đŸ Archived View for library.inu.red âș file âș workers-solidarity-movement-class-and-exploitation.gmi captured on 2023-01-29 at 14:52:27. Gemini links have been rewritten to link to archived content
âĄïž Next capture (2024-07-09)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-
Title: Class and Exploitation Author: Workers Solidarity Movement Date: October 2016 Language: en Topics: class, exploitation, position paper Source: Retrieved on 15th October 2021 from http://www.wsm.ie/c/class-and-exploitation Notes: Collectively agreed by WSM National Conference, Oct 2016.
The left talks about class in ways that are often contradictory and
confusing. This paper represented our collective use of class and how we
understand exploitation. The scope of what we cover means that it
necessarily makes sweeping generalisations but the goal is to sketch
what our collective perspective is around these, not to be an
educational resource in itself.
---
an ideological âcommon senseâ definition of class which focuses on
poverty & wealth in themselves, formal education received and often most
importantly whether those who work primary use their physical strength
or their brains. This is reflected in the deeply ideological expression
of politicians and media that âwe are all middle class nowâ. That is
that almost no-one in the global north is working class outside of a
small population highly marginalised by poverty and snobbery.
there is still a significant working class because as well as manual
workers that class also includes the unemployed, and most of those in
service industries including the public sector. This variant puts
emphasis on the capitalist class and tends to minimise the existence of
the middle class, outside of using it to describe their political
opponents on the left.
set of this where class is an added oppression rather than also being
the core of exploitation. Here it is âclassismâ that must be opposed,
although we prefer the directional term snobbery. That is the
criminalisation of the lower classes â often very much linked to racism
â and the fact that people with certain accents or who live in certain
districts are discriminated against. All this is to be opposed but itâs
not a compete picture of the way living in a class society deeply shapes
every aspect of our lives and that society. This can only be fully
understood through the lens of exploitation.
with the following broad divisions:
society. Basically all of us who lack capital and therefore need to work
for others plus those that have only enough capital to survive â
subsistence farmers remain a large minority of the worldâs population,
street traders are another example.
work to remain wealthy and who continue to generate wealth by having
others work for them, either directly or through rent. This class is
less than 1% of the population.
functionaries which includes top lawyers, civil servants, academics,
media personalities and managers. That class unlike the rest of us can
accumulate substantial capital across their lifetimes. In most societies
itâs probably 5â10% of the population.
we see the route to freedom lying in a large part though the class
conflict between the working class and the capitalist class. If we
increase our proportion of wealth generated through wage demands their
share of the wealth decreases. The working class is often so divided we
fail to articulate that common interest but the capitalist class remains
fully aware of and pursues its class interests. The position of the
middle class is more complex, its often well rewarded by the capitalist
class but still subservient to it.
internal divisions and so reach an awareness of itself as a class
including an awareness of its own power to transform society. This is
why the struggle against oppressions is essential, itâs the existence of
racist, sexist and colonialist ideology within the working class and the
privileges given to the white male sector in particular that produce and
reproduce divisions in the working class. Although we focus on
exploitation in this paper it is not somehow sealed off from
oppressions, rather the creation and reproduction of class rule in
general and of capitalist rule in particular require the division and
redivision of the working class across multiple intersections.
structure. There was some labour specialisation but there doesnât appear
to have been divisions in power and wealth that were passed from one
generation to the next. There is nothing natural about class, its
entirely something we have constructed.
locations as agriculture. Agriculture and animal husbandry along with
grain storage meant that surpluses could be accumulated over time.
Individuals and groups could lay claim to these surpluses and the land
on which they were produced. Warfare for the purpose of claiming
additional land, seizing food stores and animals and enslaving
additional workers became possible. A specialist class who ruled by the
sword rather than working in the fields came into being. The imposition
of patriarchy allowed the members of this class to pass on their power
and wealth, primarily to male sons. From within this military group
emerged individual ruling families who often concentrated power
absolutely in their hands, sometimes founding dynasties that continued
for many generations.
described in the above terms. That is broadly there was a specialist
military command class that used direct violence to rule over the
classes. Exploitation was immediately obvious as the soldiers physically
sized the output of those who worked, torturing, killing and imprisoning
those who refused. New patriarchal religions came into being that
emphasised the divine nature of rulers, sometimes they were literally
presented as gods.
classes of merchants who accumulated considerable wealth through trade.
Quite often such groups were suppressed and their wealth seized by the
ruling class when their wealth became too powerful or because the ruling
class want to wipe out debts they had accumulated.
meant they were not so easily subject to the usual mechanism of
exploitation through violence. Their skills were rare and not easy
replaced which gave them a limited form of power that could be expressed
through flight or even organised work stoppages. Even 3000 years ago we
have records of tomb builders at the Valley of the Kings in Egypt going
on strike in the reigns of Ramesses III, IX and X.
of an emerging European merchant class to demand universal democratic
and legal rights that would serve to protect its wealth from arbitrary
seizures. Ironically a major component of their wealth was the product
of slavery and colonialism, i.e. accumulation built on seizing the
wealth and even bodies of people who were conquered by military force.
This required the creation of the racist and colonialist ideologies
recognisable today to justify the process of conquest and enslavement.
its monopoly of capital rather than simple violence to accumulate
further wealth. Rather than using slave labour to crew ships or work in
mines they paid mariners or miners a wage in return for their labour on
the voyage or in the mine. The factory system grew out of this where
machinery was used to allow a single worker to do the work that once
many workers would have done. Instead of the workers selling what they
produced the output went to the factory owner who sold it for profit and
used part of that profit to pay the wages of the worker. Machinery was
expensive, far beyond what any worker could afford. The cost of
machinery and the space to install it along with the inputs needed to
keep it running came to be called âcapitalâ and hence those with enough
wealth were called capitalists.
factories were dangerous unpleasant places, early industrial cities were
overcrowded, filthy and had high mortality rates. Force had to be used
to turn people into workers but once they were workers it was the wage
system itself that enforced capitalist discipline. Stripped of land and
any other means of subsistence workers either worked or they starved.
This working class was still a small minority but increasingly laws in
general were framed around the needs of the capitalist class to obtain
and discipline workers.
been and their birth of capitalism saw the emerging capitalist class of
merchants and bankers come into conflict with the old military feudal
class. Parliamentary democracy and the ârule of lawâ was born out of
that conflict and the need of the capitalist class for a system that
would simultaneously protect them from the military class seizing their
wealth but also prevent the far more numerous classes of workers doing
the same. Creation of that system required mass revolutions that threw
down the old feudal order and erected the new capitalist order in its
place.
wealth generated does not flow to those doing the work but rather those
owning the capital. The owners donât directly threaten the workers with
violence, instead the workers depend on the owners for work and indeed
learn to be grateful for it. Today that capitalist class are often
talked of by media and politicians as âjob creatorsâ and âentrepreneursâ
to whom us workers should be grateful. In Ireland we are told we need to
be grateful to super profitable tax avoiding corporations like Apple and
Google because they âcreate jobsâ. This underlines just how invisible
exploitation has become. The focus is not on the huge profits that are
made on the brain of each worker but on the job being âgivenâ.