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Title: Intercollectivism Author: Brian Language: en Topics: Collectives, collectivism, anarchist organization, critique, mission statement, networks, dual power, community, solidarity, United States of America Source: Retrieved on 14th November 2021 from https://anarchisthistory.noblogs.org/post/2015/09/12/love-rage-and-disconnection/ Notes: This article was printed in (Dis) Connection #4. Brian is a member of the EWAY and Pet Roach Press collectives, and publishes a zine called Dissident Scrapbook.
At last Decemberâs More Fun Than Santa conference, I wound up in the
position of agreeing to compile a Network of Anarchist Collectives
mission statement or statements to propose at the Toledo conference this
summer. So far, perhaps largely due to the disorganization of our
organization (NAC), since MFTS I have not received so much as one word
of ; suggestion as to what our mission statement should look like or
contain. But this is understandable, because as my cohort in this
effort, Sprite of Chicagoâs A-Zone, so deftly wrote in the MFTS âAfter
Wordsâ booklet, âItâs pointless to describe our politics when we havenât
even discussed strategy among ourselves.â (emphasis added)
So I have taken it upon myself to jot down some ideas on what NAC should
and should not be, as well as to propose a mission. statement based on
the discussion of âPolitical Direction and Strategyâ in which I
participated during MFTS. On the pages of (Dis)Co and at the Toledo
convention in June, these ideas can and should be discussed/disputed/
adjusted, or even. tossed out the window. Nevertheless, I am answering
the call to analyze our networkâs politics, and vs) perhaps to help
incite further discourse,
The Network of Anarchist Collectives needs to remain just that: a
network of autonomous collectives. I see no need for us to come up with
some all-encompassing statement of politics, beliefs or perspectives to
which each individual member should be able to consense. Surely we are
networking for a common objective, but we are not an
Establishment-toppling movement. Let Love and Rage and all the other
federations fulfill that role. Our concern, as I perceive it, is in
networking for communication and mutual aid. When a federation speaks of
âsolidarity,â it implies methodological or ideological uniformnity. It
is referring to some outward goal, based on an abstraction. In that
case, solidarity is necessary in achieving a common objective the
federation, including all member groups, secks.
In our case, solidarity takes the form of mutual aid. We do not all have
to prescribe to the same specific set of politics, Thatâs for
federations. In a network like ours, we merely need to subscribe to a
common method and structure of organization, i.e. collectivism (and this
only because it helps guarantee that our over-arching association will
remain nonhierarchical and as decentralized as possible, and because we
want to promote collectives).
I personally do not know why the word âAnarchistâ is included in our
title, but I was never consulted during the naming . process. It occurs
to me that the word âautonomousâ â not âautonomistâ â would be better
for our purposes. How do we define âanarchist,â anyway? I mean, do you
have to believe in smashing the state to smitherines to be an anarchist?
Or can you just be someone who has little or no interest in such
far-reaching vision but who, nonetheless, understands that
nonhierarchical, face-to-face, decentralized organizing is the optimal
method of working for social change, or merely living oneâs life? For
instance, Syracuseâs on the Rise bakery, a womenâs economic collective,
would never refer, to itself as âanarchistâ in ideology (or as anything,
really); still, I canât think of a better example of sustainable,
nonauthoritarian , organizing. But why would they want to be part of
NAC? They are not (all) anarchists, and perhaps a few of them donât even
understand what âanarchismâ means (do we?). But the involvement of such
successful collectives would improve NAC in countless ways.
So by what criteria do we judge whoâs âanarchistâ and who is not?
f we use the word âAutonomous,â we will not be ideology-specific.
âCollectives,â however we decide to define the term, can encompass the
points that member groups must be nonanthoritarian (ie, anarchist) in
structure, but not necessarily in vision, âAutonomous,â then, can refer
to the relationship between the collective and the Network â each
collective is, autonomous from the Network and its other members.
(Autonomism implies individualism, which is an issue I donât even want
to touch here.)
NAC needs to guarantee and preserve the autonomy of all individual
collectives, As soon as we say we are committed to âfighting thisâ or
âcreating that,â we risk (a) alienating potential member collectives
which do not share that specific goal in their own operations or (b)
infringing upon the autonomy of any such collective which is already a
member of NAC. Indeed, if we are to achieve a mission statement via
consensus process, we will never come to one which describes our
specific politics, visions, strategies and tactics and remains
consistent with those of all member collectives.
So why bother? Why exact conformity and ideological homogeneity?
The main problem with having NAC generally agree on a âpoliticsâ is that
NAC doesnât, as an entity, need a strategy. We need to function â we
need to get things done â but we donât need to be sure that NAC itself
will change the world. Thatâs up to its members, NAC will hopefully
facilitate world change brought about by mergber collectives, but thatâs
different. (I will add a qualifier. It is important that all member
collectives state and discuss their own goals, tactics, etc (ie,
perspectives, visions and methods) in an open manner. We need to know
who weâre working in association with. Further, if â a neo-nazi
collective were to exist and want to join NAC, for instance, I should
hope there would be ample opposition.)
