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Title: Hungary ’56
Author: Nick Heath
Date: November 1976
Language: en
Topics: Hungary, anti-Bolshevism, council communism, popular opposition to dictatorship
Source: Retrieved on 5th October 2021 from http://afed.org.uk/a-brief-flowering-of-freedom-the-hungarian-revolution-1956/
Notes: Adapted from A Special Supplement of Anarchist Worker, November 1976: Hungary 56 by Nick Heath. Edited by Rob Ray and John S.

Nick Heath

Hungary ’56

It is not out of love for nostalgia that we are commemorating the 1956

Hungarian uprising: Hungary ’56 was a prime example of the working class

itself reaching for power. Doubly significant, it took place in one of

the mythical ‘workers’ states’.

It showed for many, throughout the world, a new alternative to

capitalism and Soviet communism — read state capitalism — and it

galvanised movements towards genuine revolutionary politics.

“Fascists”

When the Soviet Army swept into Eastern Europe towards the end of the

Second World War, they did not in fact liberate workers and peasants.

The same system as before continued to exist, with Stalin giving backing

to reactionary governments.

Between 1919 and the end of the Second World War Hungarians suffered the

fascist regime of Admiral Horthy, which murdered thousands and deported

over 400,000 Jews to the Nazi concentration camps. In 1944 the country

was ‘liberated’ by the Soviet army and a new Hungarian government

installed, headed by Commander-in-Chief of the Hungarian Army, Bela

Miklos — a man decorated with the Iron Cross by Adolf Hitler. This new

government again supported Horthy as ruler of Hungary.

The Communist Party soon began to infiltrate the government, taking with

it the Ministry of the Interior and control of Hungary’s secret police,

the AVO. The AVO was feared and hated by the Hungarian working class

because of their record of torture and murder and because of the

privileged position they held in Hungarian society, receiving between

three and twelve times the average workers’ pay.

In the meantime the Soviet Army took an immense amount of plunder back

with them from Hungary and requisitioned huge amounts of grain, meat,

vegetables and dairy products. They loaded an immense reparations demand

on Hungary which meant the Hungarian working class had to pay, in food

shortages and low wages. The Kremlin ended up cancelling half of the

reparations still due in 1948 because they feared an uprising.

Moscow continued to exploit Hungary in other ways: they sold to Hungary

at above world prices and bought its exports at well below world prices.

By 1950, Hungary was thoroughly integrated into the political and

economic system of the USSR, with the state-decreed collectivisation of

agriculture and nationalisation of industry.

But ill feeling and unrest was beginning to grow: workers reacted to the

newly introduced system with go-slows, poor quality work and

absenteeism. Disaffection spread rapidly. Dissent within the Communist

Party also grew, and purges began. In Hungary, 483,000 Party members

were expelled and hundreds executed.

Hope

Joseph Stalin died on March 6, 1953. The hopes of workers rose: they

thought there was a chance of ending the dictatorship over the

proletariat. Later that year, there were risings in Czechoslovakia and

East Germany, which were quickly suppressed . In the USSR a strike

movement began on July 20 involving 250,000 slaves in the forced labour

camps. The Stalinists responded by executing 120. This upsurge among the

workers of the Iron Curtain countries forced the Party bosses to take a

softer line. At the 20^(th) Congress of the Russian Communist Party in

February 1956, Khruschev began to denounce Stalin. This was followed

almost immediately by the Poznan revolt in Poland. Polish tanks crushed

the revolt.

Petofi

Similar events began to unfold in Hungary. The Petofi Circle was formed

in April 1956 by Young Communists: it was named after Sander Petofi, the

famous national poet who had fought for Hungarian freedom in 1848

against the Austrian Empire, and was backed by the Writers Union. Soon

thousands were attending meetings of the Circle, and the articles that

they wrote for their literary gazette began to circulate among workers.

By July, discussions on conditions in Hungary and in particular the AVO

had multiplied. Some speakers at Circle meetings even demanded the

resignation of Imre Nagy, the Party head.

This critical spirit spread to the workers, who began to demand more

control over ‘their’ factories. They wanted trade union democracy,

workers participation and consultation of management with the union

committee on wages and welfare. The Petofi Circle supported these

demands. They were put to the government in a request to hand over the

factory administration to the workers.

