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Title: Notes on partisanship Author: Robin Peignot Date: 1/4/2021 Language: en Topics: communization, tiqqun, insurrection, insurrectionary Source: retrieved on 1/4/2021 from https://dehiscence.substack.com/p/notes-on-partisanship
To be polarizé can mean to be obsessed with someone or something; more
generally, it refers to the convergence of a field of energies or forces
around a single point. When in English one speaks of a “polarizing”
figure or event, it indicates the production of irreconcilable
differences between groups or parties. Here, the term evokes a process
in which a body is affected by a form-of-life in such a way as to take
on a charge that orients it in a specific manner: it is attracted by
certain bodies, repulsed by others.
Note from Tiqqun’s Introduction to Civil War, p. 227–8
We must surmount our rage and disgust, we must have them shared, so as
to elevate and enlarge our action as our morale.
René Char, Leaves of Hypnos (100)
On May 28^(th), at around 10 PM, the world records our first recent
victory against the police: during an uprising unleashed by Derek
Chauvin’s murder of George Floyd, the third precinct is set alight, a
signal fire that sees the seemingly-remote irruption of rage that seized
Minneapolis resonate across the nation. From Atlanta to Portland,
centuries of suffering and abuse split through the already-strained
seams of the social order. A wall in Madison, WI reads “YOU HAVE STOLEN
MORE THAN WE COULD EVER LOOT.”
Hostilities run tense, and the counterinsurgency seems to deploy itself,
coasting on centuries of psychosocial conditioning – a nation built on
chattel slavery and settler colonialism, one that relies on their ritual
reassertion every day, is primed for their semi-autonomous deployment at
a moment’s notice. From the inside, the abolitionist substratum that
prepared the ground for the insurrections is pushed aside, replaced by a
menagerie of liberal figureheads and professional organizers. Protestors
are warned about “outside agitators,” property damage is attributed to
anarchists, or, interchangeably, COINTELPRO-style infiltrators. Peace
movements, from “#8cantwait” to a staged photoshoot between actors
styled after the BPP and a police force, are invented out of whole cloth
to displace calls for the abolition of the police – “abolish” yields
“dismantle” which fades to a whimper with “defund” and “reallocate.”
Questions of “optics” and respectability file down the fangs and claws
of a movement.
But the sheer brutality of the police ensures this strategy of liberal
recuperation cannot hold forever. Protestors mistake a line of cops
kneeling to fire teargas as an act of solidarity. Cheering and cries of
relief – “they’re kneeling, they’re kneeling!” – give way to screams of
“Gas! Gas!” as the crowd scatters.[1] Tactics that have been deployed
for decades are brought to bear on unsuspecting crowds, who learn the
ins and outs of kettling, catch-and-release, and chemical weaponry –
while international allies offer remedies for teargas, de-arresting
tactics, and designs for shield walls. Even the media leviathan can’t
keep up the act for long – reporters are arrested on live TV, others
express their shock that the riot police are firing at them, and another
camera captures the moment its lens is shattered by a rubber bullet.
Multiple photographers and reporters are partially blinded by
“nonlethal” munitions. Repression spreads into suburbia, with tear gas
floating under doors and through windows into hundreds, if not
thousands, of homes across the country. Fleeing protestors are housed in
basements and interior rooms while the National Lawyer’s Guild struggles
to respond – its representatives are targeted as well.
As protests stretch on for months and police show no sign of breaking
from their habits of extrajudicial murder, All Cops Are Bastards becomes
a national rallying cry. Online recuperation via black squares and
hashtags cannot prevent a general hatred of the police from seeping into
the consciousnesses of millions. Footage of police abuse at protests
goes viral despite its notable absence from the media, from police lines
pinning and gassing a crowd on the side of a highway to peaceful
protestors being fired on. The president mobilizes riot cops to gas an
otherwise-docile demonstration in Washington, DC – for a photo
opportunity.
Empire tends to eliminate its hostis with the use of auxiliaries, among
them Kyle Rittenhouse, or simply state executions, like the outright
death squad that gunned down Michael Reinoehl outside his home. It
permeates our efforts to get free, with the self-styled police of the
CHAZ murdering two black teenagers, and Portland’s ongoing uprising
coalescing around a squat that quickly gained its own security force.
These small-scale reenactments of police violence are recycled through
right-wing media channels to justify the continued funding and popular
support of the police.[2]
In the early hours of Christmas day, just under seven months after the
third precinct falls, a homemade explosive device detonates in downtown
Nashville. At exactly 6:30 AM, an RV is vaporized by the bomb it
carries, the shockwave followed by shrapnel that shreds through a
commercial building and an AT&T telecommunications hub, shutting down
telecoms capabilities for the city’s airport and cutting 911 access for
thousands. The blast is preceded by a recorded warning, carefully
planned to ensure no one is killed.
It is followed by absolute silence. No group claims responsibility for
the attack, and no motive is readily available. No manifesto is uploaded
following the remote detonation. Despite the best efforts of former FBI
heads and anonymous sources, no one can make sense of the event. Rewards
for further information creep higher and higher, and a chill sets in.
