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Title: Against Multiculturalism Author: Peter Lamborn Wilson Language: en Topics: culture, North America Source: Retrieved on 17th May 2021 from https://hermetic.com/bey/pw-multicul
The USA was always supposed to be a “melting pot.” Canada, by contrast,
calls itself a “mosaic”, which may explain why Canadians seem to suffer
a kind of long-drawn-out and perpetual identity crisis. What does it
mean to be “Canadian” as opposed to (or as well as) Quebecois, Celt, or
Native?
In the 1950s the USA was supposed to be immune to such headaches. All
cultures would “melt” and fuse into the American character, the main
stream. In truth, however, this “consensus” culture was simply English
colonial culture with amnesia, and a faded patina of frontier bluster.
Immigrant cultures which resisted meltdown were considered simply
abnormal; the Irish, for example, were viewed as savage recalcitrants
until quite recently. Of course it was hard to tell if certain cultures
remained “outside” because they wanted to or because they were excluded.
In the 1960s blacks were identified as an unfairly excluded culture, and
steps were taken to absorb them into the mainstream (through school
integration for example). Native Americans were still excluded by law,
which defines them by blood rather than by culture, and maintains
“segregation” by the reservation system. Jews, Hispanics, Asians, each
followed their own trajectory toward assimilation or resistance.
By the late 1970s or early 1980s it became obvious that the Melting Pot
had somehow failed. Black culture, the test case, now appeared
impossible to absorb. The “consensus” was in danger. The Right, with its
schizophrenic attitudes toward race and culture, had faltered. A new
“liberal” consensus was proposed. It was called multiculturalism.
Let there be no mistake: multiculturalism is a strategy designed to save
“America” as an idea, and as a system of social control. Each of the
many cultures that make up the nation are now to be allowed a little
measure of self-identity and a few simulacra of autonomy. School
textbooks now reflect this strategy, with 1950s illustrations of happy
historical whites retouched to include a few blacks, Asians and even
Natives. A dozen or so departments of multiculturalism spring up at
university level. Each minority must now be treated with “dignity” in
the curriculum. Conservatives raise a stink: the Canonical Shibboleths
of Western Civilization are in danger! Our children will be forced to
study … black history! This babble on the Right lends multiculturalism
an aura of “radical” righteousness and political correctitude, and the
Left leaps forward to defend the new paradigm. In the middle according
to theory — balance will be restored, and the consensus will function
again. The trouble is that the theory itself emanates neither from the
Right nor Left nor Center. It emanates from the top. It’s a theory of
control.
The old textbooks depicted all ethnic/cultural particularity as a taint
which could only be overcome in the great pot of conformity to the Norm.
Yet the Norm was itself so clearly and simply a form of hegemonic
particularism that the textbooks wore thin and eventually grew
transparent. They had to go — I agree. Now we have a few texts which
admit, for example, that Columbus was a mixed blessing and that Africans
were not morally responsible for being slaves. This is a step forward —
I agree. However, I remain interested in knowing precisely who has given
us permission to hold such opinions — and why?
In the first place, it seems obvious that each of the “many” particular
cultures is being measured against or assimilated to a mainstream
“universal” culture. The only difference is that the mainstream now,
apparently, values a bit of “diversity,” and feels a bit of permissible
nostalgia for colorful ethnic customs. At the heart of the discourse
however, the very discourse which now defines itself as “multicultural”,
there remains a “solid core curriculum” made up of the same old
Euro-rationalist axiomata, scientistic triumphalism, and ruling-class
teleology.
This mainstream constitutes Civilization, and only on the periphery of
this centrality can the cultures find a place. Whatever the cultures may
possess which might be of use to Civilization will of course be accepted
with gratitude. Each quaint little local culture has something to offer,
something to be “proud” of. A museological passion inspirits the Center;
everyone collects little ethnic particularities; everyone’s a tourist;
everyone appropriates.
The multicultural conversation as totalist monologue might go something
like this: Yes, your little handicrafts will look good in my living
room, where they’ll help disguise the fact that my house was designed by
— and perhaps for — a machine. Yes, your sweat-lodge ceremony will
provide us with a pleasant week-end “experience”. Gosh, aren’t we the
Masters of the Universe? Why should we put up with this bland old
Anglo-American furniture when we can take yours instead? Aren’t you
grateful? And no more Imperial Colonialism either: we pay for what we
take — and even what we break! Pay, pay, pay. After all, it’s only
money.
