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Title: Silent No Longer Author: Anarchist Affinity Date: March 17, 2014 Language: en Topics: sexual assault, critique of leftism Source: Retrieved on January 18, 2021 from https://web.archive.org/web/20210118081440/http://www.collectiveaction.org.au/2014/03/17/silent-no-longer-confronting-sexual-violence-in-the-left/ Notes: By Rebecca. Published in The Platform Issue 1. Content Warning: Experiences of sexual violence and victim blaming.
In 2012, a member of the UK Socialist Workers Party (SWP) came forward
saying she had been raped and sexually harassed by the former National
Secretary of the organisation, Martin Smith. The internal
âinvestigationâ which followed demonstrated a number of common ways in
which sexual violence is ignored and those who experience it are
demonised. Some of the members of the Disputes Committee chosen to
investigate the claim were close friends of Smith. The woman who had
come forward was questioned about her sexual history and alcohol use.
She was made to feel that members of the Disputes Committee thought she
was âa slut who asked for itâ. The Disputes Committee concluded that the
accusation that Smith had raped and harassed her was ânot proven.â Four
members of the SWP who discussed their misgivings about the Committeeâs
decision on Facebook were expelled from the group. The woman who had
accused Smith was not allowed to attend the SWPâs conference to contest
the Disputes Committeeâs decision. The SWPâs response to this case
resulted in hundreds of members resigning. Meanwhile, Solidarity (an
Australian affiliate of the SWP) labelled the SWPâs investigation of the
rape claim âscrupulously fairâ.
While there was a significant outcry amongst people in left-wing circles
about the way members of the SWP responded to sexual violence within
their group, there was little reflection on the fact that many other
left-wing organisations respond in a similarly toxic way. The lack of
internal democracy within the SWP certainly hindered the efforts of
those seeking change within the organisation, but informal social
processes influenced by misogynist ideas about sexual violence can be
just as destructive to the lives of sexual violence survivors.
Gendered violence is a key way in which womenâs oppression is maintained
in our patriarchal society. In Australia, 1 in 5 women and 1 in 20 men
over the age of 15 have experienced sexual violence since the age of 15
years [1]. Violence perpetrated by men is the leading cause of
preventable death, disability and illness in women aged 15â44 [2].
Aboriginal women, poor women, women of differing abilities, and sex and
gender diverse people are significantly more likely to experience sexual
violence.
All too often, survivors of sexual violence are greeted with disbelief,
anger, and defensiveness when they should be believed and supported.
This happens in left-wing groups, our social movements, our friendship
circles, our workplaces, and countless other places in society. While
most left-wing groups and movements share a stated opposition to sexism,
this does not make them immune to the misogynist assumptions which
underlie victim blaming and which often come up when people are
confronted by sexual violence committed by their friends or political
comrades.
I was raped by someone who was involved in the Melbourne anarchist
milieu in 2010. It was a horrible, frightening experience, made worse by
the fact that it was someone who I had trusted as a friend and a
political comrade. I was lucky, though. The friends, family members and
people in the anarchist milieu I told about my experience believed me
and the person who assaulted me is no longer welcome in many of
Melbourneâs political spaces. I know too many people who have had
similar experiences, but who have been called liars, ignored, lost
friends and comrades, or been forced to remain silent. I canât imagine
how much harder it is for people whoâve survived sexual violence, and
then been treated like this by those they thought they could trust, to
keep on going.
When someone tells their friends or political comrades that they have
experienced sexual violence, there are a number of common responses.
Sometimes survivors who come forward are completely ignored. People who
know the person who perpetrated sexual violence will say that they
âdonât want to take sidesâ and want to remain âneutral.â Survivors are
told that confronting a perpetrator of sexual violence will cause
division in the movement or organisation. The personalities, political
beliefs, lifestyles and appearance of survivors of sexual violence are
scrutinised in minute detail. Survivors of sexual violence are called
âcrazyâ or seen as too emotional. If a survivor speaks out about
violence they will often be presented as vindictively trying to wreck a
perpetratorâs reputation. Perpetrators are frequently defended as being
a âgood personâ or a âgood organiserâ, as though this should excuse
their violence. People attempt to justify their inaction by saying that
they donât want to act based on ârumoursâ and that we should presume
that a person accused of perpetrating sexual violence is âinnocent until
proven guilty.â Some activists tell survivors not to go to the police,
because of their role in supporting state oppression, but all too often
provide no alternative forms of support.
These attitudes are used to justify a status quo within the left and
within broader society in which the interests of those who perpetrate
sexual violence are prioritised over those who are survivors of sexual
violence. Part of the problem with many responses to sexual violence is
that we have absorbed various legalistic ideas from state criminal
âjusticeâ systems which are sexist and are used to justify legal
inaction. For instance, the idea that we shouldnât rush to judge a
person accused of committing violence and should instead presume that
they are innocent. This flawed idea is used by many to argue that we
should not take the word of survivors when they tell us they have
experienced sexual violence. However, as Lisbeth Latham comments in a
recent piece on the SWP, âIf we think of the refrain âpeople accused of
rape are innocent until proven guiltyâ then the opposing logic also at
play is that those marking allegations of rape âare guilty of lying
about the allegation until proven innocent.â Defendants and their
supporters (both legal and extra-legal) focus their energy not on
proving innocence, but on undermining the credibility of the survivor.â
We need to reject the stateâs narrative about how we should deal with
accusations of sexual violence.