For a moment, it seems we may be on the precipice of an upswing in the
tempo of violence and escalation that crosscuts our political and social
fabric. Everything is blanketed by the knowledge that nothing will ever,
ever be the same again. At the height of our alienation, following a
contested election and in the middle of a pandemic, in the capital of
the virus’ hardest-hit state in the world, it dawns on us: no return to
normal will be possible. And we welcome the coming years of change, we
flourish in the break between the old and the new-to-come. These years
will be terrifying, but regardless, this is our time – a dehiscent
moment where the seams begin to split, when we claw our way out of the
carcass of this world.
12-26-2020
The emptiness of our lives calls out for a politics with teeth, capable
of sharpening its propositions on the daily miseries we share and
launching attacks from the nothingness we occupy. This document attempts
to offer notes on how one might be forged.
Only Lenin, as a professional revolutionary of the world civil war, went
even further and turned the real enemy into the absolute enemy.
Clausewitz spoke of total war, but still presupposed the regularity of
an existing statehood. He could not yet imagine the state as an
instrument of a party, and a party that commanded the state at all. With
the absolutism of the party, the partisan had also become absolute and
was elevated to the bearer of absolute enmity.
Carl Schmitt, Theory of the Partisan, p. 76–77
Autonomia […] is also the autonomy of militants from the figure of the
militant, from the partinini, and from the logic of the groupuscule,
from a conception of action always deferred – deferred until later in
existence. Contrary to what the sociologizing half wits-always hungry
for profitable reductions may lead one to believe, the remarkable fact
here is not the affirmation of “new subjects,” whether political,
social, or productive, young people, women, the unemployed, or
homosexuals, but rather their violent, practical, active
desubjectivation, the rejection and betrayal of the role that has been
assigned to them as subjects. What the different becomings of Autonomia
have in common is their call for a movement of separation from society,
from the whole. This secession is not the assertion of a static
difference, of an essential alterity, a new entry on the balance sheet
of identities managed by Empire, but a flight, a line of flight.
Tiqqun, This Is Not A Program, p. 54–55
It is common practice to trace the origins of the partisan to the French
invasions of Spain in 1808 and 1813, which saw small bands of tellurian
and autochthonous units disrupt and undercut the French army, bleeding
it to death by a thousand cuts. The life of the partisan is traced to
its maximum height in 1917, with the Leninist integration of the
partisan with the party and the party with the state. This history is
incorrect, not in its reporting, but in its conclusions. Partisanship
both precedes and exceeds the party, just as war precedes politics. The
capture of the partisan by the party-form was only another capture of
the war machine by the state apparatus, with the party-form granted
retrocausal responsibility for the existence of partisanship.
Unsurprisingly Carl Schmitt, ever the fascist, is quick to associate
partisanship with a homeland, a social order that the partisan defends
or a people they represent. He claims this defensive character is enough
to prevent a partisan exercise from declaring absolute war on its
enemy.[3] Similarly, Che Guevara said of guerrilla warfare: “Hit and
run, wait, lie in ambush, again hit and run, and thus repeatedly,
without giving any rest to the enemy. There is in all of this, it would
appear, a negative quality, an attitude of retreat, of avoiding frontal
fights.”[4] We agree that partisanship, and its tactical deployment
through guerrilla warfare, has a fundamentally negative character. This
is not to say that partisanship is limited to negation, but instead to
recognize that it is a form of offensive flight, always in motion,
encircling its targets while remaining fluid, seeking the lowest points
on the terrain and locating itself in the subterranean, the motile and
mobile territory that exceeds the map. Guevara reassures readers that
guerrilla warfare is but one stage in a linear progression, giving way
naturally to a binary opposition between parties to a conflict – we
recognize that this is a long-dead dream. Whether by attempting to
outcompete Empire on its own infinitely-mapped and regulated territory,
or reverting to its language of policing and order, the movements of the
past decade have never stopped reminding us that the only way out is
found in going under. It is necessary to embrace the negative aspect of
guerrilla warfare, to turn our exclusion into a point of attack.[5]
Schmitt is a scholar of the political, and he operates on the level of
politics, a game of possession and enclosure, mapping and annihilation –
and it is from this field, with its reduced and dissected understanding
of war, that he draws his model of partisanship. Just as Clausewitz
could not imagine a unification of the party and the state that would
unite the partisan and the state-form, Schmitt cannot comprehend a
partisanship without recourse to the party-form.
This is because he, like Clausewitz, cannot grasp the dynamic
relationship of war and politics. Schmitt is a theorist of the state,
and it follows that he accepts Clausewitz’s formulation that war is the
continuation of politics by other means. This establishes the paranoid
scene of politics as the basis of all common life. We move in the
opposite direction: war precedes politics, and the form it takes
determines the character of any given use of force. “We reproach this
world not for going to war too ferociously, nor for trying to prevent it
by all means; we only reproach it for reducing war to its most empty and
worthless forms.”[6] Empire’s war is one of absolute annihilation, an
unending conquest of its hostis, the figure of the terrorist, black,
queer, disabled, exploited, or unexploitable – in short, anything that
it cannot neutralize and internalize. It is the unending conquest of an
outside that is not allowed to exist.
