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Title: âIt Was Wartimeâ Author: anonymous Language: en Topics: indigenous anarchism, Mexico, insurrection, Black June, interview, Return Fire, elections, counterinsurgency, Nestle, 2016, Oaxaca Commune, 2015, Salvador Olmos GarcĂa, Nadia Vera Notes: Taken from Return Fire vol.6 chap.3, winter 2021â2022. To read the articles referenced throughout this text in [square brackets], PDFs of Return Fire and related publications can be read, downloaded and printed by visiting returnfire.noblogs.org or emailing returnfire@riseup.net
This interview was conducted more than two years ago from when it will
be read. The delay in publication has more to do with the appropriate
publication outlet than security or, more so, concerns for providing
feedback on how an action group was âeffectively halted.â The
proliferation and intensification of violence in Mexico against
anarchists, and especially organized women, has only increased since
this interview.
The actions and concerns animating this interview are fueled by the
acknowledgment that the worldâs capital can appropriate territory
anywhere, on top of not only the water, hills and jungles, but also
discipline and absorb the people of the region as an almost-free labor.
The Mexican government thus articulates the art of violence which has
only been on the rise since 2011, where subjugating the environments has
become a prerequisite to break local inhabitants and to establish
networks of profit. The Mexican government articulates its own version
of the âShock Doctrine.â Meanwhile, the people from across the different
territories saw this militarization and ecocide demanded a reply. Some
people (named âindigenousâ by the state) who generally view industrial
development as the continuation of White invasion, which is a war shared
by many anarchistic beings always watchful of attempts to build walls
around them. The following shares experiences for this struggle, from
this war.
When the middle-term Federal elections were coming up in June 2015, some
Indigenous communities â well, let us say communities that are against
development projects â these communities are the only communities that
are not peddling the same official discourse. Because all of the people
and organizations that are carrying the flag of struggleâŠthey have the
same discourse as the enemy, but with makeup and dressed up as
resistance such as âEnergy for Everybodyâ[1] and Human Rights â itâs the
same shit. So the only people that have a discourse against this, are
organizing and picking up weapons against this discourse of [capitalist]
progress are Indigenous communities. One of the concerns that we had as
anarchists here was that all those communities had autonomous
initiatives or self-determination projects and that they were going to
be hit by the machinery of the state if they were not helped in some
way. It was declared illegal to try to convince someone not to vote or
participate in elections in Mexico that June.
Q: So Peña Nieto made it illegal.
Yes, not to participate in elections.
So all of these communities were boycotting elections in their
territories, they were all doing something that was declared illegal by
the government. And this is the reason why some anarchists thought that
they could aid them somehow by creating noise and disruption in some
other places during the elections periods so those communities would not
be the sole target of the media being labeled as âopponents of
democracyâ or being targeted by soldiers or armed forces to harass them.
So many anarchists thought, if there was noise and disruption made
somewhere else they would draw the fire that way and away from people
who had autonomous projects.
Q: Wait, so what you are telling me is that the idea for the declared
Black June that year [ed. â anarchist call for actions all month] was
actually based on this idea of indigenous solidarity to protect the
autonomous communities fighting?
Yes, that was one of the main ideas. I talked to the people that called
for the Black June and we were discussing this. That is why many of the
things written for it and various actions[2] had references to
communities that were fighting for self-determination in the names of
their environments like CherĂĄn in MichoacĂĄn,[3] the Yaquis[4] and the
fruit pickers of Baja California[5] were the big strike happened, it was
pretty big. The police who were sent to pacify them were using live
ammunition, they were not using rubber bullets, they were using 12 gauge
shotguns and AR-15s. All of those workers are Indigenous and many of
themâŠ.
As you will remember on June 1^(st) there were many actions taking place
everywhere. And in Xalapa [Veracruz] one of the main things was the
water basin (Cuenca), because it was one of the main water sources and
Nestle had the plans to build a damn there and promoting deforestation
for cattle grazing. You know they are Nestle: Nestle was using The
Zetas, as a name (and I see it as a name because it is not a real
organization any more; the Cartels in Mexico are just random names from
a list that represent different protocols that they are running and they
could put any name to it, but that protocol has many levels of operation
and organization)[6] to break the social fibers, to control every little
corner form of organization that might escape the state. People that do
not actually threaten the state, they donât, but their organization
naturally encrypts and transports information that escapes the grid of
the state. So to prevent that it uses the Cartel as a protocol to get
into all of those spaces, and with Nestle it was pretty clear. Nestle
employed these protocols for protecting their investments and began
searching for actors that could be a threat to their investments. This
was also what happened in Bolivia [Cochabamba Water War][7] with the
water and the loss of investment would not happen again. That was a lot
of money to lose, so they construct a map of actors and locate the
groups that are opposing them.