While Gero, First Secretary of the Hungarian Communist Party, was

meeting Tito in Belgrade, the Petofi Circle decided to call for a

demonstration in solidarity with Polish workers who were on trial as a

result of the Poznan revolt. The authorities, who wanted to avoid

confrontation, allowed the protest. The Petofi Circle and other

discussion groups met, as well as dissident student organisations

including the official Communist Party youth group and decided to march

on October 23 to the statue of Josef Bern in Budapest, a Pole who had

fought with the Hungarians against the Austrian monarchy in the 1848–9

revolution.

Demonstrations

The ruling party panicked. Their Minister of the Interior banned the

march, but because it was already forming in parts of the city, they

lifted the ban. The demonstration was mostly young people, with a small

number of workers downing tools to join in. Outside the Parliament

buildings they called for Imre Nagy, who had been expelled from the

party for ‘deviationism’. Nagy had faithfully carried out all of

Stalin’s policies. When, however, he was replaced by arch-Stalinist

Rakosi, he had won much misplaced sympathy. By now, Gero was

broadcasting over the radio and denouncing the demonstrators as

counter-revolutionary.

As the day turned to evening, 100,000 people gathered. The crowd decided

to march on the radio station to request their demands be broadcast,

tearing down a giant statue of Stalin as they went. The radio building

was heavily guarded by AVO, but eventually a delegation was let into the

building. But two hours passed and still no sign of the delegation. The

crowd grew extremely restless and began to demand that the delegation be

released. Suddenly the crowd leapt forward. The AVO men opened fire with

machine-guns on the unarmed mass. Many fell but the crowd continued to

advance and overwhelmed the policemen, taking their weapons to fire at

the radio buildings.

News of the events in Sandor Street spread fast. Workers returned to

arms factories where they worked and with the night shift workers loaded

lorries with arms. These were taken to Sandor Street and distributed. In

the surrounding streets workers and students began to set up road

blocks.

Various manoeuvres were meanwhile taking place inside the Government and

the Party. Gero arranged that Nagy should replace the colourless Hegedus

as Premier. At 8am Wednesday morning it was announced that the

Government had asked for Russian Army units stationed in Hungary to help

‘restore order’.

Councils form

Workers and Students in Budapest set up a revolutionary council — not

seen since the 1918 Revolution — early on Wednesday morning. A pitched

battle swarmed around the radio building, while manoeuvring continued

inside the Communist Party. Gero was replaced as First Secretary by

Janos Kadar. Kadar came from the working class. He had been a ‘Titoist’

and had been imprisoned and tortured horribly. The bureaucrats thought

this a fine move — a perfect sop to the rising discontent. Nagy

broadcast at 9am calling for the laying down of arms and promising

widespread democratisation.

In response the Revolutionary Council of Workers and Students issued

leaflets demanding a general strike. Russian tanks rolled into the city

the same day and fierce fighting broke out. Barricades were built from

barrels. Later these were strengthened with railway coaches and weapons

from a goods yard. The workers and students used Molotov cocktails, arms

they had captured, and even a small field gun with which they bombarded

the tanks.

General strike

The strike called by the Revolutionary Council of Workers and Students

spread through the whole of Budapest and out into the main industrial

towns — Miskolc, Gyor, Szolnoc, Pecs, Debrecen. Revolutionary committees

and councils were set up throughout Hungary. Everywhere workers armed

themselves and in some towns, radio stations broadcast messages against

the Stalinists, telling the people not to be fooled by the Government

into surrendering their arms.

Many councils quickly issued programmes calling for political and civil

liberty, the withdrawal of Russian troops, workers management of the

workplace and of industry, the banning of the AVO and freedom for trade

unionists and parties. Some of the programmes wanted the return of

‘parliamentary democracy’ while others gave support to Nagy.

Peasants and farm workers organised deliveries of food to the workers in

the cities. They drove out the kolkhoz (State farm) managers. In some

areas they redistributed land, while in others they kept the collectives

going under their own management.

The Observer said: ‘Although the general strike is in being and there is

no centrally organised industry, the workers are nevertheless taking it

upon themselves to keep essential services going for purposes which they

determine and support. Workers councils in industrial districts have

undertaken the distribution of essential goods and food to the

population, in order to keep them alive... It is self help in a setting

of Anarchy. ”

Fighting continues

Fighting between the insurgents and the Russian Army increased in

intensity. On Saturday night, Budapest prison was captured and all the

political prisoners were released. The people soon heard all the stories

of terrible conditions, of torture and beatings that had been inflicted.

