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Title: Anarchism
Author: George Molnar
Date: September, 1957
Language: en
Topics: futilitarianism, Sydney libertarianism, Utopia
Source: Libertarian  No. 1.  September, 1957.  Published by the Libertarian Society at Sydney University.
Notes: Transcribed by P. J. Siegl

George Molnar

Anarchism

Max Nomad’s observation that anarchism is a dying creed is largely

correct. The chief landmarks of anarchist history are all a matter of

the past, and even the last rally of libertarian forces to the field in

the Spanish Civil War was witnessed by another, now lost, generation. It

is impossible in the light of this to talk to-day of anarchism in a

spirit of hopefulness about practical advances or in terms of

large-scale aims; what we can say about it will have to be quite

different from discussing the political aims of present-day left-wing

movements. Events of the last hundred years, especially the story of

forty years of successful socialist dictatorship in Russia, make this

easy for us to see; but it is not less clear that a different view of

anarchism, a view of it as something that will change the whole of

society in favour of freedom, has always depended on certain errors.

Those who criticise Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin and the rest for being

utopian are usually not blind to these errors. As a matter of fact such

criticism consists mainly of an exposure of the false optimism of

nineteenth century anarchist theory.

It seems to me, nevertheless, that we cannot dispose of anarchism

entirely by writing off its futuristic and utopian parts as worthless.

There is a streak in anarchist thought which contradicts the utopian

elements: certain passages in anarchist writings emphasise present

protest and present anti-authoritarianism, and play down the concern

with the future and with prospects of achieving massive success. The

fact that this sort of attitude (admittedly in a minor, confused and

epigrammatic way) was already present in nineteenth century anarchist

doctrines is generally ignored by contemporary libertarian sympathisers.

To the initiated as well as to the uninitiated, anarchism is still the

search for “Nowhere”. But to say this is, in my opinion, a

misapprehension which ignores certain tendencies in anarchism, and to

correct such a one-sided view we have to be reminded that in addition to

a considerable amount of naĂŻve speculation anarchism also contains a

realistic line of thought on the nature of society. In the course of

making this point I want to argue that those who work out this realistic

line consistently, by freeing it from its utopian associations, are

entitled to claim a stronger connection with traditional anarchism than

the mere use of the word “anarchist” as an appropriated label.

It has almost become an historians’ convention to regard the beginnings

of modern anarchism as being connected with the activities of Michael

Bakunin. I will follow this convention, not because of its correctness

but because it saves time. Bakunin’s anarchism, which was a late

development of his personal history, had numerous sources: chiefly the

writings of Proudhon and the libertarian aspects of Marx’s work. The

movement which he personally did much to arouse was similarly inspired

and the early history of nineteenth century anarchism is mixed up with

the early history of the socialist movement in general. It was not until

after the entry of Bakunin and his followers into the First

International in the 1860’s that a distinct anarchist position emerged

from the contest, carried on largely within the International, between

Bakuninists and Marxists.

The division between the two parties corresponded, roughly, to the

division between the Latin and Germanic sectors of the socialist

movement. Leading issues between them illustrate some of the main

anarchist points. State-socialists, as they were contemptuously called,

and anarchists were agreed in their aim of bringing about freedom, by

which they meant the removal of the oppression, the exploitation and the

inequalities from the backs of the masses who suffered from them. The

Marxist contention was that this can only be done by the “proletariat”

capturing State power and establishing a dictatorship of its own. Such a

view is the consequence of the Marxist theory that the state is a mere

instrument, a tool of the ruling class for the maintenance of its

position.

Bakunin is seen at his best in attacking this view. “They say that this

State yoke — the dictatorship — is a necessary transitional means in

order to attain the emancipation of the people: Anarchism or freedom is

the goal, the State or dictatorship is the means. Thus to free the

working masses it is first necessary to enslave them.” The State, so

Bakunin argued, is not a mere instrument but an institution with its own

rules of working. It is impossible to capture an institution and force

it to go your own way, it has an influence which cannot be nullified by

the policies of those working within it. Kropotkin, talking of “sincere

Republicans” who want to utilise the organisation that already exists,

made the same point: “And for not having understood that you cannot make

an historical institution go in any direction you would have it, that it

must go its own way, they were swallowed up by the institution.” As for

this dictatorship being “representative” and “transitional”, Bakunin

scornfully rejected this as totally unrealistic. “Thus, from whatever

angle we approach the problem, we arrive at the same sorry result: the

rule of great masses of people by a small privileged minority. But, the

Marxists say, this minority will consist of workers. Yes, indeed, of

ex-workers, who, once they become rulers or representatives of the

people, cease to be workers and begin to look down upon the toiling

masses. From that time on they represent not the people but themselves

and their own claims to govern the people. Those who doubt this know

precious little about human nature.” State-socialism, to Bakunin, was

“freedom” imposed on people and this he regarded as a nonsensical

contradiction. The history of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia is a

thorough verification of his views on Communism. He had foreseen the

mutations of a revolution led by an elite, predicted in particular the

change from the anti-State character of the revolution in its early

spontaneous phase to the conservative, power-seeking nature of the

established Soviet government.