The Groups that were making the most noise about Nestle were groups in
the University. So they were targeted; not necessarily because they were
a threat to the state, but because they were a threat to the project
investments.
Q: And therefore could be a potential threat if they did not stop them
there.
Because water is a primary resource, itâs a primary resource for war
right now. All the governments have announced this.
Q: According to counterinsurgency, the logic is that they see insurgency
in three phases: preparation, non-violent and insurrection. It sounds
like this is going towards a typical pre-emptive, kind of preparatory
period counterinsurgency approach.
Exactly⊠They used the Zetas and an organization of highly trained
military-policemen with a fascist name, the Civil Guard (Guardia Civil).
I saw them, they stopped me in the street. They were like the Marines
(Marina/Navy) â they were dressed like Marines, they were as tall as
Marines because they were from the Northern part of the country (where
there are tall Mexicans), they were equipped like Marines. They were
dressed like Marines, but called the Civil Guard and the first
municipality were they were tested out was in Coatepec, which is the
same municipal where Nestle has its [coffee] facility.[8]
Q: This is in the state of Veracruz?
Yes, itâs in the state of Veracruz. So that is where Nestle has its
facility and itâs situated next to a river and itâs taking tons and tons
of water and they want to build a dam ten minutes away, half an hour
away and they want to flood many towns.
Q: Ouuuffff.
Nestle has its bottling facility there. And in Coatepec and San Pedro in
Monterrey, where there are all the corporate headquarters, those were
the two municipalities where the Civil Guard were tested out.
Q: So in Monterrey and Veracruz...
San Pedro also has big neighborhood with a lot of gangs and all the
headquarters of the companies: Bancomer, HSBC, City BankâŠ. The thing was
water, because Coca Cola, Nestle and Odebrecht, the Brazilian giant,
those three bought the concession for that whole basin and it is one of
the last mountain rainforest environments. So that is there where
Nestle, Coca Cola and OdebrechtâŠ.
In May, 2015 we were training, doing martial arts with the compas,[9]
and a guy that was working out with us warned us that he was training in
a gym, a Muay Thai Dojo, and a huge cop approached him, razor-shaved
head. The cop complemented them on their fighting and told them: âThere
is a job offering for people like you, who are very good at martial
arts. The job is about protection, itâs about forming a security group
to protect businessmen and politicians, itâs a security group for them,
itâs to give them protection.â
So, this guy first thought it would be a body guard thing because of
offering security for businessmen, as you could imagine, but the guy
continued to talk and told them: âOne of the first things the group is
going to do is to take out a group that is led by the Bore.â So that was
going to be the first task of this group that he was invited into.
Q: So what is this group they are targeting? Is it some type of
university group, non-profit or some type of leftist or even anarchist
group?
âI do not know if you have seen them,â the guy told them, âbut you might
have seen them around the city. They are always protesting in the
Universities, making disturbances and making noise about things. So if
you are interested, it is with the police forces, but you will not have
a uniform, you will not be a policeman,â he told them, âbut the job is
with the police force. They work side by side, but you will not be
police officers. You will be a new group, but you will not have formal
recognition.â
Q: So ultimately they are talking about forming an extra-judicial hit
squad?
Yes. [awkward laughter] And this guy was eighteen years old. While this
policeman was pretty tall, like a 1.93 meters.
Q: Let me make sure I am hearing this right. So you have a friend
training in a Muay Thai Dojo and this tall police captain type guy is
coming in to recruit people out of the Dojo?
Yes, and he told them he is going to many gyms and looking at the
fighters, looking at who has talent and he is hand picking them, he told
them. And that was in May 2015.
Q: Before we go on, I am familiar with the Bore, but what is this group
he targeting, who are they going after?
They are going after mostly university students or people who graduated
university recently.
Q: Okay, I will quit fucking around. If whom I think the Bore is, they
are not someone necessarily associated with a group. I believe that
their politics is about not having a group necessarily or an
organization. The Bore is an anarchist, so this cop is blatantly coming
into gyms and trying to recruit fighters for an extra-judicial hit squad
to go after anarchists. Is that what is going on?