If NAC has any âstrategy,â it is providing a means by which member
collectives can better achieve their own strategies and objectives.
Through communication and mutual aid, between and amongst member
collectives, each can further itself along the lines it sets for itself
For NAC, âprogressâ towards goals will be determined by how well mutual
aid and communication are facilitated.
If one NAC member collective repeats mistakes previously made by three
other collectives in different cities, then NAC either has not done its
job or said collectives have not used NAC the way it is intended to be
used. Itâs that simple.
There is an intercollective dynamic with which we need to concern
ourselves in deciding the perspective and function of NAC. Do we want
the collective to relate with the Network, or do we want the collective
to relate with the other collectives? Do we want some sort of tangible
entity in NAC, or do we want it to be a general affiliation, itself not
manned by anyone (except to carry out certain activities of maintenance,
such as publishing (Dis)Co and other resources). Love and Rage
Federation is a tangible entity. It is an organization which supposedly
joins the forces of autonomous groups toward a common agenda other than
mutual support. It is in and of itself a counter institution, Thereâs
nothing wrong with that, but it doesnât seem thatâs what NAC is intended
to be.
Many of us believe that in our social change organizing, we must create
microcosmic models of the society we wish them to foster. All
collectivists believe that face-to-face, nonhierarchical, leaderless,
decentralized, small group structure and participatory, egalitarian
processes are the optimal methods of organization, whether their vision
is of world revolution or more immediate reclarttation of communities,
workplaces, households, schools, and so forth.
But if NAC wants to become part of a collectivist movement, it must have
some way of aiding and abetting the creation of such organizations. Part
of our outward focus needs to be a dedication to filling the gaps in
society where Gollectives do not exist â ie, almost all of society! How
do we, as a network, respond when a 16 year-old high school student in
Kansas writes to say she would like help in establishing a collective on
her camapus? Are we prepared to offer that kind of assistance? Do we
just mail her a few pamphlets and a copy of our journal and wish her
luck? We need to do something, and that means we need collectivization
apparatus in place which will send as much help as we can possibly
muster, in as many forms as we can conjur, as soon as possible â without
acting as anarcho-missionaries. This wonât be easy. It will require
thought and practice. As I see it, we arenât even close to being able to
accomplish such a task.
We also need to recognize that NAC and most of its member collectives
are not counter institutions (Xs herein). Thatâs a term that has been
tossed around very loosely by âdual poweristsâ in NAC circles to
describe infoshops and the like. But (at . least most) infoshops age not
XIs. They are solely alternative institutions (Als herein). There is a
difference. Xs must, by definition, actually counter the Establishment
they oppose. But infoshops and publishing houses and community centers
do not do this, and they donât need to. Als exist to provide alternative
space (be it in the form of actual physical space, services, resources,
or whatever) to activists; space in which they can work to develop
themselves to better counter the establishment. An alternative book
store provides resources to other Als and to protest and direct action
organizations (real Xs), but it does not itself actually counter the
Establishment, It seems those who insist that infoshops are counter
institutions might be suffering from an acute case of vanguard envy. If
you want to counter the Establishment, you need to leave the relative
security of your infoshop and actually do some countering. If you donât
want to do that, fine â but donât calf your infoshop an XI.
This is what the dual power concept misses. In his short essay on âThe
Logic of Alternative Institutions,â Howard J. Ehrlich stated that âAn
alternative institution must always be a counter-institution.â
(Reinventing Anarchy, B.J. Ehriich, et al, eds, p346) Other than that
insistence, Howardâs description of the AI is outstanding, claiming that
it âmust provide its community with a genuine service,â and âdo so in an
openly-politicized context.â But why should a collective bookstore or
youth center, which no doubt provide genuine services and are often
politicized, be engaged in direct confrontation with the Establishment?
Can we really expect every Al to also be an XI?
Certainly we can demand the reverse. That is, all counter institutions
should also be alternative institutions. They should not be purely
outward-focused, always trying to accomplish objectives and ignoring the
subjective development of their members. The XI collective should
provide alternative space and simultaneously counter the status quo.
In order for dual power strategy to make sense, a second duality must be
recognized. First, in the classical sense of the term, there is the
building of an alternative society âin the shell of the old.â But that
âshellâ is not as inanimate and decrepit as the metaphorical cliche
implies â the âoldâ society will remain a threat until it is destroyed.
So, without falling into the trap of nihilistic adventurism, we need to
recognize the constructive/destructive duality which Howard alludes to,
without going so far as to demand that every actor and organization
simultaneously create and destroy.
Dual power is a sensible strategy only when we look at the actors as
being possibly separate in which aspect/s of the second duality they
wish to participate in: building alternatives and/or tearing down the
norms. If dual power means that every collective, or even every
activist, must somehow participate in countering the Establishment, we
will fall on our faces.
Howard Ehrlichâs point about community service must not be overlooked.
The collective should, first and foremost, serve the comm tnity in which
it exists, This is the second intercollective dynamic with which we must
grapple. Do we want collectives to be looking inward, toward the
Network, or should they be expending the vast majority of their energy
doing work for their own communities? If we get to a point when we are
thinking more about the Network than about the communities in which we
live, something has gone wrong. The activism must take place locally.