As against the political revolution of the Marxists (which virtually

amounts to the replacement of one set of rulers by another, together

with a change in the slogans of the governing ideology) anarchists

advocated a “social revolution” meaning a change from one form of social

organisation to another. The difference between a social revolution as

seen by anarchists, and any other revolution lies in this: that the

social revolutionary objective is not the capturing but the destruction

of the State-machinery and, consequently, the elimination of power

relationships from society. This follows from the anarchist doctrine

that the State signifies not merely the existence of power placed above

the subjects but includes a whole set of relationships between members

of society. The State on this view is a centralised institution which

claims competence to interfere with independent sections of society; it

lays down and enforces rules in a number of fields and in this way

conducts affairs affecting people — nominally in their interests, in

fact, as often as not, against their interests. The continual extension

of the areas of State operation, already a feature of nineteenth century

Europe, was seen by anarchists as a danger to freedom and consequently

as something to be opposed.

Anarchists recognised that even groups which are interested in capturing

power for the sake of bringing about freedom, notwithstanding the

sincerity of the individuals concerned simply never get past the first

objective. Therefore, the problem as it appeared to them, was always one

of “how to achieve freedom” and never one of “how to capture power”. But

the view they held about their prospects was an optimistic one, to say

the least. Clearly, there can be no talk of “achieving freedom” until we

have dealt with the question of whether social changes of the kind

envisaged by the anarchists can be accomplished at all. Already Proudhon

saw that there was a problem here for him. After rejecting the notion

that governments can bring about social revolutions (governments are by

nature conservative and interested in upholding the status quo) he fell

back on “society itself” accomplishing the change. “Society itself”

meant to Proudhon “the masses when permeated by intelligence”, and he

said that the revolution will take place “through the unanimous

agreement of the citizens, through the experience of the workmen and

through the progress and growth of enlightenment”. Later anarchists had

a not dissimilar solution to offer: “Revolutionary collectivists,” wrote

Bakunin, “try to diffuse science and knowledge among the people, so that

the various groups of human society, when convinced by propaganda, may

organise and combine into federations, in accordance with their natural

tendencies and their real interests.”

Kropotkin’s work was almost entirely devoted to proving that man is by

nature co-operative and altruistic and that the non-co-operative,

aggressive tendencies in people are the result of the authoritarian

social environment in which they live. According to him, anarchist

propaganda works on these latent co-operative tendencies and, by

kindling them, brings about the social revolution. This simple-minded

faith in “the natural genius of the people” has survived into our modern

world. George Woodcock, a contemporary follower of Kropotkin, in

criticising the “pessimism” of Burnham, has this to say: “Where,

however, Burnham and many others of his kind differ from Kropotkin and

the anarchists is in their pessimistic acceptance of the inevitability

of the triumph of the State in its extreme form. The determinism that

dominates their idea is, indeed, hardly tenable on any grounds of logic

or social experience. Nothing is inevitable in society, either

managerial revolution or social revolution. Only tendencies can be

described, and the tendency towards the social revolution is just as

much alive to-day, if less apparent, as that towards the final

consummation of the State.” Woodcock argues that while the State has

made enormous progress, the continued existence of society in its

present form depends on the co-operation of the workers, and therefore

the real power lies in their hands. “The consolidation of the State and

the social death that will follow thereon will never be completed if the

workers once become aware of their power and kill the State by the

paralysis of direct economic action.”

Behind these theories about the coming of the social revolution lie

certain assumptions about the working of society. In the case of

Proudhon’s naïve statement it is easiest to see what is being assumed: a

unanimous agreement among citizens, and the power of education or

propaganda to change people’s beliefs and objectives. Such unanimous

agreement is clearly impossible if people are in conflict on various

demands, and, equally, the most powerful propaganda is doomed to failure

where it goes against vested interests. This obvious truth about society

was not completely ignored by anarchists. In criticising Fourier,

Bakunin calls it an error to believe that peaceful persuasion and

propaganda will “touch the hearts of the rich to such an extent that the

latter would come themselves and lay down the surpluses of their riches

at the doors of their phalansteries.” It seems then that even the theory

of class struggle held by anarchists contradicted their solidarist

beliefs. In this vein Peter Kropotkin talked about the two currents of

history: “Throughout the history of our civilisation, two traditions,

two opposed tendencies, have been in conflict: the Roman tradition and

the popular tradition, the imperial tradition and the federalist

tradition, the authoritarian tradition and the libertarian tradition”.