Yes, it is.
Q: Is there any specific reference for going after anarchists?
Well, he did not mention the word anarchist to him when he approached
him at the Dojo. He just mentioned it was a group of youngsters who make
noise and who protest. He did not use the term, but yes that group was
mostly comprised of anarchists and it wasnât really one group, it was
informal.
Q: The fact is it was a bunch of people who wore similar clothes and
would protest and are willing to vandalize property or break shit and
tear things down.
Exactly, and paint and redecorate the city. They did lots of city
redecoration, yes.
Q: This is crazy, this a bit odd to me that he would come in and even
mention the Bore, because the Bore is a very kind and normal fellow. How
we are talking about them right now in this conversation is already
positioning him as some type of mastermind, with some evil anarchist
conspiracy or really some type of vandal conspiracy â this is fucking
crazy.
And he used the name of the Bore, they did not use his nickname. He used
his first name.
Q: Do you think they had his last name?
Yes.
So that was in May and on June 1^(st) the Black June took hold all
around the country. On June 5^(th), many of the students who were
celebrating a birthday party one block from the Humanities Faculty at
the University [of Xalapa], they were attacked by a group that fits the
description that this guy mentioned. Because there were people wearing
masks or wearing black hoods, similar to what the anarchists wear, but
the main person, who was in front, had a mask of a clown.
Q: The extra-judicial group that was attacking them?
Yeah, and they tore down the door and they attacked them with machetes
and sticks with nails.
Q: Holy fuck⊠So what happened? They raided it with a clown mask,
baseball bats with nails coming out of it, what happened?
They beat them.
Q: Like broken bones and bloody?
Yes⊠machetes.
Q: Did people lose limbs or [need] stitches?
Stitches, a lot of stitches and gougesâŠ.. Yeah they attacked a mixed
group of men, women, youth and old. There was even an old guy passing
and walking in front of the house when the group attacked the birthday
party and they saw him, and because he was a witness, they pulled him in
the house and they beat him as well even though he was an elder who had
nothing to do with the scene. That scene and that operation was a
protocol the Mexican Government calls mando Ășnico (single command),[10]
which combines all levels of the security forces under one central
jurisdiction for specific actions so you have all sorts of people
interacting in state actions.
Q: In the military they call it âunified actionâ[11] were they have all
the different institutions, and all the different security agencies
working together.
This eliminates jurisdiction and it was the same protocol that killed
the Ayotzinapa 43 [ed. â see Return Fire vol.4 pg61]. It was a mando
Ășnico operation. So they [the public] always says: âWas it the police,
was it the military, was it the Narco, who was it?â It was a combined
action of all the forces, of all of them. And that was the same protocol
that was operating that night when that group attacked the birthday
party full of people who you could roughly identify as being sympathetic
to anarchists.
Q: Ahhh, this was a way to try and take away their support base.
Yes, and some of those people at the birthday were accused of being
anarchists. This happened the June 5^(th), 2015, so on the 7^(th) there
was election day. There was a big boycott of the elections, countrywide.
Also there was a girl, she was at the party and after the group left,
she came in running and was screaming how it was terrible and that she
went for help and that she could not find anybody⊠but she was an
undercover agent and she was training that same day when that compa told
us that there was a group recruiting and she heard that guy talk to us
about that group, she was there training because she was an undercover
agent. So she knew, so the security forces knew that the anarchists were
aware that the group was being formed to go after them, because the girl
heard the warning and she was an undercover cop. On the day of the
party, she was inviting everyone there, saying: âHey, you have to come,
you have to come.â
Q: So she organized the birthday party?
No, but once she saw it she used it as an opportunity to set up the
trap.
Q: Whatâs this womanâs name?
Soledad.
Q: Is that her real name, the name she went by or the code name you are
giving here?
I think itâs her real name, I do not remember her last name. And she was
a pedagogy student.
Q: Is she still in Xalapa or did she move?
The last time they saw her it was at the carnival of Veracruz and she
was wearing a police officer uniform and she was one of the security
personnel at the carnival. People took pictures of her with a police
uniform on. My guess is, she did not have that uniform when she was
undercover and that she won that uniform by what she did, that is what I
believe and that effectively helped out Nestle because the group of
people making noise about it was neutralized.[12]
That girl that was murdered in Mexico City, Nadia Vera. She was murdered
in the Navarte with a journalist with a photographer from Processo [ed.