Conventions and Network-wide events like Active Resistance definitely
have their place. But as we have begun to realize in Syracuse, the real
stuff of sustainablility is found in our immediate surroundings. Sure, I
got a lot out of the Antioch gathering last summer, and much more out of
MFTS last winter. But since then I have noticed that I donât need to
travel 8 or 13 hours to the Midwest to find that kind of radical
community feeling. There is plenty of it right here, waiting to be fed
and harvested.
For example, a handful of local radicals â people we hardly knew six
months ago, and totally without the assistance of anyone in the EWAY or
Pet Roach Press collectives â have started an anarchist artistsâ group.
At their last meeting, 21 people were in attendance. A month ago, I
would hardly have believed there were 21 politically conscious artists
in Upstate New York, much less that many anarchist ones in Syracuse
alone who want to work together!
There is so much radical potential in this small community. And, to be
honest (if there werenât so damn many cute people in NAC), it would be
insane for me to put any more effort than I am into working on
continental organizing when the local seeds, as fertile as they are,
will grow miraculously with just a little nourishment.
Letâs take a look at Active Resistance. This is a project that was first
conceived by folks at the Chicago A-Zone. The event itself is huge,
though, and the A-Zone realized from the beginning that in order to pull
it off right, theyâd have to network with many other collectives with
various specialties. Several collectives and individnals from around the
country are participating in a variety of ways, to varying degrees of
involvement, in making AR happen. So while we can and should all. claim
a portion of ownership and agency for AR, we also need to realize that
it is a perfect example of large scale network activity, but remains the
baby of Chicagoâs A-Zone.
Not all NAC collectives have to participate to the same degree in making
AR happen. We wonât all have to bear the same amount of burden on any
NAC projects. Actually, not all member collectives will have to be
inivolved in (or even supportive of) every project that comes along. It
wouldnât make any sense. For instance, the Syracuse collectives have
taken on a significant amount of work in support of AR. But how could we
possibly put in as much work, even proportional to our merabership
numbers, as the A-Zone crew is? After all, they are the ones in Chicago,
a thousand miles away, and they are the primary hosts of the event, At
risk of sounding marxian, we should offer what we can to NAC, and take
from it what we need.
The problem with the current perception of NAC and AR happens to be that
Chicago doesnât see themselves as âinside the loop,â while many of us on
the outside are wondering why the loop isnât bigger. I think we all need
to realize that there is a loop, that no amount of pretending is going
to change that fact, but also that itâs okay â so long as the loop is
temporary. How do we ensure itâs only temporary? By wresting management
of NAC away from Chicago. This wonât be a war or factional fight; it
will be a big relief for the A-Zone folks come this summer. It will take
the same kind of initiative on our parts, and on the parts of the many
new member collectives weâll hopefully accumulate this year, as it took
Midwest/ Chicago-based folks to get the ball rolling in the first place.
Active Resistance is a great example of how, in the process of working
in support of the A-Zone, the rest of us can achieve substantial amounts
of personal and collective fulfillment. As August approaches, I think AR
will demonstrate to us that the line between âourâ projects and âtheirâ
projects (whoever we and they may be) becomes very much blurred when we
act as a network.
Nor does the fact that most collectives in NAC are participating in AR
mean we are a federation. AR is largely an objective event, having
effects (more than ripples) outside the Network. And it iy something we
are doing largely as NAC. But there are no real demands on any of the
collectives except the A-Zone, without whose involvement AR wouldnât
happen. With federations, on the other hand, out of necessity to avoid
centralization, member collectives have to share equal or at least
proportional amounts of work, and all must participate in everything the
federation does â after all, the federationâs solidarity depends on
service of the federationâs objective goals.
None of this is a critique of federation organizing. I think federations
have their place in revolutionary strategy, and that place will actually
grow as we move further along the road to revolution. But NAC is being
confused with a federation. For those who think NAC needs an overall
vision and strategy for revolution, perhaps the discussion should turn
to whether NAC should become FAC.
If all this seems like a matter of semantics, I think youâve missed my
point: There are fundamental differences between what some people appear
to want and what a network of autonomous alternative institutions can
actually be.
So Iâve babbled on long enough. Hereâs the suggestion of yet another
white boy. This is as simple as I can make it, but I I tend to
complicate everything. Some of the vocabulary is heavy and left mostly
undefined â but I wanted to keep it short and still cover all-bases
(sports metaphor â 20 points!), Please do with it what you will. No need
to be gentle:
âThe Network of Anarchist Callectives (NAC) is a decentralized,
nonhicrarchical, continent-wide affiliation of in(ter)dependent
alternative institutions. All member organizations are community-based
and collectively structured. In the interests of autonémy and
solidarity, the purpose of NAC is to âprovide a means of mutual aid and
communication between and among its members withont confining them to
always working in the shadow of the Network at large. It is our mission
to aid in the creation and maintenance of collectively organized social
change institutions of all kinds by providing, not imposing, support.â