Empire’s war is one whose fronts cut through each one of us: one of
brutal elimination supplemented by dispossession, waged by the entire
population against all forms of excess and ungovernable life. It reaches
down into the depths of the social order, forming a lymphatic system
that accumulates and purges waste. This is the root of the war on the
homeless, the hatred of the dispossessed, the great confinements and
die-offs, of mass incarceration and police executions:
As a rule, social homogeneity is a precarious form, at the mercy of
violence and even of internal dissent. It forms spontaneously in the
play of productive organization, but must constantly be protected from
the various unruly elements that do not benefit from production, or not
enough to suit them, or simply, that cannot tolerate the checks that
homogeneity imposes on unrest. In such conditions, the protection of
homogeneity lies in its recourse to imperative elements that are capable
of obliterating the various unruly forces or bringing them under the
control of order. […] Violence, excess, delirium, madness characterize
heterogeneous elements to varying degrees: active, as persons or mobs,
they result from breaking the laws of social homogeneity. […]
Heterogeneous reality is that of a force or shock. It presents itself as
a charge, as a value, passing from one object to another in a more or
less abstract fashion, almost as if the change were taking place not in
the world of objects but only in the judgments of the subject.[7]
While Bataille locates the heterogeneous as fundamentally internal to
society, we understand the opposition between homogeneous social
functioning and excess, between Empire and hostis, as one of absolute
interiority versus absolute exteriority. Because Empire’s war of
pacification is one that seeks to reduce its hostis to absolute
non-existence, it grafts our status of absolute enemy onto our bodies
via an ethical designation: we are evil, unnatural, unsalvageable,
worthless, inassimilable, monstrous. What unites us is not some mirrored
position relative to the interior of the social order, but rather that
we’re all being killed by the same self-perpetuating process of ethical
imperatives. For the sake of explanation, this surplus violence can be
traced back to the ontological break that conferred blackness,
fungibility, object-status to chattel slaves, the doctrine of terra
nullius and conquest that reduced indigenous people to soulless and
killable animals, the obsessions of reproductivity and homogeneous
social functioning that marked queer and gender-variant people as waste
matter, and countless other exclusions that mark the ever-shifting
bounds of civil society.
This form of violence can be traced back to the founding of the State,
whose ability to designate populations as criminal and naturalize its
own use of force grants it a unique role in the transformation and
diffusion of warfare. This is fundamentally a question of politics – and
under Empire, the “lawful violence” inherent to the political becomes
universalized, ripped from its historical conditions and projected not
only across space but indefinitely forward and backwards in time as
well.
Deleuze and Guattari explain:
State overcoding is precisely this structural violence that defines the
law, “police” violence and not the violence of war. There is lawful
violence wherever violence contributes to the creation of that which it
is used against, or as Marx says, wherever capture contributes to the
creation of that which it captures. This is very different from criminal
violence. It is also why, in contradistinction to primitive violence,
State or lawful violence always seems to presuppose itself, for it
preexists its own use: the State can in this way say that violence is
“primal,” that it is simply a natural phenomenon the responsibility for
which does not lie with the State, which uses violence only against the
violent, against “criminals” – against primitives, against nomads – in
order that peace may reign.[8]
This relation between the State and its exterior allows us to better
advance a study of politics, and the ground it operates on. Our
fundamental thesis is derived from Schmitt, whose most notable
achievements demonstrate that his understanding of the political, with
all the velvet-gloved brutality it supports, cannot be doubted. “The
core of the political is not enmity per se, but the distinction between
friend and enemy, and presupposes both friend and enemy.”[9] To
elaborate: politics is essentially a medium of ethical designations,
acts of naming and defining, a war of designation and containment that
pits politics against that which has never stopped evading its apparatus
of capture.
This war is comprised of two sides. One fights to preserve the present
state of things, waging an unending war of imperial pacification, with
no beginning or end. It abstracts itself outside of time, claiming to be
superior to that which undoes it. The other is made up of motion, of
refusal and excess. This is the core of the partisan project: always
remaining in tension between the exterior and interior, hanging onto the
edge of the pack, advancing the decay of the frontiers of this world as
they stretch and tear under their own extension. To borrow a phrase from
Fred Moten, we are partisans of the surround, the mobile space that
precedes enclosure, that which cannot be captured without first being
killed.[10] We take refuge with the knowledge that everything that
survives does so in opposition to the creeping death-machine of
settlement.
