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Title: Review: The Age of Empathy Author: Anarcho Date: April 25, 2012 Language: en Topics: book review, empathy, mutual aid, evolution Source: Retrieved on 24th April 2021 from https://anarchism.pageabode.com/?p=648
This is an excellent, if occasionally frustrating, book. Written by
leading Primatologist Frans de Waal, The Age of Empathy summarises the
research into the evolution of cooperation, social feelings and empathy.
If I were to sum it up in a few words it would be: âKropotkin was
right.â
These were subjects close to Kropotkinâs heart and which, as de Waal
shows, he has been vindicated. Sadly, the scientific community did not
follow Kropotkinâs lead. Instead we got ideology and cultural
assumptions passing for science â as expressed by the embarrassment of a
nature alleged rooted in individualistic competition having so much
cooperation within it. That this was labelled a paradox rather a
refutation by many scientists shows the power of unstated and assumed
societal assumptions.
Now, a century after Mutual Aid was published, we are seeing the outcome
of research into how natural selection could produce morality. The book
describes its this in convincing detail and summarises (to quote de
Waal) much of the âexciting new research about the origins of altruism
and fairness in both ourselves and other animals.â (5) âHuman empathy,â
he shows, âhas the backing of a long evolutionary historyâ (x) and has
its basis in the cooperation required to survive in a hostile
environment. Thus we have inherited cooperative tendencies from our ape
ancestors, for âmutualism and reciprocity as the basis of cooperationâ
places âchimps much closer to humans than to the social insects.â (180)
So the bookâs title plays on two themes, namely that now is the time to
create more empathy within society and that empathy has been evolving
within mammals for millions of years: âEmpathy is part of our evolution,
and not just a recent part, but an innate, age-old capacity.â (205) This
evolutionary heritage is reflected today, with research showing that we
âknow an unfair distribution when we see one, and try to counteract itâ
(186) and âwe still have a psychology that feels most comfortable with
these outcomes.â (221) Thus:
âEmpathy builds on proximity, similarity, and familiarity, which is
entirely logical given that it evolves to promote in-group cooperation.
Combined with our interest in social harmony, which requires a fair
distribution of resources, empathy put the human species on a path
towards small-scale societies that stress equality and solidarity.â
(221)
Unsurprisingly, de Waal discusses our evolutionary heritage and it will
make encouraging reading for libertarians. âWe have,â he argues, âa
deeply ingrained sense of fairness, which derives from our long history
as egalitarians.â (159) Not only are we âborn revolutionaries,â we
âemphasise sharing and suppress distinctions of wealth and powerâ and so
âtribal communities level the hierarchyâ by âridicule, gossip, and
disobedienceâ but also âmore drastic measures.â (161) We have a
âdistinctly subversive streakâ (161) which mocks those seeking power
over others â and acts to stop them. Thus âempathy binds individuals
together and gives each a stack in the welfare of othersâ (223) and âthe
true cradle of cooperation is the community.â (182)
Moreover, this cooperative and egalitarian legacy impacts on us today
and in spite of all erosive impacts of surviving under capitalism in
economic experiments, the majority âis altruistic, cooperative,
sensitive to fairness, and orientated towards community goals.â This
means that the â[t]raditional economic models donât consider the human
sense of fairness, even though it demonstrably affects economic
decisions.â (162) Similarly, rather than being the aggressive animals of
popular culture, warfare âconflicts at the deepest level with our
humanity.â (220) This can be seen from the amount of propaganda required
to get a nation to go to war.
All this confirms anarchist theory. As de Waal suggests, and no
anarchist would disagree, the âfirmest support for the common good comes
from enlightened self-interest: the realisation that weâre all better
off if we work together.â (223)
The book also addresses modern evolutionary theory, specifically the
much misunderstood notion of genetic âselfishness.â He discusses a
meeting with Richard Dawkins, author of The Selfish Gene, and notes the
common ground between them. He has âno problem calling genes âselfishâ
so long as itâs understood that this says nothing about the actual
motives of humans and animals.â (40) This is Dawkinsâ position (see the
preface to the 30^(th) anniversary edition of The Selfish Gene where he
acknowledges that some of the language used in the first edition was
confused and so misleading). So âselfishâ genes do not preclude
cooperative and altruistic acts â quite the reverse, as cooperation (as
Kropotkin stressed) is how animals (and so their genes) best survive.