Thus multiculturalism is seen in the first place to propose both
universalism and particularism at once — in effect, a totality. Every
totality implies a totalitarianism, but in this case, the Whole appears
in friendly face, a great theme park where every “special case” can be
endlessly reproduced. Multiculturalism is the “Spectacle” of
communicativeness — conviviality which it renders into commodity form
and sells back to those who have dreamed it. In this sense
multiculturalism appears as the necessary ideological reflection of the
Global Market or “New World Order,” the “one” world of too-Late
Capitalism and the “end of History.”
The “end of History” is of course code for the “end of the Social”.
Multiculturalism is the decor of the end of the Social, the metaphorical
imagery of the complete atomization of the “consumer”. And what will the
consumer consume? Images of culture.
In the second place, multiculturalism is not just a false totality or
unification, but also a false separation. The “minorities” are told in
effect that no common goals or values could unite them, except of course
the goals and values of the consensus. Blacks have Black Culture, for
example, and are no longer required to assimilate. So long as Black
Culture tacitly recognizes the centrality of the consensus — and its own
peripherality — it will be allowed and even encouraged to thrive.
Genuine autonomy, however, is out of the question, and so is any “class
consciousness” which might cut across ethnic or “lifestyle” lines to
suggest revolutionary coalitions. Each minority contributes to the
Center, but nothing is allowed to circulate on the periphery, and
certainly not the power of collectivity.
Unlike a flower, which opens its borders to bees and breezes and flows
out into life, the “consensus” draws all energy inward and absorbs it
into a closed system of rigid control a death-like process which must
eventually end in sterility and hysteresis.
Living as we do in the era of total Global order and the physical and
cultural environment it secretes, it should be obvious that
particularise can represent a form of resistance. The Totality has
therefore undertaken to appropriate the energy of the resistance by
offering a false form of particularism, empty of all creative power, as
a commodified simulacrum of insurrectionary desire. In this sense
multiculturalism is simply the recto of that page whose verso is “ethnic
cleansing”. Both sides spell disappearance for any authentic particular
culture of resistance.
At the same time the Consensus secretly encourages race and even class
hatred. In the mysterious absence of that “Evil Empire” which once
provided an excuse for every act of violent repression and corruption
carried out in “defense of Western Civilization”, the Consensus must now
seek out or even create its “enemies” within itself. Intelligence orgs
fall in love with violent nationalists, separatists, and chauvinists of
all kinds. In such circles, multiculturalism means: “let them tear out
each others’ throats, and save us the trouble”. Thus every act of
rebellion and violent hatred simply increases the power of the “Security
State”. Already we see that the Discourse of Power is running out of
patience with these “darned minorities and all their P.C. blather. We
offered them multiculturalism and look! Still they rebel. Criminals!”
The Left has believed so long in the “International” that it has — so
far — failed to adjust to the post-1989 situation with a clear response
to the “New Globalism.” When the Berlin Wall fell, in the moment of
freedom which opened there, a new form of internationalism rushed to
fill the breach. As United States politicians crowed about how “the Cold
War is over and we won” international Capital declared the end of all
ideology. This means not only that Communism is “dead” but also that
“democratic republicanism” has served its purpose and transformed itself
into an empty idol. Henceforth only one force will “rule” — the
rationality of money. Abstracted from all real valuation, representing
nothing but itself, money is etherealized, and finally divinized. Money
has “gone to Heaven” and left mere life behind.
In this situation both Right and Left will rebel — and in some cases it
will be hard to tell the difference. A myriad forms of particularism
will arise, consciously or unconsciously, to oppose the false totality
and pitiful booby-prizes of multiculturalism’s “New World Order”. The
Social has not ended, of course, no more than everyday life itself. But
the Social will now involve itself with the insurrectionary potential of
difference. In its most unconscious and deeply deluded form, this
passion for difference will simply repeat the old and empty rhetoric of
classical nationalism or racism. Hence, “ethnic cleansing“ from Bosnia
to California.