Imperial war has neither a beginning nor an end, it is a permanent
process of pacification. The essential aspects of its methods and
principles have been known for fifty years. They were developed in the
wars of decolonization during which the oppressive state apparatus
underwent a decisive change. From then on the enemy was no longer an
isolable entity, a foreign nation, or a determined class; it was
somewhere lying in ambush within the population, with no visible
attributes. If need be, it was the population itself, the population as
insurgent force. The configuration of hostilities specific to the
Imaginary Party thus immediately revealed itself in the guise of
guerilla warfare, of partisan war.
Tiqqun, This Is Not A Program, p. 90–91
Insurrections ripen under ice, like a mass desire to trample on all that
has trodden us down, a sudden burst of dignity after decades of
humiliation, a will to put an abrupt end to all that we have suffered
for no reason. […] Contrary to what leftists and rulers like to think,
it is not revolutionaries who make revolutions, it is revolutions that
make revolutionaries.
The Invisible Committee, As Beautiful as an Impure Insurrection
While the politicians rely on the fine-tuned manipulation of economies
of coercion and complacency to maintain their order, we find our base
medium of coordination and circulation in the form-of-life, the intimate
ethical polarization of bare life, the pain and complicity of our
exclusion from the political and the commonness it creates between us.
Polarization should not be understood as a gravitation to two binary
poles, but instead the adoption of a charge that orients a body around
certain bodies and repulses it from others.[11] It does not proceed from
a political tract or party line, but from the recognition that we are
excluded and alienated, and that must change. The description of
Zapatismo offered by Subcomandante Marcos provides an example:
“Zapatismo poses the question: ‘What is it that has excluded me?’ ‘What
is it that has isolated me?’ …In each place the response is different.
Zapatismo simply states the question and stipulates that the response is
plural.”[12]
Elsewhere, in a speech titled Until Death If Necessary, his reflection
on the spread in reach of Zapatismo demonstrates that ethical
polarization spreads by resonance, by mutual recognition in struggle:
“We are traveling all over the country and we are finding many people
who are fighting and who until now have fought alone, who have resisted
plundering, who have resisted repression, who have resisted each of the
injustices that each one of us sees, we were alone and now we are
learning to say, Compañero, y Compañera, with meaning, not as a slogan,
but knowing that we are already together” – with that contact, and that
complicity, revealing to us that we are all common.[13]
This model of politicization places us outside the traditional bounds of
the party-form and locates us squarely in the domain of the partisan. To
repeat: partisanship precedes the party, which has long been subsumed by
the state-form. Take, for example, Donald Parkinson’s assertion that “if
we understood communism to be a project of humanity talking conscious
control of its own conditions of existence, then placing hope in the
unconscious spontaneous energy of mass actions is not sufficient… As
partisans of communism who believe that we have a duty to fight for our
ideas, it is necessary that we develop an analysis of our situation,
determine what is needed to further advance the struggle for communism,
develop a plan of action based on this analysis, and put it into
practice.”
Who are “we?” He elaborates:
“To ask the strategic question of ‘what is to be done?’, there needs to
be a collective ‘we’ that can act as a subject… The ‘party’ is simply
this organized collectivity that allows a ‘we’ to form and act in a
decisive way.”[14]
Donald fails to recognize that the strength of the partisan can only
ever be imitated by a bounded revolutionary subject, that locking
partisanship within a strictly defined we, especially one that focuses
on statecraft-in-miniature and electoralism,[15] is guaranteed to
eviscerate the radical potential it carries.
Partisanship draws its effectiveness and impact from its irreducibility
to a single organization – which is why Empire will always invent a
killable enemy if it cannot produce one. This was at the root of the
PCI’s attempted infiltration and manipulation of Autonomia, and it
underlies the ongoing attempts to reduce riots, the Gilets Jauntes,
black blocs, and antifascist groups to unitary bodies. This is likewise
why the only communist parties in the United States are infested with
moles and bureaucratic wormrot, the festering wounds of a decades-long
assault on the American left.
Donald’s particular iteration of the party, with its inseparable
attachment to bourgeois electoralism, is almost a caricature of modern
“socialist” projects. His self-prostrating brand of neo-Kautskyism seems
to offer itself up for annihilation, with its prioritization of
liberal-democratic pluralism, democracy, and the proliferation of the
committee, assembly, and debate floor spelling untold regimes of
bureaucratization. Armed struggle is framed defensively – if necessary,
we will have armed the proletariat, if necessary, we will overturn the
status quo by force, because it is likely that the military, the swollen
bourgeoise with its internal ranks of career politicians and Pentagon
chairs, will not take kindly to being disbanded and expropriated,
respectively. Donald entertainingly advocates for an “alternative
culture” to be established, one painstakingly created to foster party
unity and class consciousness. He recognizes that anarchist subcultures
have been far more durable and effective at fostering dissent and
dissatisfaction than the self-parodies that are the United States’
notable communist parties – but complains that anarchists, possibly due
to “cultural barriers” (which his party’s “hiking club” would surely
overcome), or our deficit regarding a “working class orientation, level
of centralization, institutionalization, and access to resources” that
the party would provide. It is notable that out of these criticisms, two
are dubious (it’s unclear what Donald means by “cultural barriers,” and
the vast, overwhelming majority of anarchists in the United States,
especially the street medics, bloc organizers, and antifascists, are
working class). The rest have absolutely nothing to do with forming a
“culture” – Donald’s trust that better funding, centralization,
institutionalization, explicit adherence to a political program would
foster an “alternative culture” is clarified by his description of what
the party offers. “A workers party would bring a level of
professionalization and discipline to such activities, as well as
incorporating them into a larger political project with democratic
accountability to a mass movement, moving beyond the limits of current
left ‘counterculture’.” This is what the anarchists have been missing
all along – uniforms, discipline, and suffocating ties to a labyrinth of
committees and assemblies that keep them from feeding people or fighting
outright fascists without receiving permission from the proper channels
ahead of time.
