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Title: Letters on class to Freedom Author: Anarcho Date: June 23, 2009 Language: en Topics: class, anarchist analysis, letter, Freedom Press Source: Retrieved on 29th January 2021 from https://anarchism.pageabode.com/?p=271 Notes: Two letters on why class analysis is important for anarchism, as well as trying to dispel common misconceptions of what such an analysis means and implies.
Dear Freedom
It seems to me that Tavis Reddick (Freedom 6^(th) April) totally misses
the point in his comments on class struggle. I will ignore the comments
on âthose who would divide ... may be seeking to ruleâ as the slanderous
nonsense they are and concentrate on the key issue, namely the
importance of class analysis and struggle.
Travis simply does not understand the nature of the society he lives in.
He argues that âcapitalism canât really be said to exist for the benefit
of anyone, can it?â The fact that the capitalist class seems intent on
maintaining both the system and its position in it suggests otherwise.
Simply put, capitalism benefits capitalists. âCapitalists arenât evil,â
he asserts, âbut mistaken. The desire for infinite acquisition of wealth
is a symptom of mental illness.â So we have it, capitalists are just mad
and the desire to acquire wealth has nothing to do with capitalism.
Sadly for this argument the need to accumulate âwealthâ is driven by the
capitalist economy, irrespective of the âdesiresâ of individual
capitalists. If capitalists are mad it is simply because they operate in
a mad social system, one which encourages and rewards such âinsanity.â
Travis argues that the âpath of anarchy can presumably start in any
society. So why the emphasis on an apocalyptic showdown between âworking
classâ and âcapitalistsâ?â The answer is simple. We do not live in âany
society.â We live in the current one, which is capitalist. This means we
have to place âemphasisâ on the here and now rather than flights of
fancy. Looking at modern society we are struck by the fact it is marked
by social inequalities, with a few ruling over the many. In order to
change this, we have to ask a simple question: âWho has an interest in
changing this society, the rulers or the ruled, the exploiter or the
exploited?â Once we ask that question, the âemphasisâ on class struggle
is obvious. Only those at the bottom of society have a self-interest in
freeing themselves from the burden of those at the top
As such, class struggle is the key to creating a free society. The
struggle by the exploited and oppressed to resist their exploitation and
oppression can be turned into a struggle to end both. Struggles do not
start with such a perspective, of course, and Travis is right to state
that there is âno great sign of solidarityâ in workersâ struggle and
that âmany of them seem to happen in order to maintain a group of
workers in their place in the social hierarchy.â However, to leave it at
that simply shows ignorance of social change. Struggle is a process.
Ideas change and develop in struggle. It can also create new forms of
organisation based on libertarian principles (such as self-managed
assemblies and bottom-up federations) which accustom those involved to
manage their own affairs directly, without leaders and rulers. This
experience of âanarchy in actionâ helps change ideas by showing that
anarchism is not a utopian vision but rather a viable alternative. Thus
âa new paradigmâ is generated from struggles that may, initially, appear
limited but which can grow into the possibility of a free society.
This explains Nickâs comments that âwe should try and prosecute more
effectively the war between classes.â Only by anarchists taking an
active part in such struggles can we encourage their libertarian
elements and vision as well as creating a power which can resist and
finally overthrow hierarchy. Thus the âconcept of classâ is essential to
understanding how capitalism works and how, ultimately, how we can end
it.
Membership of a class, Travis argues, is âdefined by their relation to
the means of production.â This means that the position of âchildren,
unpaid carers, elderly, sick and unemployedâ is clear. They do not
own/control the means of production and have little (official) power and
so are part of the working class. The working class is divided. That is
part of the problem (and it is not surprise that this is encouraged by
those in power to maintain their position). Anarchists are not blind to
the fact that the working class is riddled with inequalities and
hierarchies (e.g. sexism, racism, homophobia). I for one see the class
struggle as a struggle to end all forms of social hierarchy and
oppression. By changing society, those involved change themselves and so
become open to the need to end all forms of oppression, not just those
based on class. This, again, indicates why class struggle is important.
