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Title: Anti-capitalism 101 Author: Steve Klabnik Date: 2012-03-31 Language: en Topics: introductory, capitalism, class struggle Source: [[http://blog.steveklabnik.com/posts/2012-03-31-anti-capitalism-101]]
People are often surprised to find out that I identify as an
anti-capitalist. At least in America, many people see capitalism as
inevitable, or even as the way things always were. Unfortunately,
thereâs so much rhetoric and confusion around this topic that it always
takes a long time to break it down. Iâd been meaning to write something
about this topic, but then I found this really great work called
Capitalism, Class, and Class Struggle for (ex) Dummies
. Iâve adapted it with my own thoughts and edits below. It in turn is
adapted from
and
from LibCom.org, so if youâd like to see the history, you can read those
versions as well.
I plan on refining this as things go along, as itâs still a bit jargony
in places. Any suggestions are very welcome!
---
At its root, capitalism is an economic system based on three things:
wage labour (working for a wage), private ownership of the means of
production (things like factories, machinery, farms, and offices), and
production for exchange and profit.
While some people own means of production, or capital, most of us donât
and so to survive we need to sell our ability to work in return for a
wage, or else scrape by on benefits. This first group of people is the
capitalist class or âbourgeoisieâ in Marxist jargon, and the second
group is the working class or âproletariatâ. This jargon is only
included so that you can make connections to other literature, weâll
stick away from such things later in this text.
Capitalism is based on a simple processâmoney is invested to generate
more money. When money functions like this, it functions as capital. For
instance, when a company uses its profits to hire more staff or open new
premises, and so make more profit, the money here is functioning as
capital. As capital increases (or the economy expands), this is called
âcapital accumulationâ, and itâs the driving force of the economy.
Those accumulating capital do so better when they can shift costs onto
others. If companies can cut costs by not protecting the environment, or
by paying sweatshop wages, they will. So catastrophic climate change and
widespread poverty are signs of the normal functioning of the system.
Furthermore, for money to make more money, more and more things have to
be exchangeable for money. Thus the tendency is for everything from
everyday items to DNA sequences to carbon dioxide emissionsâand,
crucially, our ability to workâto become commodified.
And it is this last pointâthe commodification of our creative and
productive capacities, our ability to workâwhich holds the secret to
capital accumulation. Money does not turn into more money by magic, but
by the work we do every day.
In a world where everything is for sale, we all need something to sell
in order to buy the things we need. Those of us with nothing to sell
except our ability to work have to sell this ability to those who own
the factories, offices, etc. And of course, the things we produce at
work arenât ours, they belong to our bosses.
Furthermore, because of long hours, productivity improvements etc, we
produce much more than necessary to keep us going as workers. The wages
we get roughly match the cost of the products necessary to keep us alive
and able to work each day (which is why, at the end of each month, our
bank balance rarely looks that different to the month before). The
difference between the wages we are paid and the value we create is how
capital is accumulated, or profit is made.
This difference between the wages we are paid and the value we create is
called âsurplus valueâ. The extraction of surplus value by employers is
the reason we view capitalism as a system based on exploitationâthe
exploitation of the working class. This process is essentially the same
for all wage labour, not just that in private companies. Public sector
workers also face constant attacks on their wages and conditions in
order to reduce costs and maximise profits across the economy as a
whole.
The accumulation of capital also relies on unwaged work, such as
housework or domestic labour. This includes the reproduction of labour
power in the form of producing and raising childrenâthe next generation
of workersâand servicing the current workforceâphysically, emotionally,
and sexually. This unpaid labour is predominantely carried out by women.
Servicing men and children at home serves capital: by making housework
and reproduction a womenâs ânatural and feminineâ process rather than
work, capitalism benefits in the form of free labour. When capital pays
husbands they get two workers, not one. Denying domestic labour a wage
makes this work invisible, and divides the working class into waged and
unwaged at the expense of both.
In order to accumulate capital, our boss must compete in the market with
bosses of other companies. They cannot afford to ignore market forces,
or they will lose ground to their rivals, lose money, go bust, get taken
over, and ultimately cease to be our boss. Therefore even the bosses
arenât really in control of capitalism, capital itself is. Itâs because
of this that we can talk about capital as if it has agency or interests
of its own, and so often talking about âcapitalâ is more precise than
talking about bosses.
Both bosses and workers, therefore, are alienated by this process, but
in different ways. While from the workersâ perspective, our alienation
is experienced through being controlled by our boss, the boss
experiences it through impersonal market forces and competition with
other bosses.