Partisanship, irregular warfare against Empire, is best attuned to the
negation of the current order – not its management or adjustment. If his
goal is to better manage the production and distribution of commodities,
to attune the economy to the needs of the people by passing a “minimum
program,” Donald is aiming for the renovation of the present state of
things, not its complete destruction. “How can such a machine, the
economy itself, be de-activated, relegated and backgrounded? I believe
revolutionary thought has not reached a clearing or threshold where the
question can be addressed. But at least some radical thinkers understand
that there can be no true vision of a better, fairer economy, even a
socialist one; it’s becoming clear, finally, that economy equals
capitalism and vice versa.”[16] Our odds are not favorable enough to
trust electoral bids and bourgeois parties to get us free – ignoring for
the moment the idiocy inherent in believing liberal democracy offers a
safe haven for any idea, no matter how “dangerous” – and to stop short
of demanding everything guarantees our politics falls short of the force
required to shift the foundations of this world.
The same formula has held true for a century: when the partisan has been
overtaken by the party, and the party by the state, partisanship has
been reduced to yet another captured military apparatus, its war
machines transformed into instruments of state violence. And on the
opposite hand, some of the most notable partisan efforts, responsible
for incredible successes, began outside the bounds of Communist parties
– for example: “In 1940, Georges Guingouin, the ‘first French resistance
fighter,’ started with nothing other than the certainty of his refusal
of the Nazi occupation. At that time, to the Communist Party, he was
nothing but a ‘madman living in the woods,’ until there were 20,000
madmen living in the woods, and Limoges was liberated.”[17] Russell
Maroon Shoatz provides examples in the black radical tradition,
stretching from 17^(th) century maroonage into the present day, with
localized resistance in Suriname, Jamaica, Haiti, and elsewhere capable
of folding in on itself and out into its environments proving far more
durable than an isolable and killable party.
His study leads with the example of Suriname, where escaped slaves
fought a 150-year guerrilla war against their slavers beginning in the
17^(th) century, with their descendants still remaining autonomous
today, four centuries after the birth of their struggle.[18] He
concludes that the various groups succeeded and persisted “because the
Maroons’ decentralized formations prevented the Dutch from concentrating
their superior resources against any one centralized leadership,” and
that their survival over hundreds of years can be linked to “their
refusal to allow themselves to be subjected by any broad centralizing
forces” – both antifragile organizational benefits that democratic
centralism cannot hope to provide, especially in the Kautskyist format
Donald is partial to, with its focus on public-facing United Front
tactics and defensive framing of armed struggle.[19]
Here Shoatz discusses Haiti, juxtaposing the decentralized and secretive
vodun societies against the monolithic and hierarchical military-states
of rulers ranging from Desallines to “Papa Doc” Duvalier:
[T]he decentralized hydra forces never veered from their objectives of
winning as much freedom from servitude and oppression as possible. From
the pre-revolutionary times of Mackandal, up through the 1791–1804
Haitian revolutionary war, and even down to our time, they’ve continued
to struggle towards those ends. And it’s highly instructive to know that
in addition to fighting the French during their revolution, they were
also under attack by Toussaint’s dragon forces, who displayed hatred and
fear of everything from their refusal to relinquish their
maroon/decentralized organizational formations, to their practice of
their traditional Vodun (Voodoo) spiritual systems, the latter which did
a great deal to inspire their soldiers to martyr themselves for the
cause of freedom… after being pushed to the side after the French were
driven out, the decentralized hydra elements were forced to – again – go
underground and eventually morph into semi-secret Vodun societies that
until today remain a little recognized or understood autonomous element
amongst the oppressed Haitians.[20]
Every maroon effort Shoatz studies draws its successes from the same
characteristics: prioritizing their origins in a specific social fabric
and promoting a self-propelled and diffuse set of tactics. Cells were
made more mobile and effective by decentralizing decision-making, and
even the drawbacks – such as many maroon groups in Suriname taking out
contracts with the Dutch to hunt down other escapees – are
counterbalanced by the overall decentralization. This lent every
instance of rebellion an incredible durability: each movement lasted for
centuries, and, true to the image of the hydra Shoatz assigns them,
proved capable of surviving brutal repression.