Budapest Radio continued to call for a ceasefire, promising immediate

wage increases, negotiations for Russian-Hungarian political and

economic equality.

Nagy attempted to calm the situation down. He promised that the AVO

would be disbanded, and that the Government would be re-organised.

Though several groups of insurgents had surrendered due to lack of ammo,

the fighting continued around Szena Square and the Killian Barracks.

A meeting of Council delegates at Gyor reaffirmed their demands to Nagy.

On Tuesday morning, Budapest Radio announced the withdrawal of the

Russian troops. Nagy asked for calm from the people while this

withdrawal took place, and for a return to work. The Red Army began to

withdraw from Budapest that afternoon. The workers in Budapest and in

other parts of the country remained armed and ready.

It was fortunate they maintained their vigilance because the Russians

had only withdrawn to surround the capital with a ring of tanks. From

the north east, Russian reinforcements entered the country. Local

councils sent news, and Nagy was warned that unless Red Army troops

withdrew, the Councils would attempt to stop them. The strike throughout

industry would not end until troops were withdrawn. By November 3^(rd),

the Red Army detachments had occupied most strategic points in the

country, apart from the cities controlled by insurgents.

Members of the Nagy government assured the people that Russia would not

attack again. The working class did not believe their assurances — with

good reason. The Russians opened fire with tanks and artillery on all

major cities the next morning. Russian tanks trundled into Budapest,

firing conventional and incendiary shells.

Janos Kadar, a member of the Nagy government, now formed a ‘Workers and

Peasants Government.’ Nagy had already sought refuge in the Yugoslav

Embassy with fifteen other officials and their families. This new

government asked the Russian government to help them in liquidating the

‘counter-revolutionary’ forces.

The fighting went on for over a week. Over the radio Moscow had

announced the complete crushing of the ‘counter-revolution’ by midday of

November 4. Organised resistance of the Hungarian working class

nevertheless continued until November 14^(th).

The end

As the war ended the AVO came out the holes they had been hiding in.

They began to hang insurgents in groups on the bridges over the Danube

and in the streets.

Fighting continued in country areas into 1957, but it was sporadic and

isolated. Although many began to return to work, striking continued in

most industries. Kadar worked to undermine the power of the Worker’s

Councils. He arrested a few members of the Council’s Action Committees.

This failed to intimidate. Next he promised the abolition of the AVO,

the withdrawal of Russian troops, and a purge of Stalinists from the

Party. Some workers believed this and returned to work. But the strike

continued in many areas and in many industries. On November 16, Kadar

was forced to start talks with delegates from the Councils. They

demanded that a National Worker’s Council be set up, which Kadar

rejected, saying there was already a “workers government.”

However, he was forced to agree to the recognition of individual

councils and the setting up of a factory militia. Kadar said that if

work resumed, he would negotiate for a withdrawal of the Russian Army.

The delegates asked that he put this in writing, which he refused. Kadar

tried other methods. He used the Red Army to stop food deliveries to the

towns by peasants. He started issuing ration cards — but only to workers

who reported for work. Still the strike continued. Kadar and his Russian

masters were getting impatient. Already disaffection was spreading

inside the Red Army. A few joined the guerillas, whilst many more had to

be disarmed and sent back home because they refused to carry out orders.

In response, the Hungarian government tried yet another tactic. Arrests

of workers’ delegates began.

Many council delegates were rounded up, as well as delegates of student

bodies. Many came forward to take their place. When the State realised

this, they began imprisoning the rank and file as well. Over the next

few months, resistance continued against the onslaught of the ‘Workers

Government’. Mass demonstrations continued, and workers fought the AVO

and the soldiers when they came to arrest their delegates. Through 1957,

the arrests, imprisonments and executions continued. Those Council

members not arrested began to resign, with the last Council remnants

being quashed by November 17^(th) that year.

There are no official figures for how many people died in Hungary in

56–57. Between 20 and 50,000 Hungarians and 3 to 7,000 Russians is the

estimate. The number of wounded was much higher, and over 100,000 fled

across the border. Strikes and demonstrations continued into 1959, and

the struggle for workers’ power continues to this day.