So that even anarchists had to admit that solidarity of entire societies

is a fiction. However, apart from the rulers who would not be interested

in freedom, there is the large mass of oppressed, the workers, to whom

anarchist theory was supposed to apply. But the working class itself

displays no solidarity in support of any one cause, and anarchists, to

uphold the view that a revolution from below is possible, had to fall

back on the quite implausible theory of “real interests” — of

underlying, non-apparent solidarity. Thus when Bakunin came to criticise

the German socialists he explained the fact that German workers in

general have no anarchist leanings by blaming Lassalle and Marx for

misleading the German proletariat. This argument is very unconvincing.

By the same reasoning it could be made out that Italian or Spanish

anarchists were, underneath, “really” Marxists mislead by Bakunin’s

glibness.

Equally unsuccessful are Kropotkin’s efforts to show that the

co-operative tendencies in workers, or any other tendencies held to be

favourable to the spread of anarchy, are more real or more fundamental

than those admittedly existing trends which are unfree, or which make

for conflict. We could here object to the “psychologising” of social

phenomena implied by the talk about tendencies in individuals favoured

by Kropotkin. But a more important point about the view that the workers

have a “natural tendency” to anarchism or that it is in their “real

interests” is that we cannot empirically distinguish natural tendencies

from others we could call unnatural. Woodcock’s argument is open to the

same objection: the tendency towards the social revolution is not

apparent because it consists of something the workers are supposed to

have but do not in fact have — an interest in the general strike. In a

realistic moment Bakunin himself admitted this on talking in detail

about the working class. He found that there is a labour aristocracy of

more developed, literate individuals, as well as an unconscious mass of

workers. He found that artisans such as, for instance, blacksmiths show

signs of revolutionary instincts while others, mainly better paid

craftsmen, have distinctly bourgeois ambitions and outlook. Among

joiners, printers, tailors, he found, as a consequence of the degree of

education and special knowledge required for these trades, more

conscious thinking but also more bourgeois smugness; while, to instance

a final example, he noted that those who are thoroughly imbued with a

revolutionary spirit are in a minority and comprise what he called a

“revolutionary vanguard”. Observations of this kind, noting the variety

of ways and directions in which workers are motivated, contrast sharply

with the talk about workers’ solidarity favoured by socialists of every

kind.

Connected with this solidarist view, which sometimes goes so far as to

lead to a description of the free society as one from which all

disagreements have vanished, is the view that freedom is something which

affects society as a whole. Bakunin takes the line that equality and

socialism are necessary conditions of freedom. “The serious realisation

of liberty will be impossible so long as the vast majority of the

population remains dispossessed in points of elementary need.”

Accordingly, freedom means “freedom-for-all”, and this is all that it

means. The question raised by this way of talking is again whether the

“serious realisation of liberty” is at all possible, whether freedom is

something of which we can sensibly ask: is it realisable? It seems that

if Bakunin was right we could not explain how the idea of freedom arose

at all unless we postulate an original fully socialistic and egalitarian

society, a sort of “condition of grace” from which subsequent human

societies have fallen. Nor could we understand how the State encroaches

on freedom unless we took the most illogical step of regarding it as

standing vis-Ă -vis an already existing free society, attacking it from

the outside. It is on this view hard to grasp how anarchists came to

support freedom in the first place, and, in fact, we do find them

sometimes talking in a way which denies that the attempts to dominate

and rule over people arise out of genuine demands for power. When in

this mood, anarchists ask us to regard the State as a “distortion”, as a

“horrible fiction” somehow not of the human world. But anarchists, of

all people, cannot deny the unfictitious, matter of fact existence of

authority and we find that it was in drawing attention to it that they

have over-reached themselves and have put forward a doctrine on which

freedom (except in the nebulous future) is impossible. As a consequence

of this false theory of freedom anarchists were utopian in their

political pronouncements. On their totalistic view of freedom as a state

of society yet to come they could not accommodate in their thought those

piecemeal activities and social forces struggling against authority

which, in practice, they clearly recognised. Liberty is something not

found at present, something that will “really” come only in the future:

hence the utopian concern with the future of society.

There is a marked internal contradiction in anarchism between the

utopian social reformer’s outlook and the clear-cut attack on authority

which does not invoke the common good. Evidence of this is that no

matter how pronounced their escapist preoccupations were anarchist

thinkers never freed themselves from ambivalence when talking about the

future. They recognised that “to indoctrinate and dictate to the future”

is a form of authoritarianism, the more so since the social role of the

picture of a happy future, in religion no less than in politics, is to

cloak present demands which would not be as readily acceptable without

the reference to the rewards of “kingdom come”. One gains the impression

that anarchists vaguely suspected the true function of utopian thought.

In the case of their critique of socialism this is evident: they

demonstrated that the socialist Utopia, the use of repressive

institutions for the ending of repression, disguises an immediate demand

for the leadership of the proletariat as a means of gaining power.