Domination perpetuates itself, power gravitates towards normative
structures, management is self sustaining and propagating. This means
the solution to the problems of the party and the state apparatus,
contrary to the solution offered by CLR James by way of Shoatz,[21] does
not lie in the expansion of the current party-form or the state
apparatus. Neither are compatible with freedom, as the European
project’s slow dissolution of the state into the diffuse forms of
control offered by Empire has proven definitively. Instead, it is
necessary to redefine the party, abandoning the definition offered by
bourgeois parliamentarism in favor of one that reflects the reality of
civil war, in which no disinterested party exists. We are already in the
party, that of the Spectacle or the Imaginary, social homogeneity or
irruptive heterogeneous elements. We locate our power in the fact of
social exclusion, the radically other, the inassimilable – and we
recognise that is what must expand. Empire’s hostis must grow capable of
encircling it, like barbarians at the gates, partisans of the surround,
we must increase the intensity and reach of our circulation, “…a million
earthworms / tunnelling under this structure / till it falls”[22]
This is not a binary conflict against a set enemy, because power is
diffuse and productive – instead we propose a dual struggle against the
imperial war of pacification that excludes, atomizes, and contains us,
and against the environment, the medium our exclusion occurs within, the
plane of alienation and infinite reduction which we call Empire.
A similar sentiment animated Autonomia: as the authors of Tiqqun
explain, “autonomy” referred not to the autonomy of subjects as such, of
workers as workers, women as mothers, the homeless as dispossessed –
instead, it was an active refusal, a betrayal of the roles granted to
them. Autonomia meant a refusal of the position of the outcast, a
weaponization of exclusion that requires we move outside of our
narrowly-defined sites of confinement. We can locate similar calls for
flight from society in the politics of Sylvia Rivera and Marsha P.
Johnson’s Street Transvestite Action Revolutionaries, or Third World Gay
Liberation, even as recent as Bash Back!, whose politics were built
around a fundamental negation of this world. What prevented STAR and
TWGL from advancing an offensive strategy was the problem of coalition:
both relied on, but were largely ignored by, the GLF, which essentially
cut ties with them with the GAA split and the GLF’s later spiral. Bash
Back! faced a different problem – one of coordination and identification
of strategy and tactics. While it took a decentralized and relatively
autonomous form, and left many of its actions to claim themselves, Bash
Back! never looked beyond the surface of negation into what a genuine
flight from the social order would look like. Its most spectacular
actions targeted high-visibility and suitably damaging institutions with
sabotage and interruption, but an understanding of power – that
logistic, cybernetic, diffuse phenomenon that is equally productive as
it is coercive – allowed the rage that animated Bash Back! to filter
down into dead-end performative oppositions instead of sabotage,
disruption, and blockage of substantial organs of civil society.
What unites these irruptions is not a political program or set of
distinct principles, but a common refusal of the death-machine of civil
society in favor of flight. Each carries the germinal tissue of a new
movement, one that refuses the placative identities of Empire, that
recognizes that there is no freedom or glory in the general subjection
to subjectivity. Partisanship refuses to be confined to a single being,
it prefers the hydra’s proliferating points of attack to the dragon’s
singular offensive thrust. And it necessarily refuses to enter the trap
of politics, it recognizes that the self-possessed individual finds its
origins in conquest – it means freedom from atomization and enclosure in
a carefully-molded and micro-adjusted subject.
Our partisanship is deployed through diffuse guerrilla warfare, a
strategy of quietly distributed foci, a free-wheeling and functionally
anonymous war effort with its origin in every flight from a point of
capture and exploitation. Its activities are never limited to war – the
underside of partisanship lies in the territory, in its social
connectivity and the power of the partisan’s communication. Power is
productive, it generates new subjectivities and cloaks capture in
liberation. Social control operates through a diffuse panopticism,
creating an environment of constant surveillance and self-surveillance
that requires every enunciation to be individualized and
individualizing. Interactions are pre-planned, conversations are
scripted, there’s the feeling that nothing is allowed to go unsaid, but
the only permissible statements remain within the bounds of our
atomization. All of this seems to drown out any hope of community in the
harsh light of criticism and coercion. But the fundamental condition
that panoptic social control relies on and reproduces – our atomization
– is also its point of failure. “All communication participates in
suicide, in crime” – friendship and complicity, which always carry a
political charge, are found in communication that lacerates us, quiet
sub-surface exchanges that makes us vulnerable and foster a shared
criminality among us. This is inseparable from our emphasis on ethical
polarization, and reflects a foundational characteristic of diffuse
guerrilla warfare: it often speaks silently, not reducible to a voice,
but an ethics, a how. “War acts were anonymous, that is, signed with
fake names, a different one each time, in any case, unattributable,
soluble only in the sea of Autonomia. They were like so many marks
etched in the half-light, and as such forming a denser and more
formidable offensive than the armed propaganda campaigns of combatant
organizations. Every act signed itself, claimed responsibility for
itself through its particular how, through its specific meaning in
situation, allowing instantly to discern the extreme-right attack, the
state massacre of subversive activities. This strategy, although never
articulated by Autonomia, is based on the sense that not only is there
no longer a revolutionary subject, but that it is the non-subject itself
that has become revolutionary, that is to say, effective against
Empire.”[23] We advance a dual strategy of irruptive action and
functional invisibility, a paranoia-inducing encirclement of the
cybernetically self-adjusting machinery of Empire. When we make
ourselves known it is always anonymously, we speak polyvocally and
univocally, a trick learned from the militants of Autonomia and
Subcomandante Marcos alike.
