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Title: Rogues Against the State Author: Crudo Date: February 27, 2007 Language: en Topics: anarchist movement, Modesto Anarcho, activism, insurrectionary, critique of leftism Source: Retrieved on 12th August 2021 from https://anarcho209.proboards.com/thread/40/rogues-state-notes Notes: From Modesto Anarcho #3
âWe do not assume that our world is inevitably heading toward a
libratory transformation of social relations. [However], if there is a
choice between cynicism and hopelessness or a determined and focused
attack on the present institutions of domination, we choose the latter.â
â A Murder of Crows, Issue #1, March 2006
and work. This is our project. We must reject the idea of building a
mass movement directed by a single line of thought or ideology, group or
organization, and instead think about how we can participate in (let
alone foster) a complete social transformation. The desire to create one
monolithic anarchist organization reflects the same desire as that of
the Marxist-Leninist version of âthe Partyâ, even if it is veiled under
the description of âdirectly democraticâ and âdecentralizedâ. This is a
desire to direct, convert, and manage âthe massâ, as opposed to existing
and acting within our class, community, or bioregion, (with other proles
and militants) towards a self-organized existence. To me however, a
rejection of the approach of âactivismâ doesnât mean that we should
exclude ourselves from daily life and those around us, hiding in little
ghettos to become masters of what Makhno called, the âpaper revolutionâ.
Far from it, we need to realize that we are of the oppressed and
excluded and of those apart from the ruling elites. We need to act along
side and with the oppressed for we are of them and show through our
actions and relationships what our anti-politics are. It is through
struggle and personal affinity that we will gain more people interested
in our ideas, spaces, and projects. It is also through struggle that we
will find more in common with others that may have the same desires and
be engaging in a similar praxis, yet not with the same set of labels.
Our task is to be able to act within various social tensions that exist
within society and connect with others, to create and maintain
autonomous zones so we can grow, build, learn, stay sane, and also to be
able to defend and expand ourselves and those zones by any means
necessary. Let our tendency spread like a virus, leaving dead
authoritarians (of all stripes) in itâs wake.
have made sense when it was thought that the only thing necessary for
revolution was taking over the means of production. However, since
industrial capitalism (or if you prefer âcivilizationâ) is a threat to a
wild healthy planet, peopleâs lives, other species (and all the other
nasty and alienating things that come from the industrial workplace)
then we should abandon any hopes of âself-managingâ it through our own
labors. Many âclass struggle anarchistsâ have also forgotten that living
in cities, working in factories, the creation of private property and
the imposition of class society in general was all done to subjugate
people into a division of labor (and thus classes) for the sake of
gaining surplus, capital, and power. Organizing around class lines is a
possible strategy for social revolution, but if we arenât against the
basic foundations of class society in general, then what is the point?
technological apparatus) was meant to serve capital, not us.
Decentralization of production and increased technological automation
has in part been implemented to halt the possibility of workers
revolting at a centralized point of production and hurting the flow of
capital. Therefore, using the same infrastructure that is meant to keep
the gears of capital and state humming should be totally abandoned.
Also, production for things like computers is based around âharvestingâ
resources that are found in certain geographic regions throughout the
world. In a future society of various autonomous regions, production and
resource abstraction would require the destruction of certain areas to
provide the materials for things like cell phones and computers, even if
it was done collectively and via self-management. We cannot continue to
warp our world around industrial culture, it is as un-ecologically sound
as it is non-congruent to anarchy.
lead to everyone being Robinson Crusoe, (or at least just the cool
anarchist kids), this is as misguided as self-managing the current death
culture. Even if the lights go out or the top soil goes bad, the global
elite will not stop being the global elite. Even now, many of them are
trying to figure out how they can âsave our economyâ and âstop global
warmingâ, realizing that complete ecological disaster is a threat to
capitalâs hold over the world. It is quite possible that ecological
collapse on some level could happen, (peak oil, dead oceans, etc) and it
is also possible that the elites will take major steps to make sure that
some of the damage is reduced (as so much damage has already been done).
Whatever the outcome, it remains clear that any environmental problems
will not signal the end of the elites hold over the earth and those
living on it. Moreover, as ecological and social problems become greater
and more open social tensions occur, the chances of the left launching
some sort of thrust for power is greater and we need to be able to be
strong enough to push for a total social transformation. Unwillingness
to engage in a revolutionary struggle against state and capital (and the
authoritarian left) will only signal a bleaker future with more of the
same.
total abolition and destruction of work (or wage labor, a division of
labor, industrialism, the format of the city, etc), even if our actions
occur in and around the workplace itself. Many âgreen anarchistsâ have
failed to take any heed to the possibilities of the revolt against work
(sabotage, wild cat strikes, actions outside of the unions) and instead
perceive that anything existing in or around the industrial workplace is
nuts (even if itâs the people inside struggling). Within struggles such
as these there is a âselfish class desireâ that exists because people
are more willing to struggle for things that affect them directly.
