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Title: On Western Democracy Author: Kyle Tussing Date: February 25, 2016 Language: en Topics: democracy, colonialism, history, anarchism, socialism, communism, policing, elections, leftism, social control, black nationalism Source: http://jettisonmag.com/politics/1312/on-western-democracy-or-why-im-not-feeling-the-bern/
This is a response to the recent and well articulated Jettison article I
was mentioned in, “Socialists on Sanders” by Marc Blanc.
During the American Revolution, white Virginians serving in militias and
the Continental Army were pissed. While poor whites were conscripted
into the revolutionary army, rich white slaveholders were able to exempt
themselves from service using their wealth. Petitioners in the Charlotte
County militia said the slaveholders benefitted twice over by avoiding
fighting in the war while getting rich off of their slaves while the war
continued. (1) A strict Marxian view may suggest that the poor whites
would ally themselves with black slaves against the wealthy Virginians.
This did not happen. Instead, to curb anger, new enlistment rules
stipulated that new recruits would be given a “healthy sound negro”
between the ages of ten and thirty, gold or silver, and three hundred
acres of land at the end of the war. Class conflict in white society was
mitigated with the further oppression of a colonized group.
Various black nationalist personalities describe the United States as a
colonial-settler empire. Europeans moved from their homeland to a new
land, wiped out the indigenous population, and then imported a
population to produce a surplus for white society to live off of. This
imported African population was colonized. Settler society revolved
around slavery and all settlers benefited from it. Whether it was the
lumberjack whose wood built slave ships or the fisherman whose “refuse
fish” was sold as slave meals, revolutionary nationalist J. Sakai
writes, “all sections of white settler society- even the artisan,
worker, and farmer- were totally dependent upon Afrikan slave labor.”(2)
While the forms may have changed, this general relationship has
persisted. Today, the United States throws a higher percentage of its
black population behind bars than South Africa did at the height of
apartheid. (3) Once in prison, these individuals are paid between $0.20
to $1.20 an hour while generating $14.54 an hour. (4) This surplus, also
generated from the colonized world in sweatshops and other labor camps,
flows to the powerful and then back onto the greater white society to
lessen any conflict. Cheap products at Walmart are cheap for a reason.
“Made in Vietnam.” “Made in Thailand.” Obama’s white rule with a black
mask is neocolonialism, taking a figure from the colonized and having
this figure retain white rule.
White leftism has tended to protect settler colonialism. In the early
1900s, on the west coast, Japanese immigrants were working in
agriculture, railroads, and timber. The white left’s favorite Eugene
Debs and his Socialist Party, supported and stirred up mob violence
against these immigrants so white workers could steal their jobs and
benefit from the infrastructure laid down by the immigrants. (5) This
time a settlement in white society based on colonization wasn’t offered
as a peace deal by elites, but violently established by white people on
their own initiative with the support of their “radical” organizations.
As Kwame Ture (formerly Stokley Carmichael) and Charles V. Hamilton
write, “The whites react in a united group to protect interests they
perceive to be theirs.” (6)
Jean-Jacques Rousseau was an enlightenment thinker influential to
American and French revolutionaries in the 1700s. The men who forged the
new American nation took special care to read his work. In On the Social
Contract, which is perhaps Rousseau's most iconic work, he takes time to
describe how a stable government would operate. In chapter 6 he lays
this out: the reliance on neutrality within a territory. The strategy is
to collect enough force that simply is not active resistance and direct
all these actively loyal and neutral social channels into a “single
moving power … made to act in concert.” (7) In the past, loyalty oaths
to the ruling order were demanded, with the threat of death. Now, if you
don’t say the Pledge of Allegiance, you are socially chastised.
Modern policing’s goal is to ensure the stability of the status quo.
This status quo is preserved through the neutrality of the majority, the
“silent majority.” To maintain neutrality is to engage in policing.
Police officers are trained extensively in conflict resolution
strategies. For example, in December 2014 a protest I attended in
Athens, Ohio over the murder of Eric Garner blocked Court Street in
front of the Courthouse, marched to the intersection of Court and East
Union, and proceeded to block the intersection. The first thing the
police did was to set up orange traffic cones to redirect traffic. This
allowed those driving past the initiation of conflict to maintain the
identity of “neutral” instead of taking sides, and in the end that meant
siding with the police. The protest fizzled after a while, principly
because resistance wasn’t strong enough to go further. To be strong
enough, more people would have needed to join in the confrontation.
Successful policing neutralizes the population and removes them as a
factor.
