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Title: Democracy: The Patriotic Temptation
Author: Uri Gordon
Date: May 26, 2016
Language: en
Topics: anarchy, democracy
Source: https://crimethinc.com/2016/05/26/democracy-the-patriotic-temptation

Uri Gordon

Democracy: The Patriotic Temptation

Like most political words, democracy is an “essentially contested”

concept—its meaning is itself a political battleground. What political

ideologies do, as mass patterns of political expression, is to

“de-contest” or fix the meaning of such concepts and place them in

particular relationships. The term “equality,” for example, can mean

equal access to advantage (liberalism), equal responsibility to the

national community (fascism), or equal power in a classless society

(anarchism). On such a reading, there is no way objectively to determine

the meaning of such concepts—all that exists are distinct usages, each

of them regularly grouped with other concepts in one or another

ideological formation.

I would therefore like to suspend the discussion of the appropriate

conceptual understanding of democracy, and instead ask about the

strategic choice to employ the term. Is it worthwhile for anarchists to

de-contest “democracy” in ways that point towards statelessness and

non-domination? Two arguments follow. The first is that anarchist

invocations of democracy are a relatively new and distinctly American

phenomenon. The second is that the invocation is problematic, because

its rhetorical structure and audience targeting almost inevitably end up

appealing to patriotic sentiments and national origin myths.

Even the Most Democratic of Democracies…

Historically, democracy was not a word that anarchists tended to use in

reference to their own visions or practices. A survey of the writings of

the prominent anarchist activists and theorists of the 19th and early

20th century reveals that, on the rare occasions on which they even

employed the term, it was used in its conventional, statist sense to

refer to actually-existing democratic institutions and entitlements

within the bourgeois state. Democracy meant representative government,

as opposed to monarchy or oligarchy.

Proudhon clearly viewed democracy in these terms. In chapter 1 of What

is Property he wrote:

The nation, so long a victim of monarchical selfishness, thought to

deliver itself for ever by declaring that it alone was sovereign. But

what was monarchy? The sovereignty of one man. What is democracy? The

sovereignty of the nation, or, rather, of the national majority… in

reality there is no revolution in the government, since the principle

remains the same. Now, we have the proof to-day that, with the most

perfect democracy, we cannot be free.

The issue for Proudhon is sovereignty as such, and not the question of

who or what legitimates it. In chapter 7 of The Philosophy of Poverty he

also objects to any “system of authority, whatever its origin,

monarchical or democratic” (Proudhon 1847). At no point does Proudhon

distinguish between “real” and “so-called” democracy; the term simply

stands for government by representatives.

This approach persists through the anarchist tradition. Bakunin in

Statism and Anarchy (1873:178) attacks Marxists who “by popular

government… mean government of the people by a small number of

representatives elected by the people… a lie behind which the despotism

of a ruling minority is concealed, a lie all the more dangerous in that

it represents itself as the expression of a sham popular will.”

Alexander Berkman sounded a similar critique in the Mother Earth

Bulletin of October 1917:

The democratic authority of majority rule is the last pillar of tyranny.

The last, but the strongest… the despotism that is invisible because not

personified, shears Samson of his passion and leaves him will-less. Woe

to the people where the citizen is a sovereign whose power is in the

hands of his masters! It is a nation of willing slaves.

Finally, Malatesta (1924) also treats “democracy” only in terms of a

system of government:

Even in the most democratic of democracies it is always a small minority

that rules and imposes its will and interests by force… Therefore, those

who really want ‘government of the people’ in the sense that each can

assert his or her own will, ideas and needs, must ensure that no one,

majority or minority, can rule over others; in other words, they must

abolish government, meaning any coercive organisation, and replace it

with the free organisation of those with common interests and aims.

In all of these cases, there is no attempt to align anarchism with

democracy, or to construe the latter on any terms other than those of

conventional representative institutions. The association between

anarchism and democracy makes its appearance only around the 1980s,

through the writings of Murray Bookchin.

