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Title: Commoning and Scarcity
Author: Peter Gelderloos 
Date: June 2012
Language: en
Topics: the commons, commoning, capitalism, scarcity
Source: Tides of Flame. Retrieved on 5 April 2013 from https://tidesofflame.files.wordpress.com/2012/06/tof20.pdf

Peter Gelderloos

Commoning and Scarcity

The commons are a world apart from capitalism. They are a source of

livelihood that people share. Before the spread of capitalism, most of

the planet was commons. Cultures that treated the commons as a gift from

nature that had to be treated with respect, tended to have the most

bountiful commons and therefore the fewest problems of survival.

Cultures that treated the commons as property or an exploitable resource

generally exhausted them, and either brought about their own collapse or

had to resort to warfare and conquest to survive. Some of these cultures

would eventually form capitalism.

Capitalism theorizes and creates scarcity. Capitalism has thrived by

destroying or privatizing the commons wherever they arise. As long as

people have access to the commons, they can enjoy a measure of

self-sufficiency and cannot be forced to sell their labor to the wealthy

in order to survive. For common people, capitalism is a blackmail: work

or starve. The commons offer another option: self-sufficiency by

harvesting the gifts of nature. Because the basis of the commons is the

spontaneous gift, people who live in or of the commons often recreate

the gift economy; sharing, cooperating, and helping each other out in

order to attain a high standard of living. Also for this reason, the

commons are the enemy of capitalism.

Primitive accumulation—privatizing land or seizing wealth to fuel

investment, industry, and, in a word, capitalism—is not only an early

phase of capitalism, as theorized by Adam Smith or Karl Marx.

Privatization, legalized theft, slavery, and the imposition of labor

discipline are constant activities in every moment of capitalism, from

the 15^(th) to the 21^(st) centuries.

Likewise, the commons are not an ancient and outdated reality but an

ever present possibility that repeatedly erupts into our daily lives,

contradicting capitalism’s myth of scarcity. After arable land was

privatized and enclosed—in Europe from the 15^(th) to the 17^(th)

centuries, in India and other colonies in the 18^(th) and 19^(th)

centuries, and in parts of Africa today—forests, woodlands, marshes, and

pastures became the principal commons because capitalism was still

unable to exploit those areas effectively. In these commons, people

gathered fruits, nuts, medicinal plants, fuel and construction

materials, they grazed livestock, hunted, and fished. They may not have

been able to get their daily bread from the forests and pastures, but

they could meet most of their other needs.

Nowadays, in order to function, capitalism must base itself on an

exaggerated and imprecise mass production. This creates a huge amount of

garbage that capitalism is still unable to exploit effectively. This

garbage is the new commons: millions of people around the world scavenge

the garbage in order to gather food, clothing, construction materials,

or items that can be scrapped and sold for money. Many of the people who

live in this way develop cooperative cultures based on sharing and

mutual aid, relating through solidarity rather than through

commercialized relations.

Skills, culture, and traditional wisdom also constitute a commons. They

constitute tools that help people relate with their environment, gain

their livelihood, and improve their quality of life. In the past, these

tools were shared within society. For about a century, capitalism has

been increasingly trying to privatize knowledge and culture. Many people

are resisting the privatization of the intellectual and cultural

commons. Some people destroy fields of genetically modified crops owned

by companies seeking to patent life itself, some indigenous communities

keep out anthropologists, biologists and other researches trying to

catalogue and patent their traditional music, folk medicine, or heirloom

seeds, and some people share their music and art through “creative

commons” licenses rather than copyrights.

While the original pirates liberated goods that had been exploited in

the massive process of primitive accumulation known as colonialism

(freeing slaves, stealing gold and silver mined with slave labor,

seizing rum and sugar that came from the plantations), one of the major

forms of modern piracy is the liberation of so-called intellectual

property (such as movies and music) using new tools on the internet.

The scarcity on which capitalism is based never arises naturally.

Sometimes it is the result of the bad choices of a society, destroying

its soil, overfishing or overhunting, not balancing its population.

Frequently scarcity is directly and intentionally imposed by the State.

During the Irish potato famine, Ireland was forced to produce food for

export by the British military occupation. The Great Famine in Ukraine

was caused by the Soviet government, forcibly changing the traditional

mode of agriculture. The US government killed off the seemingly endless

herds of bison so that the Lakota and Cheyenne of the Great Plains (who

had defeated the US in an important war) would lose their food source.

Governments around the world have stopped at nothing, killing millions

of people, in order to make self-sufficiency impossible. If we can take

care of ourselves, we don’t need government, and we don’t need to work

for the rich people that government exists to protect.

A related function of the State is to destroy the commons wherever they

arise. The first modern legal codes in Europe served to criminalize the

traditional use of the commons. A major application of the death penalty

in 18^(th) century England was to punish hunting, foraging, and other

traditional uses of the forests that previously had been legal, and were

even protected in Magna Carta. Today, the World Bank and IMF force

debtor countries to change their laws and criminalize traditional uses

of the commons, allowing them to be privatized by transnational

corporations. In 1994, the NAFTA agreement with the US and Canada forced

Mexico to change its Constitution and remove the protection of communal

land tenure. Another major point of collaboration between world

governments involves cracking down on piracy or sharing of the creative

commons, so-called intellectual property. More generally, the US and

other leading governments want to tame the internet entirely so it is no

longer a space of sharing and anonymity—a commons—but rather a

commercialized space easily controled by the police and exploited by

corporations. This is similar to how the forests and marshlands were

cleared and drained for economic reasons and for military reasons

simultaneously. Due to their opacity and defensive advantages, these

spaces were off limits to commercial development and they were also

where rebels, bandits, and revolutionaries often hid out.

