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Title: Technology and Class Struggle
Author: Wolfi Landstreicher
Language: en
Topics: class struggle, green anarchy, technology, social control, individualism
Source: The Best of Green Anarchy, pg. 69

Wolfi Landstreicher

Technology and Class Struggle

The developments in technology over the past sixty years—the nuclear

industry, cybernetics and related information techniques, biotechnology

and genetic engineering—have produced fundamental changes in the social

terrain. The methods of exploitation and domination have changed, and

for this reason old ideas about the nature of class and class struggle

are not adequate for understanding the present situation. The workerism

of the marxists and syndicalists can no longer even be imagined to offer

anything useful in developing a revolutionary practice. But simply

rejecting the concept of class is not a useful response to this

situation either, because in so doing one loses an essential tool for

understanding the present reality and how to attack it.

Exploitation not only continues, but has intensified sharply in the wake

of the new technology. Cybernetics has permitted the decentralization of

production, spreading small units of production across the social

terrain. Automation has drastically reduced the number of production

workers necessary for any particular manufacturing process. Cybernetics

further creates methods for making money without producing anything

real, thus allowing capital to expand itself without the expense of

labor.

Furthermore, the new technology demands a specialized knowledge that is

not available for most people. This knowledge has come to be the real

wealth of the ruling class in the present era. Under the old industrial

system, one could look at class struggle as the struggle between workers

and owners over the means of production. This no longer makes sense. As

the new technology advances, the exploited find themselves driven into

increasingly precarious positions. The old life-long skilled factory

position has been replaced by day labor, service sector jobs, temporary

work, unemployment, the black market, illegality, homelessness and

prison. This precariousness guarantees that the wall created by the new

technology between the exploiters and the exploited remains

unbreachable.

But the nature of the technology itself places it beyond the reach of

the exploited. Earlier industrial development had as its primary focus

the invention of techniques for the mass manufacturing of standardized

goods at low cost for high profit. These new technological developments

are not so much aimed at the manufacturing of goods as at the

development of means for increasingly thorough and widespread social

control and for freeing profit from production. The nuclear industry

requires not only specialized knowledge, but also high levels of

security that place its development squarely under the control of the

state and lead to a military structuring in keeping with its extreme

usefulness to the military. Cybernetic technology’s ability to process,

record, gather and send information nearly instantaneously serves the

needs of the state to document and monitor its subjects as well as its

need to reduce the real knowledge of those it rules to bits of

information-data-hoping, thus, to reduce the real capabilities for

understanding of the exploited. Biotechnology gives the state and

capital control over the most fundamental processes of life itself;

allowing them to decide what sort of plants, animals and—in time—even

human beings can exist.

Because these technologies require specialized knowledge and are

developed for the purpose of increasing the control of the masters over

the rest of humanity even in our daily lives, the exploited class can

now best be understood as those excluded from this specialized knowledge

and thus from real participation in the functioning of power. The master

class is, thus, made up of those included in participation in the

functioning of power and the real use of the specialized technological

knowledge. Of course these are processes in course, and the borderlines

between the included and excluded can, in some cases, be elusive as

increasing numbers of people are proletarianized—losing whatever

decision-making power over their own conditions of existence they may

have had.

It is important to point out that although these new technologies are

intended to give the masters control over the excluded and over the

material wealth of the earth, they are themselves beyond any human

beings control. Their vastness and the specialization they require

combine with the unpredictability of the materials they act upon—atomic

and sub-atomic particles, light waves, genes and chromosomes, etc.—to

guarantee that no single human being can actually understand completely

how they work. This adds a technological aspect to the already existing

economic precariousness that most of us suffer from. However, this

threat of technological disaster beyond any one’s control also serves

power in controlling the exploited—the fear of more Chernobyls,

genetically engineered monsters or escaped laboratory-made diseases and

the like move people to accept the rule of so-called experts who have

proven their own limits over and over again. Furthermore, the state—that

is responsible for every one of these technological developments through

its military—is able to present itself as a check against rampant

corporate “abuse” of this technology. So this monstrous, lumbering,

uncontrollable juggernaut serves the exploiters very well in maintaining

their control over the rest of the population. And what need have they

to worry about the possible disasters when their wealth and power has

most certainly provided them with contingency plans for their own

protection?

Thus, the new technology and the new conditions of exclusion and

precariousness it imposes on the exploited undermine the old dream of

expropriation of the means of production. This technology—controlling

and out of control— cannot serve any truly human purpose and has no

place in the development of a world of individuals free to create their

lives as they desire. So the illusory utopias of the syndicalists and

marxists are of no use to us now. But were they ever? The new

technological developments specifically center around control, but all

industrial development has taken the necessity of controlling the

exploited into account. The factory was created in order to bring

producers under one roof to better regulate their activities; the

production line mechanized this regulation; every new technological

advance in the workings of the factory brought the time and motions of

the worker further under control. Thus, the idea that workers could

liberate themselves by taking over the means of production has always

been a delusion. It was an understandable delusion when technological

processes had the manufacture of goods as their primary aim. Now that

their primary aim is so clearly social control, the nature of our real

struggle should be clear: the destruction of all systems of control-thus

of the state, capital and their technological system, the end of our

proletarianized condition and the creation of ourselves as free

individuals capable of determining how we will live ourselves. Against

this technology our best weapon is that which the exploited have used

since the beginning of the industrial era: sabotage.