This partisan exercise with no party recognizes that insurrections die
the moment they are led, but equally that the conditions for
insurrection are not found in some universal trajectory towards
communism. “Spontaneity” has always been a tongue-in-cheek joke, one
that reveals nothing but the irrelevance of those who crow about it. The
recent uprisings from Minneapolis to Atlanta were not “spontaneous,”
they were built for decades by a primarily-Black substratum of
abolitionists whose extensive experience and deep-set fury were finally
unleashed, and who continue to fight even as the national news moves on.
We cannot wait for the coming insurrection to save us – we have to fight
tooth and nail to ensure the rumbling, latent rage, almost palpable, is
not delivered into the hands of “peace movements,” politicians,
handlers, or conciliatory measures.
Above all else: stillness is death. Stay mobile, never settle, make no
demands, have no leaders, stay masked up, break cameras, keep snitches
out, pay close attention to community defense and patch vulnerabilities,
do your research on your enemies, and fight a war of attrition. Never
kneel, never give in when confronted with the false image of a “peace
movement” or compromise. Forget how to negotiate – this is not a
dialogue, it is a war, and you are already on your back foot. No
encampment or sedentary “autonomous zone” will be free of the creeping
(and often fairly unashamed) people’s police, the anarchist cops, the
watchful eyes of decentralized streaming and surveillance that will
spell prison for any number of us.
In enmity the partisan without rights seeks his justice. In it he finds
the meaning of the cause and the meaning of justice, when the shell of
protection and obedience which he has hitherto inhabited breaks, or the
web of norms of legality from which he could previously expect justice
and legal protection is torn apart. Then the conventional game ends.
Carl Schmitt, Theory of the Partisan p. 74–5
Ningún orden social se suicida.
La Hora de los Hornos
We are already in a state of total war. Empire’s fronts and frontiers
cut through each of us. Our lives are animated and undone by this
conflict that exceeds us, that precedes us, that we are cast into and
forced to survive. We’ve watched friends give in to a general
alienation, pretending their disengagement, complacency, or cowardice
are reasonable decisions that place them above judgement. Everyone wants
to be a spectator in a game that demands our participation. An important
reminder: “The ‘power of arms’ does not imply, as the militarists
believe, absolute power, because absolute power is the power-knowledge
that reunifies social practices.”[24] The fantasy of a constant,
unending partisanship, of moving out to the woods and declaring an armed
struggle, is unlikely to overcome centuries of alienation and
subjugation – but still, it is necessary to find ways to be with and for
what exceeds what we are in and against. Remember Schmitt’s disenchanted
complaint: “No one suspected what the unleashing of irregular warfare
would mean. No one considered what the victory of the civilian over the
soldier would mean if one day the citizen put on the uniform while the
partisan took it off to continue the fight without it.”[25] – as those
who take off the uniform to continue the fight without it, the extent of
our striking force is defined by our community, by our support and vital
attachment to a subsocial body that exceeds us.
We’ve long recognized that it’s impossible to be neutral in a civil war
– instead, we chart our escape routes by way of a negative engagement,
an offensive withdrawal. “War can no longer be discounted as an isolable
moment of our existence, a moment of decisive confrontation; from now on
our very existence, every aspect of it, is war.”[26]
We seek to make our territories ungovernable, to split the fragile seams
of social order, and to evade capture, with the understanding that
“getting out is already achieved, or else it will never be.”[27] And in
doing so, we ally ourselves with that which escaped precapitalist
despotic regimes, that capital chased through primitive accumulation and
into the present, where it continues to evade reappropriation:
communism.[28]
The world has been straining at its mutilated and sutured seams for
decades, if not centuries. It is time we recognize the past decade of
diffuse insurrections for what it really contains: not isolated
instances of rebellion, but the wounds that punctuate the death of the
old world in the springing forth of the new. Everywhere a dehiscent
communism begins to unfold – has never stopped unfolding. Our task is to
bring this polyvocal multiplicity of irruptions to bear on the present
state of things, devising new tactics and organizational strategies that
match the new forms of sovereignty that our enemies would use to destroy
us. We are the weapons we seek, our reach is defined by the extent of
our friendships, our community, the love and rage we carry – the secret
is really to begin.