Because of this, bosses and politicians are powerless in the face of
âmarket forces,â each needing to act in a way conducive to continued
accumulation (and in any case they do quite well out of it!). They
cannot act in our interests, since any concessions they grant us will
help their competitors on a national or international level.
So, for example, if a manufacturer develops new technology for making
cars which doubles productivity it can lay off half its workers,
increase its profits and reduce the price of its cars in order to
undercut its competition. If another company wants to be nice to its
employees and not sack people, eventually it will be driven out of
business or taken over by its more ruthless competitorâso it will also
have to bring in the new machinery and make the layoffs to stay
competitive.
Of course, if businesses were given a completely free hand to do as they
please, monopolies would soon develop and stifle competition which would
lead to the system grinding to a halt. The state intervenes, therefore
to act on behalf of the long-term interests of capital as a whole. We
observed this happen in America back in the Robber Baron days.
The primary function of the state in capitalist society is to maintain
the capitalist system and aid the accumulation of capital. As such, the
state uses repressive laws and violence against the working class when
we try to further our interests against capital. For example, bringing
in anti-strike laws, or sending in police or soldiers to break up
strikes and demonstrations.
The âidealâ type of state under capitalism at the present time is
liberal democratic, however in order to continue capital accumulation at
times different political systems are used by capital to do this. State
capitalism in the USSR, and fascism in Italy and Germany are two such
models, which were necessary for the authorities at the time in order to
co-opt and crush powerful working-class movements which threatened the
very continuation of capitalism.
When the excesses of bosses cause workers to fight back, alongside
repression the state occasionally intervenes to make sure business as
usual resumes without disruption. For this reason national and
international laws protecting workersâ rights and the environment exist.
Generally the strength and enforcement of these laws ebbs and flows in
relation to the balance of power between employers and employees in any
given time and place. For example, in France where workers are more
well-organised and militant, there is a maximum working week of 35
hours. In the UK, where workers are less militant the maximum is 48
hours, and in the US where workers are even less likely to strike there
is no maximum at all.
Capitalism is presented as a ânaturalâ system, formed a bit like
mountains or land masses by forces beyond human control, that it is an
economic system ultimately resulting from human nature. However it was
not established by ânatural forcesâ but by intense and massive violence
across the globe. First in the âadvancedâ countries, enclosures drove
self-sufficient peasants from communal land into the cities to work in
factories. Any resistance was crushed. People who resisted the
imposition of wage labour were subjected to vagabond laws and
imprisonment, torture, deportation or execution. In England under the
reign of Henry VIII alone 72,000 people were executed for vagabondage.
Later capitalism was spread by invasion and conquest by Western
imperialist powers around the globe. Whole civilisations were brutally
destroyed with communities driven from their land into waged work. The
only countries that avoided conquest were thoseâlike Japanâwhich adopted
capitalism on their own in order to compete with the other imperial
powers. Everywhere capitalism developed, peasants and early workers
resisted, but were eventually overcome by mass terror and violence.
Capitalism did not arise by a set of natural laws which stem from human
nature: it was spread by the organised violence of the elite. The
concept of private property of land and means of production might seem
now like the natural state of things, however we should remember it is a
man-made concept enforced by conquest. Similarly, the existence of a
class of people with nothing to sell but their labour power is not
something which has always been the caseâcommon land shared by all was
seized by force, and the dispossessed forced to work for a wage under
the threat of starvation or even execution. As capital expanded, it
created a global working class consisting of the majority of the worldâs
population whom it exploits but also depends on.
Capitalism has only existed as the dominant economic system on the
planet for a little over 200 years. Compared to the half a million years
of human existence it is a momentary blip, and therefore it would be
naive to assume that it will last for ever. It is entirely reliant on
us, the working class, and our labour which it must exploit, and so it
will only survive as long as we let it.
The first thing to say is that there are various ways of referring to
class. Often, when people talk about class, they talk in terms of
cultural/sociological labels. For example, middleclass people like
foreign films, working class people like football, upper-class people
like top hats and so on.
Another way to talk about class, however, is based on classesâ economic
positions. We talk about class like this because we see it as essential
for understanding how capitalist society works, and consequently how we
can change it.
It is important to stress that our definition of class is not for
classifying individuals or putting them in boxes, but in order to
understand the forces which shape our world, why our bosses and
politicians act the way they do, and how we can act to improve our
conditions.
The economic system which dominates the world at present is called
capitalism. As mentioned earlier, capitalism is essentially a system
based on the self-expansion of capitalâcommodities and money making more
commodities and more money.