Talking of Kropotkin, de Waal explicitly mentions him and Mutual Aid
(32â3). He insists on calling someone who renounced his title âthe
Russian prince,â but this can be forgiven as he summarises Kropotkinâs
argument that mutual aid benefits those who practice it: âIf helping is
communal, he argued, all parties stand to gain.â (171â2) This means that
cooperation is âa crucial survival skillâ and âcooperative groups of
animals (or humans) would outperform less cooperative ones.â (33) It
boils down to âthe choice between the small rewards of individualism and
the large rewards of collective action.â (163) Cooperation is in our
best interests â as Kropotkin argued.
Sadly, de Waal suggests that Kropotkin âforgot to addâ that âcooperation
is vulnerable to freeloadersâ and suggests that he âcorrected himselfâ
by arguing (in Conquest of Bread) a âfew years after publicationâ of
Mutual Aid that the non-cooperative would be expelled from groups.
(171â2) However, while Conquest of Bread may have been published in
English after Mutual Aid, it was originally published in French before
it. Nor is Mutual Aid silent on the need for groups to act on
anti-social and non-cooperative behaviour as de Wall suggests (nor did
it deny competitive behaviour, another popular myth). Thus we find in
that work Kropotkin mentioning how animals penalise uncooperative
individuals (for example, âselfishâ ants would be âtreated as an enemy,
or worseâ). In this way ânatural selection continually must eliminateâ
anti-social instincts â or, to quote de Waal, Kropotkin recognised that
a âmeasure of reciprocityâ (174) is required for mutual aid to work and
so there is a need âto penalise those who fall shortâ (180â1) in order
to ensure cooperative behaviour benefits all.
So while it is obvious that de Waal is better acquainted with
Kropotkinâs work than most commenters on it, it is clear that he could
do with a closer read. If he did, then he would realise that to state
that âMutual aid has become a standard ingredient of modern evolutionary
theories, albeit not exactly in the way Kropotkin formulated itâ (33) is
incorrect. Kropotkin recognised the need to reward cooperative behaviour
and punish those who do not reciprocate in the same way as modern
evolutionary theories.
The book is keen to suggest that nature informs our ethical standards,
causing some to invoke ânaturalistic fallacyâ and dismiss the moral
relevance of empathy and altruism in non-human animals. What ethnical
conclusions can be drawn from scientific evidence? After all, if it is a
mistake to justify human selfishness on the basis of the alleged
competitive aspects of nature (as right-wing Social Darwinism does)
then, surely, it is just as bad to advocate altruism because animals
also cooperate.
Yet this ignores the fact that our sense of fairness and
right-and-wrong, our horror at certain behaviour, are a product of
evolution. As de Waal suggests, â[t]rying to set human cooperation apart
from the larger natural scheme⊠hardly qualifies as an evolutionary
approach.â (182) Ultimately, if we do not derive âoughtâ from âisâ where
do we derive it from? A Holy Book? Abstract thought untethered to
anything as trivial as evidence? As Kropotkin argued, if âthe only
lesson Nature gives to man is one of evilâ then a thinker ânecessarily
has to admit the existence of some other, extra-natural, or
super-natural influence which inspires man with conceptions of âsupreme
goodââ which ânullifiesâ attempts âat explaining evolution by the action
of natural forces only.â
The question, then, is not whether we derive âoughtâ from âisâ but
rather how do we justify the âisâ we try and derive from nature. Here is
when our reason and our evolved sense of empathy and justice come in. We
analyse nature, see it as both competitive and cooperative and then,
based on our evolved sense of fairness and our evolving societal norms,
draw ethical conclusions. We can be horrified by the worse aspects of
the natural world precisely because our sense of justice has evolved as
part of it.
So this book is handy evidence to refute all those who rationalise their
own narrow perspectives (and social position) in terms of ânature.â This
is not justified by empirical evidence â nor Darwinâs work. The
competitive individualistic evolutionary perspective is highly
selective, indeed distorted. We are not condemned âby natureâ to treat
each other badly, quite the reverse. In showing the evidence for this de
Waal is very convincing.
