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Title: Colonization Author: Jean Grave Date: 1912 Language: en Topics: colonialism, colonization, imperialism Source: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k81936b/f1.item Notes: This pamphlet, published in 1912 as "La Colonisation", is a modified version of the 13th chapter of Jean Grave's "Moribund Society and Anarchy" (1893). This translation is mostly taken from the translation of that book available on https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/jean-grave-moribund-society-and-anarchy][theanarchistlibrary.org]] , with changes and additions made by JoĂŁo Black according to the 1912 version, accessed on [[https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k81936b/f1.item
Colonization is extending too widely, in the present epoch, for
anarchists not to have their say on this question. At a time when the
so-called civilized nations are disputing areas of influence in Africa â
in Tripolitania, in the Congo, in Morocco â dividing up the peoples like
cattle, all of this hiding the most shady financial schemes, the pastors
of peoples being no more than the business managers of financial sharks,
tampers of crooked businesses, we must rise up against this hybrid
product of patriotism and mercantilism combined â brigandage and highway
robbery for the benefit of the ruling classes.
A private individual goes into his neighborâs house, breaks everything
he lays his hands on, seizes everything he finds convenient for his own
use: he is a criminal; âSocietyâ condemns him. But if a government finds
itself driven to a standstill by an internal situation which
necessitates some external diversion; if it be encumbered at home by
unemployed hands of which it knows not how to rid itself, of products
which it cannot get distributed; let this government declare war against
remote peoples which it knows to be too feeble to resist it, let it take
possession of their country, subject them to an entire system of
exploitation, force its products upon them, massacre them if they
attempt to escape this exploitation with which it weighs them down,âoh,
then, this is moral! From the moment you operate on a grand scale it
merits the approbation of honest men. It is no longer called robbery or
assassination; there is an honorable word for covering up the
dishonorable deeds that government commits: this is called âcivilizingâ
undeveloped peoples.
And let no one deem this exaggeration. No nation is reputed to be a
colonizing one save when it has succeeded in getting out of a country
the maximum product it is capable of yielding. Thus England is a
colonizing country, because she knows how to ârewardâ her colonies with
the prosperity of the people she sends out to rule them, how to gather
back into her coffers the taxes with which she burdens them.
In the Indies, for instance, those whom she sends out make colossal
fortunes. The country, to be sure, is completely ravaged from time to
time by frightful famines that decimate hundreds of thousands of people.
But of what moment are the details so long as John Bull can market his
manufactured products and thereby succeed in obtaining, for his own
advantage, what the soil of Great Britain could not produce? Such are
the benefits of colonization!
Today, it is true, one must be disillusioned. India competes with the
products of the âMotherlandâ. Never mind, the capitalists will transport
their capital and factories there, and since the Hindus feed on a
handful of rice, fortunes can still be built; too bad if the English
workers pay the difference. In order to make them patient, they will be
promised the empire of the world, and they will be launched against the
Boers or the Germans.
In France it is different; we are not colonizers. Oh, reassure yourself;
that is not to say we are any the less brigands, that our conquered
people are less exploited! No; only we are less âpractical.â Instead of
studying the peoples we conquer we deliver them over to the caprices of
the sword; we subject them to the regime of the âmother country;â if
these peoples cannot bend to it, so much the worse for them! They will
disappear little by little under the degenerating influence of an
administration to which they are not accustomed. What of it? If they
revolt we hunt them like wild beasts, track them like deer, and pillage
in that case is not only tolerated but approved; it is called a âraid.â
The ferocious beast which we train and keep, under the name of
âsoldier,â is let loose upon inoffensive peoples. The latter behold
themselves delivered over to every excess which these unchained brutes
can conceive: women are raped, childrenâs throats are cut, whole
villages are given to the flames, entire populations are driven into the
plains where they are destined to perish miserably. Is that all? Let it
pass; it is a civilized nation carrying civilization to savages!
Certainly, upon thorough examination of what goes on around us there is
nothing illogical or abnormal in all this; it is, in fact, the result of
our present organization. It is nothing astonishing that these «high
feats» of arms obtain the approval and applause of the bourgeois world.
The bourgeoisie is interested in these strokes of brigandage; they serve
as a pretext for maintaining permanent armies; they occupy the
praetorians who, during these slaughters, set their hands to more
serious âlabor;â these armies themselves serve to unload a whole pack of
idiots and worthless persons by whom the bourgeoisie would be much
embarrassed, and who, by virtue of a few yards of gilt stripes, are made
their most furious defenders. These conquests facilitate an entire
series of financial schemes by means of which they may skim off the
savings of speculators in search of doubtful enterprises. They will
monopolize the stolen or conquered lands. These wars cause massacres of
workers whose excessive numbers embarrass them; the conquered countries
being in âneedâ of an administration, there is a new market for a whole
army of office-seekers and ambitious persons whom they thus harness to
their chariot, whereas had these latter remained unemployed its route
might have been hampered thereby.