â Leftist news magazine of Mexico]. It was big news because it was a
downtown neighborhood and they were executed along with a Colombian
girl. That Nadia girl, she had a tattoo on her arm with a phrase from
Ricardo Flores Magon, the anarchist. So she was an anarchist and that
photograph revealed a lot of stuff about the government and did coverage
for the Black Bloc when they were active.
Q: In 2013?
In 2014, 2013, 2015...
Q: When things were kicking off strong here?
Yes. His pictures never revealed the faces.
Q: He took a photos at respectful angles?
His photos would reveal the police violence as opposed to the vandalism
of the Black Bloc and he was executed, I believe it was the 31^(st) of
July or August 1^(st) of 2015. It was Black June, June 5^(th) when the
group was assaulted, the elections, and then a month later an anarchist
and sympathetic journalist were executed in Mexico City. Then the
governor of Xalapa (Eduarado Jolate) blamed it on the anarchists, he
said, âRobin Espinoza had an argument with the âhooded figuresâ
(acapuchados) and that was the day he left Xalapa and he went to Mexico
City, so his problem is not with the government officials, but with
hooded figures so go ask them about their murder.â So he blamed it on
hooded figures, implying anarchists.
Q: So the journalist killed in Mexico City worked in Veracruz?
Yes, because he fled Xalapa because he knew the government was after
him. And that is why they got him, because he activated all the security
protocols for the journalist that the government setup, but those
protocols are also for Human Rights defenders. They put security on you,
and security always has to do with control, about you letting them know
and so they can help care. He filled out all of the forms, and he did
the whole procedure for journalists.
Q: He got the button you press on your cell phone?
Yes, he got all of that and he was executed days after that. So it was
rough times as you can see. People were being killed, groups were being
attacked at birthday parties, boycotts were happening and anarchist were
being executed outside community radios in Oaxaca.
Q: Yes, in Chiapas, Guererro, Oaxaca, MichoacĂĄn and Veracruz.
Yes, and so that happened and the police tested its new force
GendarmerĂa Nacional[13] was tested out on that day, it was like their
first action day. It was a huge day because the national forces were
overwhelmed, there were not enough police in the country to suffocate
the resistance against the elections. They were overwhelmed and they
lost in many places around Oaxaca and Guererro, they lost 6â8 hour long
battles with big truck trailers burnt being used as barricades by the
people in those towns boycotting those elections.
Q: Yes, I think I saw some run their car into a line of police.
Yes, so this happened two days after the hit squad attacked. This move,
and what resulted from, effectively halted the group that was actively
doing something about Nestle. The other group that remained and took
over were the Reds â the Marxist-Leninists. Who consider this a victoryâŠ
they acknowledged that the anarchists did the hard work, therefore they
got the biggest blow, but then they took over just like in the Russian
Revolution.
Q: And in Spain.
Yes, and that is what they are boasting about right now. So that
happened, then one year later in the summer of 2016, ten years after the
Oaxaca Commune[14] that was on June 14^(th). Then on June 16^(th), 2016
Oaxaca was invaded by the GendarmerĂa and the police to break the
blockade of the teachers. While I was in a taxi in Oaxaca, I heard a
woman talking with the taxi driver, and they were saying that âIt is
pretty clear that there is going to be fight with the Federal forces,
any day soon.â None of them were teachers, but they said:
Well letâs be honest about it, the teachers are the only organized group
doing something about all the bullshit that the government is doing. If
we think about it really, their struggle is our struggle because if they
lose right now the gap is going to close and the government is going to
do whatever they please, so we have to help out the teachers to stop
this gap from closing, so we have a bigger window of action.
Q: They are talking about control.
Yes⊠so they all agreed and none of them were teachers, you could say
they were ânormal people,â but they all agreed that the state would have
more control over their lives if they did not help the teachers win that
battle. So when the Federal forces came on the 16^(th) it was
violent.[15] It was not like ten years before that, because ten years
back, during the last days of the Commune the police used helicopters
with gas and armored transport (tanquetas), as well as live ammunition.