Against this hegemonic particularism, we might propose a more conscious
and socially just form of anti-hegemonic particularism. It’s difficult
to envision the precise shape such a force might assume, but it grows
easier to identify as it actually emerges. A miraculous revival of
Native-American culture steals the fire of the Columbus celebrations in
1992, and sharpens the debate over cultural appropriation. In Mexico the
Zapatista uprising, according to the New York Times, the first
“post-modern rebellion”, constitutes the first armed actionagainst the
New Globalism — in the particularise but antihegemonic cause of the
Mayans and peasants of Chiapas. I regard this as a struggle for
“empirical freedoms” rather than “ideology.” In a positive sense one
might say that all cultural and/or social forms of particularism deserve
support as long as
they remain anti-hegemonic, and precisely to the extent that they remain
so.
In this context we might even discover uses for “multiculturalism”,
since it may serve as a medium for the propagation of subversive memes,
and the insurrectionary desire for radical difference. Such a subversive
“entry into the media,” however, can serve only one ultimate purpose:
the utter destruction of multiculturalist neo-imperialism and its
transformation into something else. If the secret agenda of
multiculturalism demands universal separation under the aegis of a false
totality, then the radical response to multiculturalism must attack not
only its ersatz universality but also its invidious alienation, its
false separatism. If we support true anti-hegemonic particularism, we
must also support the other half of the dialectic by developing a force
to penetrate all false boundaries, to restore communicativeness and
conviviality across a horizontal and random web of connectivities and
solidarities. This would constitute the true force of which
multiculturalism is merely the empty simulacrum. It would complement
anti-hegemonic particularism with a genuine reciprocity among peoples
and cultures. The “economy of the Gift” would replace the economy of
exchange and commodification. The Social would resume circulation on the
level of experienced life” through the exercise of imagination and
generosity.
In this sense the answer to the problem of “appropriation” would arise
from the concept of a “universal potlach” of giving and sharing. As a
test case, examine the issue of cultural appropriation of
Native-American values. The original identity of tribal peoples in the
“New” World was tribal, not racial. Anyone could be adopted into a
tribe, as were many drop-out whites and run-away blacks. The
twentieth-century renaissance of Native Culture has discovered certain
spiritual universals which it wants to give and share with everyone, and
it has discovered an anti-hegemonic particularism which it desires for
itself. The Elders charge that too many Americans want to appropriate or
commodity the latter (sweat-lodges, sun-dances, etc.) but ignore or
despise the former (reverence for Nature, love of place as topocosm,
etc.) . The Native tradition is not closed, despite the just anger and
bitterness of the tribes, but demands reciprocity rather than
appropriation. Let us Euro’s first evolve a serious revolutionary
attitude toward the restoration of wild (er) ness; then it will be
appropriate for us to make the fine Alexandrian gesture of “worshipping
local spirits”.
The Situationists already envisioned this strategy when they coined that
much-abused slogan: “think globally, act locally”. Our true interests
include global realities, such as “environment”, but effective power can
never be global without being oppressive. Top-down solutions reproduce
hierarchy and alienation. Only local action for “empirical freedoms” can
effect change on the level of “experienced life” without imposing
categories of control. A New-age Nietzsche might have called it “the
will to self-empowerment”.
The poet Nathaniel Mackay calls it cross-culturalism. The image
expresses a non-hierarchic, de-centered web of cultures, each one
singular, but not alienated from other cultures. Exchange takes place as
reciprocity across the permeable boundaries of this complex of
autonomous, but loosely defined, differences. I would add a further
refinement. This reciprocity will produce more than the mere sum of
exchanges within the system, and this more will constitute a universal
value in circulation among free collectivities and individuals. Hence
the term cross-cultural synergetics might describe the precise term (or
slogan) proposed as a replacement for “multiculturalism”.
Conclusion
The multicultural paradigm presupposes a false totality within which are
subsumed a set of false particularities. These differences are
represented and packaged as “lifestyle choices” and “ethnicities”,
commodities to appease the genuine passion for genuine difference with
mere “traces” and images of “dignity” and even of “rebellion”. Against
this, cross-cultural synergism proposes actual autonomy, whether for
individuals or cohesions of individuals, based on radical consciousness
and organic identity. In this sense, cross-culturalism can only oppose
itself to “multiculturalism”, either through a strategy of subversion,
or through open assault. Either way, “multiculturalism” must be
destroyed.