered to resist assimilation. And identity-based

movements can exceed containment and threaten power. My aim here is not

to proscribe identification, but to question its necessity and sketch an

alternative.

[4] This condition is perhaps never fully escapable. As social beings we

are always minimally vulnerable. We never fully control how we are

affected by the names we are called. In this sense perhaps gender

nihilism designates a horizon rather than an actuality. In any case, it

is certainly not a delusion of invulnerability.

[5] My point is not that a nomad ethics is not desirable (I think it is,

and there is clearly an affinity or compatibility between the two),

simply that this question is external to the proposition of gender

nihilism.

[6] Indeed I write this in part because I am convinced of the political

value of nihilism both as a point to pass through and as a position to

act from, but that's another essay.