Anarchists readily pointed out that it is a mistake to think that this

sort of thing will lead to freedom. In spite of this, they commit a

similar mistake in suggesting the final triumph of forces struggling for

freedom. Bakunin’s dictum “Liberty is the goal of the historic progress

of humanity” fairly obviously involves the erroneous belief that there

are special interests in politics — such as the interest in freedom or

in gaining power — which can operate to the exclusion of all opposition.

The point, expressed differently, amounts to this: Bakunin’s claim that

history is on the side of anarchism implies that some day some social

changes will take place that will have as their effect the elimination

of social struggle. This possibility is highly metaphysical and we can

safely ignore — both in Marx and Bakunin — the notions of inevitability

which they had learnt from Hegel. History is not on the side of the

working class, nor is it on the side of the State, Prussian or Oceanian.

The analogy with “1984” is apposite even though in its content the

anarchist Utopia is the exact reverse of Orwell’s “world of victory

after victory, triumph after triumph: an endless pressing, pressing,

pressing upon the nerve of power”. But it resembles the latter very

closely in treating a mythical striving for one-sided success as a

possible historical development.

The ambivalence of anarchists comes out, among other instances, in the

fact that they did not adhere rigidly to their conception of the

State-society as completely unfree, and the State-less society as

entirely free. As in the case of its complement, the unitary view of

society, there are gaps in this theory forced by the recognition of

facts. Kropotkin’s two currents of history is expressed in this way:

“Between these two currents, always alive, struggling in humanity — the

current of the people and the current of the minorities which thirst for

political and religious domination — our choice is made”. Here is a

passage illuminated by a different conception of freedom, as something

which is always alive and struggling within society against

authoritarian tendencies which are every bit as genuine as what is

opposed to them. Anarchism, in this untypical excerpt, is a support of

freedom which is one thing alone with other causes that can be supported

or opposed. The coming or not coming of the social revolution recedes in

importance, since freedom and authority are always struggling, and the

chief issue becomes one of immediate opposition to the State.

Contradicting a great deal of his utopianism Bakunin himself, echoing

Marx, once said that “to think of the future is criminal”. Malatesta, on

occasions, also emphasised the anarchist concern with opposing presently

existing, established authorities: “How will society be organised? We do

not know and we cannot know. No doubt, we too have busied ourselves with

projects of social reorganisation, but we attach to them only a very

relative importance. They are bound to be wrong perhaps entirely

fantastic.”

It appears that not all anarchist thought was cast in a utopian mould.

The statements quoted indicate, I think, an advance in realism. Along

this line we can take freedom as a character, not of societies as a

whole but of certain groups, institutions and people’s ways of life

within any society, and even then not as their exclusive character.

Equally, on this view, piecemeal freedoms will always meet with

opposition and those who are caught up in them will resist conformist

pressures. The “permanent protest” implied by this is carried on without

the promise of final triumph but in a spirit of “distrusting your

masters and distrusting your emancipators”, and with no intention of

wanting to make the world safe for freedom. This security seeking ideal,

or some variant of it, is the aim of the modern socialist movement, but

it involves it in trying to capture power for the sake of enforcing its

demands on the rest of society, thereby leading to the very

authoritarianism that revolutionaries have ostensibly denounced. As

against this way of proceeding non-utopian anarchism has to be described

as futile. The futility consists not in being a failure at revolutionary

politics but in refusing to deal in terms of success or failure; in not

attempting to carry out, or even propose, wide, all-embracing policies

that bear on the whole of society and are meant to further the final

revolution. Only in this way can one hope to avoid that illusory

optimism which claims as its victims all those who try to engage mass

support of workers, or who try to persuade quantities of people whose

interest in anarchy is negligible.

There is considerable agreement between a position of permanent protest

(such as the one formulated by Max Nomad) and what nineteenth century

anarchists had to say. I am thinking especially of their attacks on the

State, on the Church and other authoritarian institutions; their

criticisms of the security-craving ideals of the bourgeoisie and of the

workers who caught it from them; of the domineering relationships which

characterise economic life; of the authoritarian ideology of Marxism and

of the compromising stand of reformists, etc. But where upholders of

permanent protest would part from old-fashioned anarchists is over the

contention that in all this there is something that will lead to a

social revolution and a rosy, free state of future society. Freedom has

always had a hard road to tread, as the biography of any anarchist will

amply prove, and nothing that anarchists ever said has succeeded in

making the idea of freedom flourishing in safety and security in any way

less implausible than it is. But some of the things they have said

indicate, as I have tried to show, that the contest between freedom and

authority is the permanent order of the day. Doing politics, advancing

freedom as a programme for the entire human race, cannot change this; it

can only foster illusions about the way society runs.