Bookchin’s disavowal of anarchism towards the end of his life is

irrelevant here, since his statements regarding democracy had remained

consistent since the late 70s, when they were couched in terms of a

strategy recommended to anarchists. Echoing Martin Buber’s critique of

the expansion of the “political principle” of top-down power and

centralised authority at the expense of the “social principle” of

horizontal and spontaneous relationships (Buber 1957), Bookchin sees the

only promising avenue for resistance in “a recovery of community,

autonomy, relative self-sufficiency, self reliance, and direct

democracy” on the local level, fostering “social institutions that by

their very logic, stand in sharp opposition to increasingly all

pervasive political institutions” (Bookchin 1980). This vision is

clearly one of an anarchistic localism, based on “free popular

assemblies,” “collectivization of resources,” and strictly mandated

delegation of administrative coordinators. The question remains,

however: should this arrangement be promoted with the language of

democracy—albeit direct and participatory? What is the appeal of such

language in the first place?

Selling Anarchism as Democracy

Essentially, the association of anarchism with democracy is a

two-pronged rhetorical maneuver intended to increase the appeal of

anarchism for mainstream publics. The first component of the maneuver is

to latch onto the existing positive connotations that democracy carries

in established political language. Instead of the negative (and false)

image of anarchism as mindless and chaotic, a positive image is fostered

by riding on the coattails of “democracy” as a widely-endorsed term in

the mass media, educational system, and everyday speech. The appeal here

is not to any specific set of institutions or decision-making

procedures, but to the association of democracy with freedom, equality,

and solidarity—to the sentiments that go to work when democracy is

placed in binary opposition to dictatorship, and celebrated as what

distinguishes the “free countries” of the West from other regimes.

Yet the second component of the maneuver is subversive: it seeks to

portray current capitalist societies as not, in fact, democratic, since

they alienate decision-making power from the people and place it in the

hands of elites. This amounts to an argument that the institutions and

procedures that mainstream audiences associate with democracy—government

by representatives—are not in fact democratic, or at least a very pale

and limited fulfilment of the values they are said to embody. True

democracy, in this account, can only be local, direct, participatory,

and deliberative, and is ultimately achievable only in a stateless and

classless society. The rhetorical aim of the maneuver as a whole is to

generate in the audience a sense of indignation at having been deceived:

while the emotional attachment to “democracy” is confirmed, the belief

that it actually exists is denied.

Now there are two problems with this maneuver, one conceptual and one

more substantive. The conceptual problem is that it introduces a truly

idiosyncratic notion of democracy, so ambitious as to disqualify almost

all political experiences that fall under the common understanding of

the term—including all electoral systems in which representatives do not

have a strict mandate and are not immediately recallable. By claiming

that current “democratic” regimes are in fact not democratic at all and

that the only democracy worthy of the name is actually some version of

an anarchist society, anarchists are asking people to reconfigure their

understanding of democracy in a rather extreme way. While it is possible

to maintain this new usage with logical coherence, it is nevertheless so

rarefied and contrary to the common usage that its potential as a pivot

for mainstream opinion is highly questionable.

The second problem is graver. While the association with democracy may

seek to appeal only to its egalitarian and libertarian connotations, it

also entangles anarchism with the patriotic nature of the pride in

democracy which it seeks to subvert. The appeal is not simply to an

abstract design for participatory institutions, but to participatory

institutions recovered from the American revolutionary tradition.

Bookchin (1985) is quite explicit about this, when he calls on

anarchists to “start speaking in the vocabulary of the democratic

revolutions” while unearthing and enlarging their libertarian content:

That [American] bourgeois past has libertarian features about it: the

town meetings of New England. Municipal and local control, the American

mythology that the less government the better, the American belief in

independence and individualism. All these things are antithetical to a

cybernetic economy, a highly centralized corporative economy and a

highly centralized political system… I’m for democratizing the republic

and radicalizing the democracy, and doing that on the grass roots level:

that will involve establishing libertarian institutions which are

totally consistent with the American tradition. We can’t go back to the

Russian Revolution or the Spanish revolution any more. Those revolutions

are alien to people in North America.

