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Title: Elitist Language Author: Peter Gelderloos Date: 2003? Language: en Topics: language, anti-oppression, class, education, elitism Source: SOA Watch. Retrieved 5 April, 2013 from http://www.soaw.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=913 Notes: This article was written in the context of a debate about supposedly elitist language, in the Anti-Oppression Working Group of SOA Watch.
The problem of elitist language often comes up when people from a
middle-class, university-educated background attempt to communicate with
âthe general public.â If those attempting the communication are engaged
in a commercial venture, they can simply dumb their language down to the
common denominator shared by the median target audience, perhaps
appropriate some of that audienceâs slang and cultural symbols, and they
are assured of a good sell.
However, if the motive is more altruistic, for instance that of
middle-class activists attempting to communicate with activists from
other backgrounds, or to share information, resources, and opinions with
some General Public, the problem becomes more complicated. For good
reason and with plenty of history, the language of academia, with which
many middle-class activists are comfortable, can alienate or confound
people who did not receive an advanced university education. Yet the
problems of our world from patriarchy to imperialism are systemic
pathologies that demand serious effort and attention to comprehend. And
directly opposed to our comprehension of these problems is an
unprecedentedly powerful cultural apparatus that manipulates our values,
our ideology, our history, even our language in order to protect the
status quo. How can we explain complex, obscure ideas in a simple
language â which is already heavily controlled by the culture industry â
conveyed in brief and easily digestible segments sensitive to The
General Publicâs decreasing attention spans?
I think the obvious answer is that we canât. We need to recognize that
language in our society is used as a tool of control, and the trend
towards smaller vocabularies, simpler syntax, and shorter attention
spans is one of the most effective forms of disempowerment ever devised.
Resisting the dumbing down of language and developing our ability to
think critically is as important a long term goal as winning community
autonomy and economic self-sufficiency. Language needs to be a locus for
revolution; it is a necessary weapon for all social struggles. Our duty
as middle-class activists is to use our education to make complex
language accessible, rather than passing off everything not immediately
accessed with ease by the majority as inherently inaccessible.
But to return from the consideration of the theoretical long haul and
face the present context, there is substantial validity to the
criticisms about inaccessible language. These have all been stated
elsewhere, and they generally involve recognizing that thorough
education is a privilege retained by few (predominantly the white middle
class), and that by speaking in the sophisticated language that
accompanies our education we inhibit the comprehension and sympathy of
those without that education, and intentionally or unintentionally
preserve influence within radical organizations and movements in the
hands of the educated elite. Turned into doctrine, this criticism is
usually (mis)understood at the basic level that long words and complex
sentences are indicative of privilege, and privilege is bad. Lacking
from the popularized version of this criticism is the understanding that
while the existence of privilege is wrong, there is a good kind of
privilege: one that should be enjoyed by everyone. Education is one of
these.
If the underlying goal of these criticisms were to challenge elitism in
language, then weâd see a conscious combination of language of greater
and lesser sophistication in radical literature, so every literate
person would have material both within and beyond their level of
comfortable apprehension, to welcome them and challenge them. We would
see privileged activists consciously using their language in a way that
invites understanding. In reality, we either see educated radicals
ignore the problem and ignore less educated segments of their potential
audience, or attempting to avoid the problem through a knee-jerk
avoidance of polysyllabic vocabulary, complex analysis, and thorough
(read: lengthy) discourse. Education is anathematized as bourgeois, or
in more current parlance, âexclusiveâ, and instead of solving the
problem, activists join sides with Fox News, USA Today, and public
schooling, to contribute to the intellectual massacre of people they are
supposed to be empowering.
To inform a tactical consideration of elitist language, we should
consider some of the assumptions inhering in the criticism against such
language. One of the most fundamental is the myth of the General Public.
It goes like this: the General Public are uneducated, and using big
words alienates them. But where exactly do we draw the line between what
is elitist and what is not? Do âmost peopleâ use the word elitist? Oh
gosh: is the word elitist itself elitist? What about writing? Granted,
most people in the U.S. are literate, but many are not, through no fault
of their own. Is writing things down elitist? Should activists not make
up pamphlets and fliers any more? It certainly excludes people who canât
read. In a very condescending way, educated activists are setting a
level of acceptable stupidity; even as they reject academic language,
they uphold the elitist morality by retaining a hierarchy of
intelligence, and they will only go so far down the ladder in order to
cater to the less educated. Anyone who is still excluded is simply left
out of their conceptualization of ânormal people.â
The effect of the General Public myth is that when we leave our bubbles,
most activists talk down to people they assume donât have a university
education, and in practice the easiest cue is if the audience is poor,
or not white. I think many activists arenât even aware of how
condescending they usually are, and how obvious it is when they attempt
to speak a language that clearly isnât their own. Then they turn around
and talk about elitism?