Generally, the State claims to be protecting us when they destroy the

commons or clear wilderness, which are often the only spaces where we

can still be free. In 2008, a shipwreck off the coast of England left

thousands of tons of wooden beams washed up on shore. The wood could no

longer be sold to major buyers, because it had seawater stains, but it

was still perfectly usable for fuel or building. The shipwreck had

brought a new commons into being, and quickly people came to collect

wood. The government jumped into action and prohibited the scavenging of

wood, in the name of a national emergency. Their reasoning? People could

get splinters, therefore collecting the wood was dangerous.

As for the widespread commons of garbage, several governments around the

world are working to criminalize and suppress it. In the US, several

cities have arrested people for sharing free dumpstered food. In Spain,

where bakers traditionally give away unsold loaves at the end of the

day, chain bakeries have started to count all their loaves of bread,

returning and destroying (or selling to livestock and other industries)

every loaf that hasn’t been paid for. In many cities in the Netherlands,

new trash containers store the garbage underground, making it impossible

to access. Once again, they prefer that people starve instead of being

able to get anything for free.

With urban gardens and the planting of fruit and nut trees, many cities

could come close to food self-sufficiency. The anarchist scientist

Kropotkin wrote about this emerging possibility a century ago, using

Paris as his model, but since then governments and urban planners have

made sure to prevent this new commons. Sometimes, urban gardens are

evicted and bulldozed, as in Los Angeles. In general, cities avoid

planting edible plants in the urban green spaces. Athens or Barcelona,

for example, are graced with thousands of orange trees, but the variety

the city governments choose to plant only produce an inedible kind of

orange.

One notable exception to this rule can be found in Seattle. During

several months of the summer, one can harvest a variety of edible,

delicious fruits and berries from trees and bushes growing in the city.

However, most people have lost the traditional skills and knowledge to

carry out this simple task, or to even realize that food comes from the

earth and not from the supermarket. People are so alienated that most of

the fruits and berries go to waste.

This sad fact demonstrates the connection between knowledge and

material. Intellectual or cultural commons and commons of land or

resources are inseparably related. If the State can seize the land, the

know-how to live from it eventually disappears. If the State can

alienate people from their traditional knowledge, they will not know how

to use common land or resources even if they are right next door.

Another interesting fact about cities is that food grown in them will be

contaminated by automobile pollution. For this reason it could be easy

to argue that growing food in cities is not the best idea anyway. But

there is no natural connection between cities and cars. In fact, cities

function far more efficiently without car traffic, using instead public

transportation and bicycles.

But a focus on efficiency ignores the historically important fact that

the State prefers to subsidize and implement those technologies that

foster dependency, erode the commons, and create new opportunities for

professionalized management (particularly within a paradigm of security

or protection). Trains create new common spaces and can be

self-organized by their operators. Car traffic, on the contrary, is so

atomized it requires state intervention in order to be directed and

organized. It creates new dangers the State must protect its citizens

against, with an absurdly high number of traffic fatalities even in

societies where the governments effectively manage car traffic. Last but

not least, it creates the possibility—for the first time in history—of a

crowd of thousands of people who are side by side, when stuck in

traffic, yet totally isolated from one another and without immanent

possibilies of collective action.

In sum, the commons hold a central place of importance in the struggle

against capitalism. The commons can be constituted by land, wilderness,

skills and experiences, scavenged goods, or public spaces. They do not

only exist in peripheral societies that can still claim to be

traditional; the commons are an ever present possibility in every fold

of human existence, from the most developed countries to the least.

The commons are both a structure and a practice. Commoning is one of the

most popular and subversive forms of action against capitalism. It is

not the provenance of professional revolutionaries but an activity

undertaken instinctively by people around the world.

Because commoning is instinctual, communism is a fraud. The attempt to

abstract the commons or to mediate the practice of commoning through an

ideology rends it from the unique conditions of daily life that give it

breath and substance. The commons will be reconstituted in a different

form in every different part of the world, at the hands of those people

who are closest to the available matter and memory that can be

transformed into the basis for collective survival. Commoning is the

task of those who will become part of each new commons.

Capitalism created classes, and these classes will not destroy

capitalism. Building on the material of the feudal castes, those who

could wield a military and economic advantage constituted themselves as

the owning class, and forcibly constituted the proletariat as those who

only owned their labor power and their ability to reproduce. The same

property relationship that enclosed the commons forced those who could

not resist these enclosures to become the working class. Class society

and capital will be abolished by those who win the force to be able to

see themselves in relation to the commons and not in relation to

property.

The enemy who constantly scatters this force and tramples the commons

wherever they pop up is the State. Our struggle must aim for the

destruction of the State, to open up the new spaces where the commons

can flourish. Commoning itself is not the property of any party or

theory, but the shared potential that makes any communication possible.

Anarchy is a prerequisite for the commons. The stronger the State, the

narrower the margin on which new commons may arise. And the more

bountiful our commons, the stronger and more sustained our attacks

against the State. Whether the State is destroyed by anarchists is

unimportant, except for those anarchists who share with the communists a

need to author the plan that will be foisted on the new world.

What is important is that our dreams again take root in the commons,

that our theories take aim on the State, and that our struggles create

new commons and revitalize the old ones.