However we need to take this thinking a step further and realize that it
is desirable to destroy work and the civilization that has produced a
society where all life must be bent around it. By this I mean that the
struggle against industrial society can be one of motivated class
interest and not just a desire to âsave the earthâ, (as well intended or
valid as that may be). The question now, as always, is how do we
proceed?
Most of the organizing work that I did in my local area was through the
anarchist collective Direct Action Anti-Authoritarians, or DAAA
Collective for short. Most of our activity revolved around our
collective doing projects that largely repeated themselves and sought to
âbuild massâ by trying to get more people into the group. Meaning, we
wanted to be âthe movementâ as opposed to participating in an autonomous
social movement of various projects, individuals, and groups. Really
Free Markets, Food Not Bombs, literature distribution, Copwatch, etc,
drew in and âtouchedâ many people, but these projects often didnât
reflect our direct needs and desires (other than to be active and to do
something as anarchists, but see the article in Modesto Anarcho #2 on
âAgainst Anarcho-Charityâ for more on this subject). While these
projects gained us a lot of respect and notoriety as an activist
organization, we largely were seen as another charity that busied itself
with giving out food, clothing, and other needed items. This view of the
group as a charity meant that many peopleâs understanding of us was that
we were simply a resource to draw from and this meant that people
created connections with us not through physical struggle, but because
we had something that they needed. Energy and time was largely spent
toward keeping the collective simply alive, generally through the
continuation of a set checklist of repeating projects. Our time and
resources went into continuing these few set projects that we became
very good at continuing over the years (mainly literature distribution
with Anarchist Café, and variations of Food Not Bombs) and for many of
us, did not want to become critical of. The better we got at being an
activist group, the more distanced we got from those that we wanted to
revolt with and the more we became specialists in projects that did
little to actually challenge power.
somewhat change as we worked to include ourselves in various local
struggles that were going on. This ranged from things like helping out
at strikes, to participating in Copwatch organized by migrant farm
workers. While all of this was great stuff, and I would do it again,
because we wanted to gain recognition to DAAA Collective as an
organization, we often were uneasy in trying to help various struggles
by doing anything more than just general support. This uneasiness
generally meant that we often did not try and find ourselves at odds
with left, union, church, or other set bureaucracies that were often
active in set struggles we were supporting, but instead tried to seek
their approval. Why were we even interested in there approval in the
first place? We should have been wheatpasting posters over town calling
for a general strike and autonomous resistance outside of the unions â
instead of talking to ALF-CIO leaders about how we could help. We should
have been fighting Nazis in the streets â instead of seeking approval
from churches that were vandalized by racists for a thumbs up about our
anti-politics. We should have been kicking in doors of abandoned houses
with friends to open squats â instead of wasting gas driving across town
to get vegetables for Food Not Bombs. In short, we should have acted
like our ideas meant something, instead of acting like just a bunch
ofâŠactivists.
that we desire the destruction of hierarchal society and openly desire
itâs abolition. We seek anti-politics, meaning the rejection of
representative forms of struggle and a praxis of insurrectionary attack,
or the use of actions which seek to destroy any existence of the state
and capital and allows for the self-organization of revolt and life.
This does not mean that people shouldnât use activist approaches from
time to time (for instance organizing events to fundraise for political
prisoners). But in general we need to find a strategy that exists
outside of going from protest to protest and from issue to issue. We are
in the middle of a social war, not a disagreement between various sides
that can reach a compromise.
everywhere is being able to see this as a social war, (or a violent
confrontation between hierarchal and autonomous forms of social
interactions). Modern society creates various tensions within it and
these are tensions that we can act within and work to expand into wider
attack and critique. We can see (historically and presently) that there
are tendencies within oppressed and exploited peopleâs struggles towards
self-organization and a desire to fight for their own interests through
insurrection, sabotage, direct action, and self-activity. In fact, many
of the historical reference points for the current anarchist movement
have all been social uprisings in which almost hardly any anarchists
were involved. Hungry 56â, Paris 68â, Argentina, Oaxaca, Albania,
Algeria, etc. This is not to say that anarchists didnât play a part in
this struggles, but that overall these examples showed largely anarchist
tactics in action without them being first âtaughtâ to the âawaiting
massesâ. Sometimes self-organization can happen in small groups like
with rent strikes, wildcat strikes, appropriating land and goods,
killing cops, etc. Sometimes this happens in mass, as in the anti-HR
4437 student walk outs. If we are active participants within these
struggles and are approaching them in the context of revolutionary
solidarity (and not seeking to absorb them into an existing organization
or represent them), then we have a starting place for possible action.