A prohibition on what is understood as elitist language also assumes
that people from poorer backgrounds with fewer opportunities for quality
education either cannot or do not want to learn. In reality, attaining a
good education is seen as a form of empowerment in many poorer
communities, yet few activists attempt to diffuse that education when
communicating with less privileged people. By avoiding academic language
and analysis outside of their own circles, privileged activists maintain
a relationship of dependency, in which they act as gatekeepers to
knowledge, forever necessary to translate law, scientific studies,
political analysis, et cetera, into âplain language.â
The other assumption inherent in the criticism is the idea that certain
types of language are inherently elitist. Larger vocabularies and more
complex syntax are in fact very helpful tools, though people require
more education to be able to use them. It is not the language, but this
countryâs capitalist, racist education system that is elitist. The job
of educated activists is to make that education accessible, and hand
that language over as a popular tool. We donât want made-for-the-masses
Orwellian newspeak, we want languages that are liberated and
demystified.
Unfortunately, educated activists continue to romanticize âplain
languageâ, and they also continue to complain when The Masses are fooled
yet again into support for the latest war or draconian policy shift by
the most transparent, even clichéd tautology and sophistry communicated
by politicians and relayed by the media. Removing the many forms of
language from the current hierarchy of privilege, and placing them in
the appropriate landscape of diverse and equal cultures is a crucial act
(one that first requires allowing the different cultures in our society
to enjoy equality). But recognizing the validity of non-academic
languages, the language of east coast urban blacks or Appalachian
whites, does not mean putting them in a museum. Revolutionary
empowerment will cause these languages to change, to develop much of the
complexity heretofore monopolized by white academia, because that
complexity itself is empowerment. Skeptical? Just compare the lyrics of
Puffy to those of Mr. Lif. Compare the Indian Chief of white supremacist
cinema, who only said âHow?â, to American Indian Movement activist and
professor Ward Churchill, who talks about pathological pseudopraxis [1].
While other communities exist in economic subservience, while other
cultures lack autonomy, while other forms of language lack an
unshackled, empowered complexity, revolutionaries from those communities
will appropriate what tools they need to build language that is a
stepping stone to an autonomous culture.
In effect, many existing criticisms against elitist language are
themselves elitist, because they serve to preserve the monopoly on
analytical discourse in the hands of the institutionally educated (who
are themselves generally institutionalized, rather than radical, hence
not on our side). Educated radicals disavowal of language that smacks of
sophistication serves to dumb down radicals themselves. Uneducated
radicals are not more proletarian, or more inclusive. They are simply
more ineffective [2].
Wouldnât it be more effective to subvert education, and educate
subversion? To expose and overcome the patriarchal norm that makes an
intellectual crime of asking: âWhat does that mean?â We should use the
forms of language weâre comfortable with, academic or otherwise, as long
as we do it lucidly, in a way that invites learning and sharing of that
knowledge. Those around us would be better off for it. Similarly, we can
benefit from learning the different types of language that other people
use. Recognize the variety of languages, but upset the economic, racial,
and gendered hierarchy in which these languages have been placed.
Footnotes
[1] In each example, the first element represents an essentialized form
of an oppressed groupâs language, either marketed or created by white
supremacist cultural institutions, Hollywood or the major record labels.
The second element of each example does not necessarily represent the
language of an oppressed group, but is meant to demonstrate a trend of
revolutionaries from oppressed communities adopting âeducatedâ language,
either as a whole or incorporated into their own language.
[2] No, this is not to say that radicals from poorer backgrounds are
less effective than privileged radicals. On the contrary, note that
lower-class radicals typically educate themselves, and are more
intelligent for it. E.g. George Jackson was in prison when middle-class
activists are usually in college, but still a major part of Jacksonâs
intellectual stature came from reading Marx, Malcolm X, Fanon?