Cindy Milstein’s formulation in her article “Democracy is Direct”

(Milstein 2000) works directly to fulfill this program by seeking to

build on American origin myths:

Given that the United States is held up as the pinnacle of democracy, it

seems particularly appropriate to hark back to those strains of a

radicalized democracy that fought so valiantly and lost so crushingly in

the American Revolution. We need to take up that unfinished project…

Like all the great modern revolutions, the American Revolution spawned a

politics based on face-to-face assemblies confederated within and

between cities… Those of us living in the United States have inherited

this self-schooling in direct democracy, even if only in vague echoes…

deep-seated values that many still hold dear: independence, initiative,

liberty, equality. They continue to create a very real tension between

grassroots self-governance and top-down representation.

The appeal to the consensus view of the American polity as founded in a

popular and democratic revolution, genuinely animated by freedom and

equality, is precisely intended to target existing patriotic sentiments,

even as it emphasises their subversive consequences. Milstein even

invokes Abraham Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address when she criticises

reformist agendas which “work with a circumscribed and neutralized

notion of democracy, where democracy is neither of the people, by the

people, nor for the people, but rather, only in the supposed name of the

people.” Yet this is a dangerous move, since it relies on a

self-limiting critique of the patriotic sentiment itself, and allows the

foundation myths to which it appeals to remain untouched by critiques of

manufactured collective identity and colonial exclusion. While noting

the need not to whitewash the racial, gendered, and other injustices

that were part of “the historic event that created this country,”

Milstein can only offer an unspecific exhortation to “grapple with the

relation between this oppression and the liberatory moments of the

American Revolution.”

Yet given that the appeal is targeted at non-anarchist participants,

there is little if any guarantee that such a grappling would actually

take place. The patriotic sentiment appealed to here is more often than

not a component of a larger nationalist narrative, one that hardly

partakes of a decolonial critique (which by itself would have many

questions about the Western enlightenment roots of notions of

citizenship and the public sphere). The celebration of democracy in

terms that directly invoke the early days of the American polity may end

up reinforcing rather than questioning loyalties to the nation-state

that claims, however falsely, to be the carrier of the democratic

inheritance of the colonial period. This is especially poignant in the

context of the recent wave of mobilization, which displays precisely

this mix of quintessentially anarchist-influenced means of organization

and action, and distinctly patriotic and nationalist discourses—from the

Egyptian revolution’s embrace of the military, through the Jeffersonian

sentiments pervading the Occupy movement, and on to the outright

nationalism of the Ukrainian revolution.

There is, indeed, one reason to question this concern—namely, the

democratic and nationalist sentiments that have been expressed by

movements with which anarchists have good reasons to sense an affinity.

The most prominent of these are the struggles of communities in Chiapas

linked to the Zapatista Army of National Liberation in southeast Mexico

and the revolutionary movement in Rojava or Syrian Kurdistan. Both have

not only employed the language of democracy to signify a decentralised

and egalitarian form of society, but also an explicit agenda of national

liberation. The Kurdish movement has publicly endorsed Bookchin as a

source of inspiration. Does this mean that anarchists are wrong to

maintain active solidarity with these movements? My answer is “No”—but

due to a crucial difference that also vindicates the general argument

above. It is not the same thing for stateless minorities in the global

South to use the language of democracy and national liberation as it is

for citizens of advanced capitalist countries in which national

independence is already an accomplished fact. The former do not appeal

to patriotic founding myths engendered by an existing nation state, with

their associated privileges and injustices, but to the possibility of a

different and untested form of radically decentralised and potentially

stateless “national liberation.” To be sure, this carries its own risks,

but anarchists in the global North are hardly in a position to preach on

these matters.

Thus we return to the main point: for anarchists in the USA and Western

Europe, at least, the choice to use the language of democracy is based

on the desire to mobilize and subvert a form of patriotism that is

ultimately establishment-friendly; it risks cementing the nationalist

sentiments it seeks to undermine. Anarchists have always had a public

image problem. Trying to undo it through the connection to mainstream

democratic and nationalist sentiments is not worth this risk.

References

(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).

Over 14.

In Pointing the Way (New York: Harper). Reprinted in Anarchy 54.

and Vernon Richards. In The Anarchist Revolution: Polemical Articles

1924-1931 (London: Freedom, 1995).

Aspirations (Oakland: AK Press, 2010).

Tucker. (New York, NY: Humboldt, 1890).

Benjamin Tucker (Cambridge ,MA: Wilson, 1888).

(St. Paul: Coughlin, 1978).