DAAA Collective in the local area that did fit other patterns outside of
activism. For instance, during the SBC strike in Modesto several years
ago, anarchists vandalized an SBC corporate office with slogans like,
âOff the Bossâ, and âWe Donât Need the Bosses â They Need Us!â. Although
this was a small action, the desire was to push for a greater critique
of the situation beyond simply a desire for higher wages. During a
recent rally called by local rent strikers, anarchists showed up and
passed out stickers (reading: Rent is Theft, Solidarity with all Rent
Strikers), passed out flyers (see the article in Modesto Anarcho #2) and
also distributed food and herbal medicine. While our message was way
more radical then anything that the rent strikers had put forth, many of
them were extremely glad that we had shown solidarity with them and
taken the time to come out with materials and supplies. Many of the
protestors stuck the âRent is Theftâ stickers on their shirts and passed
out our flyers. Conversations were struck up, and new relationships were
made. When asked if we were an organization, we replied that we were a
group of friends that was organized and wanted to help and expand the
strike. They respected our position because it was one of genuine desire
and respect. We were fellow people facing the horrors of everyday life
and we were trying to find ways to change that. This should be our
heading. Connections with real people building real relationships
through struggle and personal affinity.
various struggles as opposed to more activist variants is not âvulgar
vanguardismâ, as some would put it. Meaning, we do not seek to create a
vanguard of âthe most militantâ or to steer struggles out of the hands
of those who initiate them in the first place. In the case of the rent
strikers in Ceres, it probably would have served no one if we had shown
up in ski masks and started breaking things during their protest.
However, if groups on the other side of the country took initiative and
conducted actions against the firm that owns the mobile home park where
the rent strikers are currently struggling in, (a company which was
raising their rent, causing them to go on strike), those actions could
have the possibility to lead to very positive results. It is through
action (and the propaganda work of explaining the anti-politics behind
those actions) that we wish to use to push various isolated revolts into
possibly wider open war.
revolutionary anti-authoritarian ideals are going to survive and create
what many of us desire: a multi-generational movement. By this I mean a
movement that can replicate itself again and again and retains the older
generation while creating the next one. In some countries this has meant
squats and social centers, in the U.S. infoshops and collective houses
(to a certain degree). Autonomous space allows for a variety of
participation within movements from people with various degrees of
comfort and ability when it comes to action and allows more individuals
to plug into social movements that just a core group of people. It also
allows âdrop-outâ counter-culture to form. By this I do not mean the
negative âlifestylistâ escapism that is rampant within the anarchist
subculture, but I mean autonomous masses of people who reject the
current society and instead try and build their own âwithin the shell of
the oldâ, in defiance and resistance to authoritarian society. The more
people that drop out, the more energy people have to put into destroying
the current frameworks of domination.
it the infoshop, collective house, squat, forest village, what have you.
I simply mean a self-organized area (or liberated zone that radicals
inhabit) where people can unplug from the current system and work
towards abolishing it. This could be a hang out spot, your room, a back
yard garden, or whatever you have in your abilities. In this sense, I
think that it is impossible to separate creating autonomous space from
creating a revolutionary âcultureâ, (or perhaps âfolk cultureâ to use
CrimethInc. terms). How you go about creating a culture I donât know and
to some degree an anarchist culture already does exist, although the
common reference points are only to those existing in the current
milieu. This is largely the âculture of the sceneâ and often is simply
full of punk, vegan, and activist reference points that seem to keep
others out and isolate us in our own little ghettos. If industrial
culture produces individuals which recreate the current society, we must
create a revolutionary culture which seeks itâs total destruction and
yearns for a new liberatory one.
revolutionary process. This goes beyond just setting up collective
houses, squats, and such. Meaning, to create social groupings that can
expand themselves out and conquer more space (thus more autonomous
breathing room) and also use that space to attack the forces of
hierarchy that are in turn attacking it. We need to use the islands of
autonomy as the (decentralized) command centers for attack. This is the
real âdual powerâ in my opinion, not just a set standard organization,
but really alive and vibrant communities of living beings that are
standing strong together, active in revolt, and are supporting each
other (mentally, physically, and as revolutionaries). We cannot separate
insurrection (or the creation of moments where state power and authority
disappear, and the situation becomes ungovernable) from the creation of
autonomous spaces. In fact, the very act of insurrection creates
autonomous space, so why not use autonomous space to foster
insurrection? The state will not allow us to build without trying to
destroy us and our projects. At this point, we must either defend
ourselves our be demolished. Community gardens, squats, and other
communal collective projects have all learned this the hard way over the
years. We must be prepared to defend our movement from the forces of
repression. We must also seek to create and perpetuate a culture of
permanent conflict with the systems of domination, so as to not allow
our autonomous spaces to e co-opted by the left or agents of
recuperation.