The Age of Empathy shows that the modern researcher (unknowingly,
usually) is following in Kropotkinâs footsteps. As Kropotkin put it in
the posthumously published Ethics, âMutual Aid-Justice-Morality are thus
the consecutive steps of an ascending seriesâ and that morality
âdeveloped later than the othersâ (and so was âan unstable feeling and
the least imperative of the threeâ). Thus mutual aid came first and
ensured âthe ground is prepared for the further and the more general
development of more refined relations.â This is an important point, both
because many confuse mutual aid with altruism and it shows that
Kropotkin recognised that ethical behaviour is not fixed in spite of it
having an evolutionary basis.
Marxists tend to reject the evidence that our behaviour reflects our
evolution as social animals. Instead they subscribe to the idea that
âhuman natureâ is a social construct. To quote Marx: âM. Proudhon does
not know that the whole of history is nothing but a continual
transformation of human nature.â (The Poverty of Philosophy) To this day
there are some who think that this sentence by Marx nullifies millions
of years of evolution! And as de Waal suggests, âMarxism foundered on
the illusion of a culturally engineered human. It assumed that we are
born as a tabula rasa, a blank slate.â (202) So Marxâs position is
pre-Darwinian â and simply wrong. Sadly, it has been parroted by
Marxists ever since. The early Marxâs comments on species-character is
more fruitful a concept (particular with regards to alienation â for how
can you experience alienation if you donât have something to be
alienated from?). For those interested in such analysis the work of
Erich Fromm is recommended.
The more sophisticated Marxist (like their Christian equivalent) will
not read these words literally but rather suggest that different
societies will promote different aspects of (our evolved) human nature.
Which is true, of course, but not what Marx asserted. As Noam Chomsky
(correctly) put it:
âHuman nature is not totally fixed, but on any realistic scale
evolutionary processes are much too slow to affect it⊠So within a
realistic time frame there is not going to be any change in human
nature. But human nature allows many different options and the choice
among those options can change, and it has. So there are striking
changes, even in our own lifetime, of what we accept as tolerable. Take
something like womenâs rights: if you go back not so many years women
were basically regarded as property. Thatâs a sign of the expansion of
our moral spheres. So sure, human nature remains the same but a lot of
things can change.â (New Scientist no. 2856, 19 March 2012)
This echoes Kropotkin, who noted in Mutual Aid that âMan is a result of
both his inherited instincts and his education.â Looking around, it is
obvious that humans can, and do, ignore our evolved sense of empathy and
fairness. Some of us have developed whole ideologies (such as
economics!) to rationalise doing this (to ease our consciences).
Kropotkin recognised this very obvious fact, arguing in an article for
the anarchist press that â[w]hile the fundamental features of human
characters can only be mediated by a very slow evolution, the relative
amount of individualist and mutual aid spirit are among the most
changeable features of man. Both being equally products of an anterior
development, their relative amounts are seen to change in individuals
and even societies with a rapidity which would strike the sociologist if
only he paid attention to the subject, and analysed the corresponding
facts.â As de Waal suggests: âWe may not be able to create a New Man,
weâre remarkably good at modifying the old one.â (210)
So recognising that ethics have an evolutionary basis is not to suggest
that ethical positions are unchanging. Far from it â as history shows,
different cultures have radically different notions of what is moral
(arranged marriages, slavery, wage-labour for example). Moreover, the
rationales for these practices have also changed (divine right,
religious authority, economic âscienceâ to name just a few). Kropotkin
sketched these changing notions in Ethics. Human society evolves and
changes, reflecting changing economic, class and social relationships,
but within limits based upon an evolved sense of ethics â a âhuman
natureâ which simply cannot be assumed away.