Tiqqun, Introduction to Civil War, p. 203–4
[1] < https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Rhfx9UzRQ0 >
[2] For a full analysis of the movement from a similar perspective, see
Idris Robinson’s “How It Might Should Be Done,” published in full at
<https://illwilleditions.com/how-it-might-should-be-done/>
[3] “Another limit of enmity follows from the partisan’s tellurian
character. He defends a piece of land with which he has an autochthonous
relationship. His basic position remains defensive despite the increased
agility of his tactics. […] With such a fundamentally defensive stance
comes the fundamental limitation of enmity. The real enemy is not
declared the absolute enemy, nor the ultimate enemy of humanity in
general.” C. Schmitt, Theory of the Partisan p. 76
[4]
C. Guevara, Guerrilla Warfare p. 11
[5] “The fort really was surrounded, is besieged by what still surrounds
it, the common beyond and beneath – before and before – enclosure. The
surround antagonizes the laager in its midst while disturbing that facts
on the ground with some outlaw planning. Our task is the self-defense of
the surround in the face of repeated, targeted dispossessions through
the settler’s armed incursion. And while acquisitive violence occasions
this self-defense, it is recourse to self-possession in the face of
dispossession (recourse, in other words, to politics) that represents
the real danger. Politics is an ongoing attack on the common – the
general and generative antagonism – from within the surround.” F. Moten
and S. Harney, “Politics Surrounded,” from The Undercommons
[6] Tiqqun, Introduction to Civil War p. 59
[7]
G. Bataille, “The Psychological Structure of Fascism,” from Visions of
Excess p. 139–143
[8]
G. Deleuze and F. Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus p. 445
[9]
C. Schmitt, Theory of the Partisan p. 75
[10] This is the closest we come to meeting Schmitt’s tellurian
characteristic – engaging in what Moten and Harney call “the
self-defense of the surround”
[11] See the definition of polarizé provided on p. 227–8 of Tiqqun’s
Introduction to Civil War, included at the beginning of this text
[12] Sup. Marcos, Our Word Is Our Weapon
[13] Sup. Marcos, Until death if it is needed, translated by Ewatomi
Abara and available at
<https://intheredautumn.wordpress.com/2020/11/08/until-death-if-it-is-needed-supmarcos/>
[14]
D. Parkinson, Without A Party, We Have Nothing
[15] For more details on Donald’s “insurgent electoralism” see
<https://cosmonaut.blog/2018/10/17/from-workers-party-to-workers-republic/>
[16] Robert Hurley, Communist Ontology
<https://voidnetwork.gr/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Communist-Ontology-Robert-Hurley.pdf>
[17] The Invisible Committee, The Coming Insurrection
[18] “Over a 150 year period, the various Maroon communities of Suriname
would wage a guerrilla war with the Dutch and English slavers to remain
free. Today in Suriname their direct descendants still occupy the areas
their ancestors fought on, and most of them have never suffered under
slavery – even before the U.S. signed its own Declaration of
Independence in 1776.” R. Maroon Shoatz, The Dragon and the Hydra: a
historical study of organizational methods
[19] This is also applicable to typical vanguardist democratic
centralism: “[A] sober analysis of that history [of democratic
centralism] points to a struggle for supremacy – not only over the
bourgeois ruling class, but also against the working class and all other
oppressed people; against any and all formations either of the latter
pull together that escape their control. […] history has shown that such
ruthless methods are effective: if the objectives of those who used the
DC methods were simply to seize power, then their record during the
20^(th) century was impressive. It has proved itself as brutally
efficient and capable of outdoing anything the bourgeois forces are
capable of. Nevertheless, in the end those who gained power using DC
method have always ended up using it to defeat the aspirations of the
workers and oppressed, and subsequently install the users of it as a new
oppressive ruling class.” R. Maroon Shoatz, The Dragon and the Hydra: a
historical study of organizational methods
[20]
R. Maroon Shoatz, The Dragon and the Hydra: a historical study of
organizational methods
<https://4strugglemag.org/2010/07/23/the-dragon-and-the-hydra-a-historical-study-of-organizational-methods/>
[21] “The party as we know it must disappear. It is disappearing. It
will disappear as the state will disappear. The whole laboring
population becomes the state. That is the disappearance of the state. It
can have no other meaning. It withers away by expanding to such a degree
that it is transformed into its opposite. And the party does the same…
for if the party does not wither away, the state never will’” CLR James,
referenced by R. Maroon Shoatz, The Dragon and the Hydra: a historical
study of organizational methods
[22] Diane di Prima, Revolutionary Letters
<https://illwilleditions.com/wp-content/uploads/2020/10/Di-Prima-Revolutionary-Letters.pdf>
[23] Tiqqun, This Is Not A Program p. 85, bolding mine
[24]
R. Curcio and A. Franceschini, Gocce di Sole nella Città degli Spettri,
cited in Tiqqun’s This Is Not A Program
[25]
C. Schmitt, Theory of the Partisan p. 74
[26] Tiqqun, This Is Not A Program, p. 67
[27]
G. Deleuze, Dialogues II
[28] “I call ‘communism’ the real movement that elaborates, everywhere
and at every moment, civil war.” Tiqqun, Introduction to Civil War, p.
63