This doesnât happen by magic, but by human labour. For the work we do,
weâre paid for only a fraction of what we produce. The difference
between the value we produce and the amount weâre paid in wages is the
âsurplus valueâ weâve produced. This is kept by our boss as profit and
either reinvested to make more money or used to buy swimming pools or
fur coats or whatever.
In order for this to take place, a class of people must be created who
donât own anything they can use to make money i.e. offices, factories,
farmland or other means of production. This class must then sell their
ability to work in order to purchase essential goods and services in
order to survive. This class is the working class.
So at one end of the spectrum is this class, with nothing to sell but
their ability to work. At the other, those who do own capital to hire
workers to expand their capital. Individuals in society will fall at
some point between these two poles, but what is important from a
political point of view is not the positions of individuals but the
social relationship between classes.
The working class then, or âproletariatâ as it is sometimes called, the
class who is forced to work for wages, or claim benefits if we cannot
find work or are too sick or elderly to work, to survive. We sell our
time and energy to a boss for their benefit.
Our work is the basis of this society. And it is the fact that this
society relies on the work we do, while at the same time always
squeezing us to maximise profit, that makes it vulnerable.
When we are at work, our time and activity is not our own. We have to
obey the alarm clock, the time card, the managers, the deadlines and the
targets.
Work takes up the majority of our lives. We may see our managers more
than we see our friends and partners. Even if we enjoy parts of our job
we experience it as something alien to us, over which we have very
little control. This is true whether weâre talking about the nuts and
bolts of the actual work itself or the amount of hours, breaks, time off
etc.
Work being forced on us like this compels us to resist.
Employers and bosses want to get the maximum amount of work from us,
from the longest hours, for the least pay. We, on the other hand, want
to be able to enjoy our lives: we donât want to be over-worked, and we
want shorter hours and more pay.
This antagonism is central to capitalism. Between these two sides is a
push and pull: employers cut pay, increase hours, speed up the pace of
work. But we attempt to resist: either covertly and individually by
taking it easy, grabbing moments to take a break and chat to colleagues,
calling in sick, leaving early. Or we can resist overtly and
collectively with strikes, slow-downs, occupations etc.
This is class struggle. The conflict between those of us who have to
work for a wage and our employers and governments, who are the
capitalist class, or âbourgeoisieâ. By resisting the imposition of work,
we say that our lives are more important than our bossâs profits. This
attacks the very nature of capitalism, where profit is the most
important reason for doing anything, and points to the possibility of a
world without classes and privately owned means of production. We are
the working class resisting our own existence. We are the working class
struggling against work and class.
Class struggle does not only take place in the workplace. Class conflict
reveals itself in many aspects of life. For example, affordable housing
is something that concerns all working class people. However, affordable
for us means unprofitable for them. In a capitalist economy, it often
makes more sense to build luxury apartment blocks, even while tens of
thousands are homeless, than to build housing which we can afford to
live in. So struggles to defend social housing, or occupying empty
properties to live in are part of the class struggle.
Similarly, healthcare provision can be a site of class conflict.
Governments or companies attempt to reduce spending on healthcare by
cutting budgets and introducing charges for services to shift the burden
of costs onto the working class, whereas we want the best healthcare
possible for as little cost as possible.
While the economic interests of capitalists are directly opposed to
those of workers, a minority of the working class will be better off
than others, or have some level of power over others. When talking about
history and social change it can be useful to refer to this part of the
proletariat as a âmiddle classâ, despite the fact that it is not a
distinct economic class, in order to understand the behaviour of
different groups.
Class struggle can sometimes be derailed by allowing the creation or
expansion of the middle classâMargaret Thatcher encouraged home
ownership by cheaply selling off social housing in the UK during the big
struggles of the 1980s, knowing that workers are less likely to strike
if they have a mortgage, and allowing some workers to become better off
on individual levels, rather than as a collective. And in South Africa
the creation of a black middle class helped derail workersâ struggles
when apartheid was overturned, by allowing limited social mobility and
giving some black workers a stake in the system.
Bosses try to find all sorts of ways to materially and psychologically
divide the working class, including by salary differentials,
professional status, race and by gender. It should be pointed out again
that we use these class definitions in order to understand social forces
at work, and not to label individuals or determine how individuals will
act in given situations.
Talking about class in a political sense is not about which accent you
have but the basic conflict which defines capitalismâthose of us who
must work for a living vs. those who profit from the work that we do. By
fighting for our own interests and needs against the dictates of capital
and the market we lay the basis for a new type of societyâa society
without money, class, or capitalism, organised for the direct fulfilment
of our needs: a Libertarian Communist society.