As Marxâs comment was directed at Proudhon, it must be noted that many
of his ideas seem to be confirmed by the research de Waal summarises so
ably. We seem to have a sense of fairness, justice even, and practice
reciprocity, all themes the Frenchman expounded upon (and Marx, perhaps
needless to say, mocked). His proclamation of anarchy in What is
Property? followed an interesting discussion of cooperation in animals
and humans. He noted that the âsocial instinct, in man and beast, exists
to a greater or less degreeâ and to âpractise justice is to obey the
social instinct; to do an act of justice is to do a social act.â Thus
the âsocial instinct and the moral sense [man] shares with the brutes;
and when he thinks to become god-like by a few acts of charity, justice,
and devotion, he does not perceive that in so acting he simply obeys an
instinct wholly animal in its nature.â Unsurprisingly, Kropotkin
discusses Proudhon and his ideas on justice and ethics at some length in
Ethics.
The frustrating aspects of the book relate to the obvious societal
assumptions which creep in. It is somewhat ironic to see a scientist so
keen to refute the myths inflicted upon the animal world so readily
accept the myths of modern society â thus the USA is presented as the
land of liberty and Europe the land of equality (de Waalâs preference
seems to be somewhere in the middle â the North Atlantic not being the
best place to live!).
So de Waal does indulge in using metaphors which reflect the society he
is within and so he mentions âpast exchangesâ and âmarketplace of
services.â (175) This is to be expected, given that scientists are
products of the society they live and work. Thus, as Daniel Todes has
recounted in Darwin Without Malthus: The Struggle for Existence in
Russian Evolutionary Thought, many Russian scientists recognised the
importance of Darwinâs work but also recognised the impact of British
society on its stress on individual competition. However, while expected
it cannot really be excused.
The problems with this can be seen when de Waal asks the question of
whether a âharder worker deserve to make more? This libertarian fairness
ideal is quintessentially Americanâ (196â7) Yet genuine libertarians (as
opposed to the American propertarians) know that under capitalism those
who work hardest are usually the poorest and that those who âmake moreâ
do so because other work for them. As such, genuine libertarians
acknowledge Proudhonâs analysis that property meant âanother shall
perform the labour while [the proprietor] receives the productâ and so
it was âthe right to enjoy and dispose of anotherâs goods, â the fruit
of anotherâs labour.â
So while de Waal wishes to foster empathy, he does not ask whether this
requires changing our economic system at its base rather than trying to
change its outcomes. Yes, taxing the wealthy to reduce inequality is all
fine and well but surely the question should be asked why the rich are
richer (or, at least, why they have got so much richer over the last
30-odd years!). The unreflecting assumptions of capitalism can be seen
in de Waal but the scientific method of analysis is found in Proudhon
(indeed, the French anarchist calls in that work for a âscientific
socialismâ!).
The quotes from Barak Obama and references to the current economic
crisis will also date the book (particularly as the ruling elite
unsurprisingly used the crisis caused by neo-liberalism to foster more
of that agenda rather than empathy). However, these are minor in
comparison to the wealth of information de Waal ably summarises on our
cooperative heritage.
And perhaps the notion life is competitive and nasty is simply because
of, not in spite of any lack of, our cooperative nature. After all,
newspapers report on events outside the norm â thus you get records of
fights, not the far more cooperative activity that marks everyday life.
Similarly with studies of animals, with the hours of cooperative living
being the backdrop to the âexcitingâ displays of alpha-male combat and,
as a result, unmentioned. In human terms, this can be seen from the
media which concentrates on the âinterestingâ stories rather than report
the mundane (but far more relevant) cooperative goings-on which dominant
everyday life. An extreme example can be seen in the run up to Francoâs
coup in Spain when a Conservative newspaper started to publish on its
front page all the murders, rapes and so on which were happening. There
was no actual increase in such crimes but public perception of them rose
â so promoting support for an authoritarian regime to solve this
apparent rise in lawlessness. Thus uncooperative is so noticeable
precisely because such acts are swamped by cooperative relations and so,
like islands in an ocean, stand out.
So de Waalâs work is of interest to anarchists and provide substantial
evidence to bolster our arguments on the importance of mutual aid as a
factor of evolution. It is refreshing to read a scientist proclaim that
we are born egalitarian revolutionaries. Yet while he is willing to
challenge the stereotypes and lazy-thinking as regards empathy and
cooperation within animals, de Waal shows no such scientific enquiry as
regards todayâs social system. Still, this is a minor complaint about an
excellent book.
The Age of Empathy: Natureâs Lessons for a Kinder Society
Frans de Waal
Harmony Books
New York
2009