Still better, there are peoples to exploit, to be yoked in their
service, upon whom their products may be forced, whom they may decimate
without being held accountable to any one. In view of these advantages
the bourgeoisie need not hesitate; and the French bourgeoisie have so
well understood this that they have launched headlong into colonial
enterprises.
But what astonishes and disheartens us is that there are workers who
approve of these infamies; who feel no remorse in lending a hand to
these rascalities, and do not understand the flagrant injustice of
massacring people in their own homes, in order to mould them to a way of
living not natural to them. Oh, we know the ready-made rejoinders which
it is customary to make to those who become indignant at too flagrant
injustices: âThey have revolted, they have killed our people; we cannot
endure it. . . They are savages, they must be civilized. . . The needs
of commerce require it. . . Yes, perhaps it was wrong to go among them
in the first place, but the colonies have cost us too many men, too much
money, to abandon them now,â etc.
âThey have revolted; they have killed our men!â Well, what else? What
were we doing in their country? Why did we not let them alone? Did they
ever come and ask anything of us? We have tried to impose laws upon them
which they do not want to accept. They have revolted; they have done
well. So much the worse for those of us who perish in the struggle; they
should have refrained from participating in these infamies.
âThey are savages; they must be civilized.â Let any one take up the
history of conquests, and then tell us which were the most savage,âthose
who were called so, or the âcivilized.â Which are in greatest need of
being civilized, the conquerors or the inoffensive peoples who generally
welcomed their invaders with open arms, and as the reward for their
advances have been tortured and decimated? Take the history of the
conquests in America by Spain, of India by England, of Africa, Cochin
China, and Tonquin by France, and then boast about âcivilization.â
Remember, too, that in these histories you will find recorded only the
âgreat events,â whose importance has left traces; but if you were to
picture to yourself all the âlittle eventsâ of which these are composed
and which pass by unperceived; if you were to bring to light all the
turpitudes which are absorbed in the imposing mass of the principal
facts, then what would it be? You would recoil affrighted before these
horrors!
For ourselves, having spent some time in the naval service, we have
listened to the description of numbers of scenes which prove that when a
soldier arrives in a conquered country, he considers himself, by that
mere fact, absolute master therein; for him the natives are beasts of
burden, which he may order about at will; he has the right to seize upon
every object which suits him; woe to the native that would oppose him!
He will not be slow in teaching that the law of the sword is the only
law;âthe institution which protects property in Europe does not
recognize it in another latitude. And in all this the soldier is
encouraged by the officers who preach by example, by the administration
which puts the cudgel in his hand that he may superintend the natives it
employs upon its works.
How many repugnant actions are naively recounted to you as altogether
natural occurrences! If you happen to say of some native who revolted
and killed his oppressor, that he did well, you should hear the cries of
stupefaction which greet your remark! âWhat! Since we are the masters,
since we command them, they must obey us; if we let them alone they
would all revolt, they would drive us out! After having spent so much
money and so many men, France would lose the country! She would have no
more colonies!â
Behold what an effect military discipline and brutalization have upon
the minds of the workers. They endure the same injustices, the same
turpitudes, with which they are helping to burden others; and they no
longer feel the ignominy of their conduct; they have come to serve,
unconsciously, as the instruments of despotism and to boast of this
role, not realizing its baseness and infamy.
The European civilizers, Italian, French or others, would do much better
to take advantage of the land that is uncultivated at home, before going
to steal those of others.
As to âthe needs of commerce,â here, indeed, we have the genuine motive.
Messieurs the bourgeois being embarrassed with products which they
cannot dispose of, find nothing better to do than to go and declare war
against poor devils powerless to defend themselves, in order to impose
these products upon them.
To be sure it would be easy enough to come to an understanding with
them; one might traffic with them by means of barter, not being
overscrupulous, even, about the value of the objects exchanged; these
latter being valueless to them save when attractive to the eye, it would
be easy enough to get the best of them and realize fine profits
therefrom. Was it not thus before the dark continent was penetrated?
Were we not, through the intermediary of the coast tribes in
communication with the tribes of the interior? Did we not get the same
products then as we get now?