Travis wonders âwhy is it a good thing if somebody thinks of themselves
as being working class before [they] think of themselves just as a
person?â The answer is simple. By being aware of the objective facts and
their position in society, people will want to change them. They can
realise that in order to become a person they have to abolish class
society (while, of course, not postponing personal change while taking
part in social struggle). Class consciousness does not mean perpetuating
classes. It means being aware that they exist, why they exist, and how
we can abolish them along with every other form of oppression and
domination.
Ultimately, the class war goes on independently of whether we recognise
it or not. To wash our hands of it does not make it go away and to deny
its existence simply helps those at the top win it (which explains why
the ruling class and their agents are at such pains to deny it exists!).
If anarchists ignore the class struggle then our ideas will stagnate and
become impoverished as our ideas will not be applied in practice and so
become cut off from the spring of life.
Iain McKay
Dear Freedom
I was always under the impression that, as Scott Wakeham argues, âthe
class struggle should be a struggle against class itself.â This was the
underlying assumption of all the great anarchist thinkers on this
subject as well as of modern day âclass struggleâ anarchists. What the
issue seems to boil down to is what does this struggle against class
actually mean.
According to Scott, this struggle is ânot an internecine struggle
between classes.â He argues that the âmeans are the endsâ and that
âinternecine class war now can only give rise to further class war in
the future.â I must admit to being unsure what he means by this.
Obviously class war now means further class war later, but only in the
sense that until such time as the class war is won, it will go on â
whether we want it to or not. In other words, class society produces
class struggle, not vice versa. âClass struggleâ anarchists argue that
only those subject to class oppression have a direct interest in ending
it. By encouraging class struggle, by making its causes understood, we
simply point to the only way that classes can be abolished â by the
direct action of those subject to class domination. For this reason most
anarchists stress class struggle and the need to fight it in such a way
as to end class systems once and for all.
However, I expect he does not mean this truism. I think he means that by
pursuing the class struggle as the means of creating anarchism, we
ensure that class war will always be with us. I wonder if he applies
this logic equally to other struggles. Would he argue that internecine
struggle between governors and governed now can only give rise to
further struggle between rulers and ruled in the future? I doubt it.
Scott states that âclass is a red-herring â a way of splitting us up
that serves capitalism only too well in its attempts to divide and rule
us.â Which, I suppose, explains the recurring attempts by politicians to
deny that we live in a class society. Does it mean that when Blair and
Major declared Britain to be a classless society, they were doing
capitalism a disservice? Does it mean that when Mussolini and Thatcher
stated they had ended class conflict, they were simply trying to
undermine capitalism? I doubt it. It serves capitalism far better to
deny class and class struggle.
He states that âdefinitionsâ of class âcurrently present us all as
innately and inevitably capitalistic animals.â Given that any definition
of (modern) class only makes sense within the capitalist system,
obviously it will present them as parts of that system. The question is,
of course, what part of this system has an interest in destroying it and
which an interest in maintaining it. The answer is obvious. As Scott
notes, âpeople are interested in what anarchists have to say.â Very
true, but what kinds of people? Those subject to wage labour or those
who whom they serve?
Perhaps we are discussing different things? Scott talks about the middle
class and the working class, yet does not mention the ruling class. Most
âmiddle classâ people, as he acknowledges, are workers (i.e. wage slaves
like the rest of the working class). Nor do âclass struggleâ anarchists
reject the contribution of those who were not, originally, working
class. How could we? Bakunin, Kropotkin, Malatesta were not working
class but they rejected their class backgrounds and participated as
equals in the struggle of the oppressed against their oppressors.
Finally, Scott argues that we must âmuster sufficient ingenuity to
elaborate new systems of relations.â Very true. Anarchists from Bakunin
onwards have argued we need to form self-managed associations of
producers now in order to, firstly, fight the class war and, secondly,
to create the facts of the new world in the current one. The struggle
against oppression must be the forum in which we apply our ideas. Only
by applying our ideas in our workplaces and communities, creating
libertarian organisations which combat wage labour by self-management
and statism by self-government, can an anarchist society be a
possibility.
Simply put, rather than being a âred herring,â class struggle is an
essential aspect of anarchist theory and practice. It is the means of
creating both a substantial and serious anarchist movement today and an
anarchist society tomorrow.
Iain McKay