Police are not just uniformed men, but also apparatuses which direct
movement into Rousseau’s single moving power. The police are cameras in
a stairwell, so people are made to govern themselves. In the
architecture of the stairwell the camera is strategically positioned to
allow it to see more space and forcing individuals to move from point A
to point B. This single moving power, which has also been called “the
general will,” “the public good,” or “The People” is dependent upon
citizenry; those who participate in the activities of the body politic.
(8) These activities are attached to identities which reproduce daily
life: worker and owner, customer and seller, subject of law and police
officer, peaceful protesters and proud voters, etc.
Bernie Sanders is not real resistance to Western democracy. Sanders is
channelling anger away from forms of direct confrontation into the
single moving power of “The People” by turning this anger into something
governable, into the reproduction of citizenship, into the passive act
of voting and hoping. Western democracies must have a mass of neutral
individuals, regardless of their personal opinions, which they have the
God-given freedom to express. These individuals will remain undisturbed
and, very literally, unmoved. These are citizens, who are unmoved and
materially unengaged. One can vote for Bernie in hoping he can build the
world they wish to see, but one is barred from actually creating that
world or materially confronting this one. Western democracy is the
politics of non appearance. Actual resistance is radical presence within
space, refusing to be neutralized by police apparatuses.
Bernie Sanders is not real resistance to American empire. Sanders could
create a middle class utopia, but it would come by further exploitation
of the colonized. Karl Marx was correct to analyze in “Value, Price, and
Profit” that wage labor is a paid ratio between how much the capitalist
makes and how much the worker makes off of a surplus, but a colonial
worker’s wages can be raised by taking more resources from the colonized
and conserving the same ratio. Even if higher wages are attained by a
reduction of the ratio between the capitalist and the first world
worker, the surplus still developed in the colonized world and would not
be stable without hyper exploitation. Sanders is jumping on the “raise
the wage” bandwagon, recuperating such demands into the settler-colonial
system. Sanders may despise the settler-colonial system, but he as an
individual cannot change a social structure from the ground up. As an
elected official, his job is to “preserve American democracy.”
In Marc’s article, I was described as viewing Sanders as more than a
“Democratic sheepherder” because some of his supporters may lose faith
in him and participate in radical action against American empire, such
as building networks and infrastructure outside of the government so
that we can live without it. This is more of an indictment against
Sanders than even quasi-support for his campaign. Me voting for Sanders,
on condition that he gets the Democratic nomination, is no support for
Sanders either. I’m voting purely on the fact that my mother is sick and
he would have a better healthcare plan than the Republicans. I’m the
uninterested, selfish, single-issue voter news pundits despise.
As for “protest voting,” one wonders how much of a protest against the
status quo voting for Jill Stein really is or whether voting can be
resistance at all. It seems to be the same logic as a Sanders vote,
channelling anger from material confrontation against the power
structure as it exists and physically manifests itself in society into a
passive act of vocal opposition. Passive acts are the backbone of
Western democracy. If such voting is supposed to be a “radical
statement,” the statement seems to be vote for X instead of Y and Z, but
still nothing more than remaining passive. Protest voters might be
better off just staying home on election day.
Real change will physically challenge the domination of space by
American empire. Real change ends the neutralization of the population
and accentuates lines of loyalty which run through it. Real change
destroys “The People” so we finally see each other as people regardless
of borders, a self conscious humanity. Real change abolishes citizenship
roles. Real change needs active participation and material contribution.
Real change is not socialist, anarchist, communist, or any other “ist”
that can be attached to someone’s identity like a tumor. Real change
organizes communities to provide for themselves without the supplies of
corporations and governments. Real change will never be voted into an
office.
1.McDonnell, Michael A. “Virginia’s Wartime Mobilization Leads to Class
Struggles.” In Major Problems in the Era of the American Revolution,
1760-1791, edited by Richard D. Brown and Benjamin L. Carp, Boston:
Wadsworth, Cengage Learning, 2014, p. 199-200.
2.Sakai, J. Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat From
Mayflower To Modern. Montreal: Kersplebedeb, 2014, p. 15.
3.Alexander, Michelle.The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of
Colorblindness. New York: The New Press, 2011, p. 6.
4.Dyer, Joel.The Perpetual Prisoner Machine: How America Profits from
Crime. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000, p. 19.
5.Sakai, J.Settlers: The Mythology of the White Proletariat From
Mayflower To Modern. Montreal: Kersplebedeb, 2014, p. 161.
6.Ture, Kwame, and Charles V. Hamilton. Black Power: The Politics of
Liberation. New York: Vintage Books, 1992, p. 7.
7.Rousseau, Jean-Jacques. “On the Social Contract.” In Classics of Moral
and Political Theory, edited by Michael L. Morgan, Indianapolis:
Hackett, 2011, p. 887.
8.Ibid, p. 888.