While in 2016, the whole thing began with the helicopters raining down
tear gas, and after a few clashes live ammunition was being used on both
sides. The level of violence was the highest that had been seen in many,
many, many years. The teachers ran at the first sign of conflict, but
many Oaxacan people, many natives from the Mixteca region (where
NochixtlĂĄn, the town where the combat began), and all of that, who were
pretty upset that there were armed forces marching around their towns,
going after whoever. They were annoyed that armed forces were marching
around shooting people. So they took out their guns, small caliber â
hunting rifles â that are legal to have for a farmer (campesino), and
started hunting the armed forces in their towns from corners, underneath
cars or on rooftops. Because the armed forces have high caliber weapons
they made a lot of noise when they shot, but low caliber does not make
much noise. So they were not able to hear where they were being shot
from and they sustained heavy, heavy, heavy losses.
Q: How many people do you think were shot, wounded or killed?
On the day?
Q: In the 2016 insurrection.
Counting both sides?
Q: No, when you say the indigenous were hunting military forces, how
many do you think were wounded on that side?
Uhhh, I would say somewhere between 30â50 policemen died[16] because one
thing that also happened was that once they were sustaining heavy losses
they took over and occupied all the public hospitals in Oaxaca. They
kicked out all the doctors and the nurses and brought in their own
military doctors and nurses and the police and the military took over
the hospitals and was arresting any wounded person that would go to a
hospital and they were only accepting wounded police officers as
patients. And they took over many hospitals and filled them with wounded
police officers, what does this tell you about their losses? They were
filling up hospitals and kicking out patients. Normal people were kicked
out to give their beds to police officers.
Q: This could be a way for the state to invoke collective punishment
against the region, in hopes making people turn on each other, to divide
the people in those areas.
Also many of the doctors that were angry about it, they hijacked their
ambulances and they went to the other side and gave medical services to
the people who were fighting the police.
Q: Do not answer anything you feel uncomfortable with, but where were
you, how do you know this?
I was in a village and in that village, the nearest battle against the
police happened a few kilometers awayâŠ.
Q: This was 2016, and so this was again against elections?
There was discontent about politics in general, but the main reason was
the Education Reform Act. They had blockades all over the country, but
on those blockades normal people were able to pass, the only thing that
was being stopped were commercial trucks. So bus passengers could pass.
Q: But commercial ones not?
Not commercial ones.
Q: Like every Oaxacan road blockade.
And that was 2016 and the Zapatistas [ed. â see Return Fire vol.3 pg39]
were going to have an event, of art â it was called Comparte â and they
cancelled it. Then they donated tons of native corn and beansâŠ. The
Zapatistas are one of the few peoples that have the native corn to give
as a gift. While there are over fifty varieties in Mexico, the majority
of the communities do not have enough corn for their whole diet and it
is necessary to mix their diets with corn that the government gives them
through social programs or the Secretariat of Social Development
(SecretarĂa de Desarrollo Social), or SEDESOL. It is genetically
modified hybrid male and people have to mix it into their diets, but the
Zapatistaâs, even though the weather there is pretty harsh, they have
enough for them and enough to give out.
Q: They have a surplus.
They have a surplus of native corn and they have many varieties in those
mountains, they have many colors of corn. They are like bees that are
keeping alive the genetic diversity of all of these plants. It is not
just corn, itâs an ecosystem that they make with a log of fungi and a
lot of things interacting there. They had a surplus in 2016 and I know I
know people who were in the central valley fighting and I heard
firsthand accounts from many of the anarchists who were involved in
fighting on the frontlines and, even though I talked with them at
different times, their stories match about the level of violence, the
level of wounded cops.
Q: During the time of the uprising in the Central Valley, there was also
an anarchist murdered, Salvador Olmos GarcĂa,[17] in one of the
villages.
In that village there was an eight-hour battle where the town first
defeated the Federal Police and they retreated, then came in the
GendarmerĂa, they were defeated and retreated. Then came in the army and
the soldiers approached the barricade at the entrance of the town and
they told them that they came to negotiate prisoners.
Q: Because they took police and GendarmerĂa prisoner?
Yes, and the military acted as an intermediary to exchange the
prisoners. The police handed over villagers that were captured and the
villagers handed over their people. It is not a village, itâs a city,
Huajuapan de LeĂłn, itâs the main artery⊠itâs the camino real which the
Spanish used [ed. â during initial colonisation] to move resources on to
the capital. Itâs the old road. The military is being used to act as an
intermediate between civilians and Federal forces⊠you see this is a
balancing act. There are tractor-trailers blocking the highway on fire
and the military are not intending to enter the town, instead acting as
a neutral intermediary force and that is how the people view them as
they were not engaged in combat with them. If the solders had intended
to enter by force, they would have also been met with resistance and all
of this was against the education reform.