It is crucially important for us to point out that when we perpetuate
these ideas about sexual violence we are making a political choice which
has disastrous consequences for survivors of sexual violence. We know
that false accusations of sexual violence are incredibly rare. We know
that forcing survivors to jump through endless hoops by demanding they
provide âproofâ before we listen to and believe them is incredibly
harmful and makes it extremely difficult or them to speak out about
sexual violence. We know that our continual inaction allows perpetrators
to continue abusing people within our communities with impunity. And we
know that how we respond to sexual violence currently is killing our
political organisations and movements, and frustrating their capacity to
challenge sexism, racism, capitalism, and other forms of oppression and
exploitation.
So, hereâs what I think needs to happen: We need to make a political
choice to believe survivors of violence. We need to bring gendered
violence out into the open by treating survivors with trust and
compassion, rather than hostility. We need to take people at their word
when they tell us that they have experienced violence, including
gendered and sexual violence, without requiring them to tell us about
every little detail of what happened. And more than this, we need to
make a choice to prioritise survivors in our political work. This means
that we should have survivor-centred responses to sexual violence â
where the needs and desires of survivors determine our response. We need
to be open to excluding people responsible for sexual violence, at the
discretion of the survivor, from our political spaces, or ganisations,
and movements. And we need to be prepared to support survivors in
engaging with the people who harmed them through accountability
processes, if that is what theyâd like to do. Most of all, though, we
need to make it a political priority to actively support sexual violence
survivors through all of the personal and political challenges that come
in the aftermath of being assaulted.
Asking a perpetrator to leave an organisation or political space on the
word of a survivor is often a point which divides people within the
left. We have to remember that people are not entitled to be involved in
our political spaces. Many of us would accept the need to reject an
active Liberal Party member who wanted to join a radical political group
based on their oppressive ideology. We need to be open to taking the
same approach to those whose actions are a form of violent oppression.
In my experience, knowing that I am unlikely to run into the person who
raped me at a political space has made a world of difference to my
ongoing recovery, especially in environments where I know I would be
supported by those around me if I did see him. Asking someone to leave
our spaces does not deny them their freedom or safety. But if we refuse
to ask perpetrators to leave our spaces we are effectively risking the
safety of survivors and forcing many survivors to self-exclude.
Moreover, as women are a significant majority of sexual violence
survivors, not dealing with sexual violence has the effect of
reinforcing womenâs oppression in our movements.
Gendered violence does not occur in a social vacuum â any response we
make within our organisations and movements will be limited in scope. We
will never be truly safe or free from violence while we live in a
society fundamentally shaped by white supremacist capitalist patriarchy.
Excluding perpetrators from our spaces can enable survivors to feel
relatively safe in our movements, but it doesnât prevent sexual violence
from being committed in the first place or in other areas of society. To
create a society in which sexual violence is no longer a tool of
misogynist and racist oppression we need structural systemic change â in
short, a revolution.
An essential part of fighting rape culture involves identifying these
structural systems of oppression and exploitation which allow people to
perpetrate sexual violence with impunity. We need to fight the dominant
ideologies which suggest that some people deserve to be victims of
violence, and bear responsibility for the harm that is done to them â
whether because of their clothes, race, gender identity; or because they
are a refugee, poor, in prison, or a sex worker. Yet it is not enough to
merely struggle against sexism and sexual violence at a structural or
ideological level. If we are ever going to build the collective power
required to challenge these systems of oppression we must make a
committed effort to challenge violence and other actions which reinforce
oppression within our political organisations, our social movements, our
friendship groups and all other areas of life.
Why would anyone believe talk of a post-revolutionary society without
sexism if we cannot support survivors of sexual violence in our midst
and take a stand against those who perpetrate gendered violence among
us?
There are tentative signs of a growing movement against sexual violence
on the left. In 2004, three women were raped at a large punk festival in
Philadelphia in the US. The concert organisers established two
collectives to support the survivors and hold the rapists to account.
The collectives became Phillyâs Pissed and Philly Stands Up which
continued this work for a period of six years. Organisers of the 2012
Toronto and New York Anarchist bookfairs asked people who had been
accused of sexual violence, and who were not actively engaging in some
sort of accountability process, to not attend the events. Closer to
home, groups like A World Without Sexual Assault and Stepping Up in
Melbourne have provided support to survivors, facilitated accountability
processes, and run awareness-raising workshops.
We need to continue to build on these political gains in our organising
in Melbourne. One new project that that I am excited about aims to bring
together collective wisdom about how organisations can respond to sexual
violence in a way which genuinely supports survivors. This website
resource will also gather together ideas about how tools like grievance
collectives can be used to confront other oppressive behaviour, such as
racist or sexist conduct. We will be inviting anarchist, socialist,
social justice, environmental and other activist groups to commit to
acting in accordance with this advice. As part of this commitment,
groups will need to run workshops where their members can discuss
practical ways they can avoid perpetuating destructive responses to
sexual violence and avoid reinforcing systemic oppression. (If youâre
interested in getting involved in this project, contact Anarchist
Affinity and weâll pass your details on to the organising collective).
Conclusion
For too long sexual violence survivors have been sacrificed at the altar
of âmovement building.â This approach has a massively destructive impact
on survivors, but it also prevents us from creating the kind of
movements that we need. We must create social movements which build the
revolutionary collective power of the working classes to confront all
systems of oppression and exploitation. But to do this we need to start
practicing what we preach. We need to challenge misogynist attitudes
about sexual violence within our midst and create enduring structures
which allow us to support survivors and hold perpetrators to account.
Only then can we genuinely claim to be fighting for anarchism and social
justice.
Resources
Em BC, âMisogyny and the left â we need to start practicing what we
preachâ
âBetrayal â a critical analysis of rape culture in anarchist subculturesâ
[1] Australian Bureau of Statistics Personal Safety Survey, 2006.
[2] VicHealth (2004) âThe Health Costs of Violence: Measuring the burden
of disease caused by intimate partner violence.â