âYes, it is possible that it was so, but the devil of it is that to
operate in such a way takes time and patience; it is impossible to go in
on a grand scale; one must figure on competition; âcommerce must be
protected.âââWe know what that means: two or three fast iron-clads, in
double-quick order, half-a-dozen gun-boats, a body of troops to be
landedâsalute! Civilization is going to perform its work! We have taken
a people, strong, robust, and healthy; in forty or fifty years from now
we shall have them turned into a horde of anĂŠmics, brutalized,
miserable, decimated, corrupted, who will shortly disappear from the
surface of the globe. Then the civilizing job will be finished!
If any one doubt what we here assert let him take the accounts of
travelers, let him read the descriptions of those countries in which
Europeans have installed themselves by the right of conquest: everywhere
the native populations decrease and disappear; everywhere drunkenness,
syphilis, and other European importations mow them down in great swaths,
atrophy and anĂŠmiate those who survive. And can it be otherwise? No, not
when such means are employed! Here are peoples who have another mode of
life than ours, other aptitudes, other needs; instead of studying these
needs and aptitudes, seeking to adapt them to our civilization
gradually, insensibly, not demanding that they take any more of it than
they can assimilate, we try to bend them to it at a single blow, we
break everything asunder; and not only do they become refractory but the
experience is fatal to them.
How glorious might the role of the so-called civilized man have been,
had he but understood it, and had not he himself been afflicted with
these two pests, government and mercantilism,âtwo frightful plagues, of
which he would do well to consider how to rid himself before seeking to
civilize others.
The education of undeveloped tribes might go on peacefully and bring
into civilization new elements, capable in the course of their
adaptation, of putting new life into it. Let no one talk to us of the
duplicity and ferocity of the barbarians. We have but to read the
accounts of those truly courageous men who have gone into the midst of
unknown tribes, urged on solely by the ideal of science and the desire
for knowledge. Such persons have succeeded in making friends of these
people, have gone among them, having nothing to fear; duplicity and
ferocity came in only with these miserable traffickers who falsely
decorate themselves with the name of travelers, seeing nothing in their
travels but a good commercial or political deal. They have excited the
animosity of these peoples against the whites by cheating them in their
exchanges, by failing to keep their agreements, by massacring them, if
need be, when they could do it with impunity.
Should we bring facts? Letâs read the books by Octon VignĂ©, and Chez les
Hova by Jean Carol. The atrocities of the Chanoines and the Voulets are
not so far from us that we still cannot remember them. As for the
exploits of the Italian âcivilizersâ in Tripolitania, they are of the
present day.
Go to, go to, philanthropists of commerce, civilizers by the sword!
Forbear your tirades on the benefits of civilization! That which you
call thus, that which you disguise under the name of colonization, has a
name perfectly denned in your code, when it is the act of a few obscure
individuals: it is called âpillage and assassination by armed bands.â
But civilization has nothing in common with your highway-robber
practices!
What the ruling classes must have is new markets for their products and
new peoples to exploit; for this they send out their Solcillets, their
de Brazzas, their Crampels, Triviers, etc., in search of unknown
territories, there to open up factories which shall deliver these
countries over to their unlimited exploitation. They commence by
exploiting commercially and finish by exploiting in every way, when once
these tribes have been brought under their protectorate. What they stand
in need of is immense tracts of earth which they may gradually annex
after having depopulated them;âdo they not need plenty of room where
into they may divert the surplus population which embarrasses them, and
buy the parliamentarians who become their accomplices in the House [of
representatives]?
You, rulers, are civilizers? Come on! What have you done with those
tribes that inhabited America and which disappear every day decimated by
betrayals, those tribes of which, in defiance of the sworn faith, you
tear off, little by little, the hunting grounds that you had recognized
as theirs? What have you done with the tribes of Polynesia, which all
travelers agreed in depicting to us as strong and vigorous peoples, and
who are now disappearing under your rule?
You civilizers? But at the rate your civilization is going on, if the
workers are bound to succumb to the struggle to which you deliver them
up, you, in your turn, will not be long in succumbing likewise under
your indolence and laziness, even as fell the Greek and Roman
civilizations, which having reached the pitch of luxury and
exploitation, having lost all the faculties of struggle, in preserving
the faculty of enjoyment, succumbed much more under the pressure of
their own bloated nervelessness than to the blows of the barbarians,
who, entering into the struggle in the fullness of their strength, had
no great trouble to overturn this rapidly decaying civilization.
As you have undertaken to destroy these races, not inferior, but merely
latecomer, you tend in like manner to destroy the working class, which
you also qualify as inferior. Day by day you seek to eliminate the
worker from the workshop, replacing him by machines. Your triumph would
be the end of humanity; for, losing little by little the faculties
acquired by the necessity for struggle, you would return to the most
rudimentary ancestral forms of society and humanity would soon have no
other ideal than that of an association of digestive sacs commanding a
nation of machines, waited upon by automatons, having nothing human left
but the name.