Q: Am I sensing that you are frustrated that this barricade fell because
people started negotiating with the military?
Not necessarily, because I think it served its purpose. Yes, the
counterinsurgency afterwards was terrible, but I do not think it would
have been possible to sustain that barricade as an autonomous zone
forever.
Q: Totally.
I think the barricade served its purpose and the fact that there was a
negations⊠I do not see it badly in those terms, there was no
re-election.
Q: No, no, the only reason why I ask is I thought I heard that. I know
that in my head, if you can make it to that point when the military is
negotiating hostage exchanges then that is the time when people are
normally like: âOkay, it is not going to be much longer before the tanks
roll in, letâs try to ride this out.â Everyone has the state in their
mind, they know what is going on. There is this: âfuck you we will fight
to the death,â but once the adrenaline exhaustion sets in, after six
hours of fighting, then everyone is like, âholy shit, we made it this
far⊠fuck!â And then the military comes, and people realize this is the
time⊠pfff. Real quick, in that town we were talking about there was an
anarchist who was killed (Salvador Olmos GarcĂa) and the way I heard it,
it was an extra-judicial unit that came in and disappeared him.
It was the Ministerial Police (PolĂcia Ministerial).
Q: And did this happen after the barricade for retribution?
He was more. He was a punk. He had a punk ideology, but was one of those
punks who really believed in self-organization (autogestiĂłn) and he had
his own place in the market and was famous in the market because he did
not seek profit. What I mean is that he got his living out of selling
fruit, but he would also help the people in the market and was
organizing people, but like being with them and living with them. Many
people in Oaxaca knew him because he was always helping others, if there
was like Tekio [ed. â volunteer forestry service] or community work to
do he would go do it and help. He was also a voice on the community
radio, so he was on the radio when he saw movement and the Federal
Investigation Police. People said that there were cars of the
ministerial police around and he went to go help his friends at the
radio station, but he never made it there. He walked into their trap and
they did an execution.
Q: Why do you think they went after him?
I am not from that village, I am not sure, but it was murky times and
there was a lot of violence going on â it was wartime.
[1] See un.org/sustainabledevelopment/es/energy/
[2] es-contrainfo.espiv.net/2015/06/03/mexico-a-provocar-el-junio-negro/
[3] pvangels.com/news-mexico/5021/self-determination-and-self-defense-in-cheran-michoacan
[4] mexicovoices.blogspot.com/2015/03/sonora-mexico-new-war-against-yaquis.html
[5] theguardian.com/world/2015/mar/25/mexico-baja-california-farm-workers-strike
[6] For a deeper conversation on this see Oswaldo Zavalaâs (2018) Los
cĂĄrteles no existen: NarcotrĂĄfico y cultura en MĂ©xico.
[7] The Cochabamba Water War was a series of protests that took place in
Cochabamba, Boliviaâs fourth largest city, between December 1999 and
April 2000 in response to the privatization of the cityâs municipal
water supply company SEMAPA.
[8] enlaceveracruz212.com.mx/nota.php?id=77839
[9] Compas is short for compañeros that translates directly into
companions [ed. â though not with the same meaning as the English; see
23 Theses Concerning Revolt].
[10] news.vice.com/en_us/article/j59a8x/mexicos-efforts-to-tackle-police-corruption-are-failing
[11] FM3-24. (2014) Insurgencies and Countering Insurgencies. Available
at fas.org/irp/doddir/army/fm3-24.pdf
[12] ed. â In June 2020, during riots in Mexican cities after killings
by police there (and also in solidarity with the concurrent anti-police
and anti-racist insurrection north of the border; see Siege of the Third
Precinct), the house this infiltrator organised the ambush in was dealt
an incendiary barrage during the chaos, plus anti-police tags.
[13] Founded August 22, 2014
[14] ed. â Sparked by a teacherâs strike before generalising, leading to
authorities being ejected wholesale from the capital: the state was
declared âungovernableâ by the national government, and only crushed
after many weeks of self-organisation and battles with government
forces.
[15] telesurtv.net/news/8-muertos-22-desaparecidos-y-decenas-de-heridos-en-Oaxaca-20160620-0014.html
[16] cnn.com/2016/06/20/americas/oaxaca-mexico-clashes/index.html
[17] itsgoingdown.org/assassination-anarchist-salvador-olmos-goes-court