(or at least, thatâs mostly what the white men tell us). The negatives
of class society was simply that of a physically impoverished existence
(poverty, hunger, etc). However, modern life is much more complicated
than that. We have become alienated beyond (or on top of) class. We have
become alienated to simply being individuals in a sea of other alienated
isolated individuals. Capitalism has separated us into classes, yet
divided us again and again into service workers, blue and white collar,
sex workers, professors, social workers, state workers, middle managers,
supervisors, union and non-union workers, teachers, etc. Many of us now
work with some sort of control over others. Micromanagement and the
modern workplace has made many of us some sort of boss, whether it is
over animals, other workers, children, ecosystems, or groups of people.
This society separates us again into genders and rigid sexuality, and
again into races; reinforcing a systematic set of white privilege, and
pitting racial groups against each other. This is not to say that the
young white woman driving to work at Starbucks is in the exact same boat
as a black Katrina survivor, but what it does mean is that while
physically the system may attack us differently, we are all alienated
for our very existence by modern life. The destruction of natural
community and genuine systems of social interaction has made millions
flock to mega churches to find values, meaning, and a place to raise
kids, and billions to internet social networking sites, to find love,
life, and friendship. As the situationist slogan goes, âEven those that
escape physical poverty, can not escape the emotional poverty of
everyday lifeâ. Modern existence has destroyed real social bonds and
meaningful relationships, yet recuperates this desire back to us.
largely different ways (Mexicano immigrants vs. homeless people), the
thing that we all have in common is that we all suffer from the
totality. We are all affected by industrial capitalism in various ways
(some benefiting more or less, or hurting more or less) but we are all
affected. If those exploited and excluded from the system can see their
commonalities and common desires and base that into action, then as
Barry Pateman says, âHey, anything is possible.â This of course is not
to say that it is likely the elites (ruling class) will see âthe error
in their waysâ and come over to our side, but that various groups within
the exploited and the excluded have a common self-interest (although
they may not realize it) to stop the current state of affairs.
poked, prodded, destroyed, and broken in a million ways by race, gender,
class, sexual orientation, age, education level, and whatever else, then
we can start fighting back as individuals. We will start as militants on
the search for other individuals that we can share affinity with and
form the basic building block of the social war: the affinity group. Or
perhaps, the crew, the gang, your friends, your posse, or perhaps just
yourself acting in concert with the overall all social war. We say we
desire a life of real affinity and free association, well this is it. If
our vision of a world that is comprised of autonomous communities of
free association organized without hierarchy, then we should not
separate the ends from the means. When I say that we should express
ourselves through action, I mean that in a million different ways.
Opening up autonomous space, general propaganda work, fostering
anarchist community, carrying out militant actions, engaging in
solidarity work, etc. Our resistance should take the same organizational
structure of the society that we wish to create.
workers against work, with as much contempt for the boss as for the
union bureaucrat. We will love and fight for the wild earth and we will
tear down and sabotage the city. We will reject wage slavery and
industrial production yet spend hundreds of (wo)man hours on projects
that will benefit ourselves and those around us. We will try and
physically arm our desires in a real sense, to except our plans for
existence as real and meaningful and network with others doing the same.
We will respond with action when it is needed, sabotage when it is
possible, and revolutionary solidarity when it is called for. Our
anti-politics will be clear as day through our actions and relationships
with others. We will be irresistible because we will live like we want,
fight like we give a d**n, and show that our ideals are not an
abstraction, but a way to live. We will be race traitors, gender
benders, ex-workers, ex-students, a mass of anti-mass, a movement of
autonomous zones. We will support those behind bars, so possibly more
will do the things that make people wind up there in the first place. We
will create a resistance so enticing and wonderful that the reformists
and leftists will look like the dinosaurs that they are. We will blur
the line between revolution and actually living our lives, until they
are one and the same. While we are forced to live under kings, cops,
bosses, we will never relinquish our disgust for them or their system
and continue to sharper our knives for the moments when they turn their
backs. We will defend what we have and create what we donât. A new
anarchist history is waiting to be written, go out and make it.