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Title: Capitalism and Un-Freedom
Author: Kevin Carson
Date: April 12, 2005
Language: en
Topics: capitalism
Source: Retrieved on 4th September 2021 from https://mutualist.blogspot.com/2005/04/capitalism-and-un-freedom-more-on.html

Kevin Carson

Capitalism and Un-Freedom

A bon mot from Lenin’s Tomb (via Freiheit und Wissen):

The illusion of a free and equal contract between employee and employer

is one that exerts considerable hold, particularly given the paucity of

industrial conflict over the last fifteen years. The thought that the

situation might be rigged in advance, by virtue of the capitalists

control of the means of production, is so obvious that it eludes many

people who otherwise place themselves on the Left.

In part, this is because people are prepared from an early age to expect

and accept this state of affairs. In high school Business Studies class,

I was shown along with my class mates a video sponsored by some bank

which purported to demonstrate how the division of labour came about. It

all took place, it seemed, in a relatively benign and peaceful fashion,

with no intruding political questions or economic phases. From the

cavemen to cashcards, it was really all about work being broken down

into separate tasks which would be undertaken by those most able to do

them. Then, finding contact with nearby villages, they would trade

things that they were good at making for the things that the other

villages were good at making. David Ricardo chortled from beyond the

grave. The only interesting thing about this propaganda video is that it

raised not a single eyebrow — as how could it? One is led to expect to

work for a capitalist without seeing anything necessarily unjust about

it, and one has nothing to compare it to. The worker is taught to sell

herself (all those job interview training schemes) without perceiving

herself as a commodity.

I had a similar reaction to all those passages on time-preference in

Bohm-Bawerk and Mises that just accepted, as a matter of course, that

one person was in a position to “contribute” capital to the production

process, while another person for some mysterious reason needed the

means of production and the labor-fund that were so graciously

“provided.” The old bourgeois nursery tale of primitive accumulation is

still a favorite, although it has been thoroughly discredited by

commentators ranging from the statist Marx....

In times long gone-by there were two sorts of people; one, the diligent,

intelligent, and, above all, frugal elite; the other, lazy rascals,

spending their substance, and more, in riotous living. The legend of

theological original sin tells us certainly how man came to be condemned

to eat his bread in the sweat of his brow; but the history of economic

original sin reveals to us that there are people to whom this is by no

means essential. Never mind! Thus it came to pass that the former sort

accumulated wealth, and the latter sort had at last nothing to sell

except their own skins. And from this original sin dates the poverty of

the great majority that, despite all its labour, has up to now nothing

to sell but itself, and the wealth of the few that increases constantly

although they have long ceased to work.

to the free market socialist Franz Oppenheimer.

According to Adam Smith, the classes in a society are the results of

“natural” development. From an original state of equality, these arose

from no other cause than the exercise of the economic virtues of

industry, frugality and providence. Since these virtues are

pre-eminently those of a bourgeois society, the capitalist rule, thus

sanctioned by natural law, is just and unassailable. As a corollary to

this theorem the claims of Socialism cannot be admitted....

For them, class domination, on this theory, is the result of a gradual

differentiation from an original state of general equality and freedom,

with no implication in it of any extra-economic power....

This assumed proof is based upon the concept of a “primitive

accumulation,” or an original store of wealth, in lands and in movable

property, brought about by means of purely economic forces; a doctrine

justly derided by Karl Marx as a “fairy tale.” Its scheme of reasoning

approximates this:

Somewhere, in some far-stretching, fertile country, a number of free

men, of equal status, form a union for mutual protection. Gradually they

differentiate into property classes. Those best endowed with strength,

wisdom, capacity for saving, industry and caution, slowly acquire a

basic amount of real or movable property; while the stupid and less

efficient, and those given to carelessness and waste, remain without

possessions. The well-to-do lend their productive property to the less

well-off in return for tribute, either ground-rent or profit, and become

thereby continually richer, while the others always remain poor. These

differences in possession gradually develop social class distinctions;

since everywhere the rich have preference, while they alone have the

time and the means to devote to public affairs and to turn the laws

administered by them to their own advantage. Thus, in time, there

develops a ruling and property-owning estate, and a proletariat, a class

without property. The primitive state of free and equal fellows becomes

a class-state, by an inherent law of development, because in every

conceivable mass of men there are, as may readily be seen, strong and

weak, clever and foolish, cautious and wasteful ones.

As a free market anti-capitalist, of course, I have to stipulate that

there’s nothing inherently wrong with wage labor. There’s nothing

inherently wrong with someone owning means of production, and hiring the

labor of another to work them--if (and it’s a big if) there was no

coercion involved in acquiring the means of production, and no coercion

is involved in the terms under which the worker must sell his labor.

Under such circumstances, the owner’s means of production are simply his

own crystallized labor, and his returns from ownership are nothing but

the cost of amortizing that labor. The natural wage of labor, under such

circumstances, is its full product. And all exchanges are exchanges of

labor. After all, as Benjamin Tucker put it, the whole point of

socialism, rightfully speaking, is that labor should be paid its full

product--not that being paid is a bad thing.

[Johann] Most being a Communist, he must, to be consistent, object to

the purchase or sale of anything whatever; but why he should

particularly object to the purchase and sale of labor is more than I can

understand. Really, in the last analysis, labor is the only thing that

has any title to be bought or sold. Is there any just basis of price

except cost? And is there anything that costs except labor or suffering

(another name for labor)? Labor should be paid! Horrible, isn’t it? Why,

I thought the fact that is not paid was the whole grievance. “Unpaid

labor” has been the chief complaint of all Socialists, and that labor

should get its reward has been their chief contention. Suppose I had

said to Kropotkin that the real question is whether Communism will

permit individuals to exchange their labor or products on their own

terms. Would then Most have been as shocked? ....Yet in another form I

said precisely that.

Now these principles would be a great guide to practice, if we lived in

a free market society that had evolved peacefully from the society of

the High Middle Ages, based on free exchange between peasant proprietors

living on their own land and self-governing tradesmen in the town

communes.

As it is, however, the means of production, during the centuries of the

capitalist epoch, have been concentrated in a few hands by one of the

greatest robberies in human history. The peasants of Europe were driven

off the land by state-approved robbery, and driven into the factories

like cattle. Their movements during the early industrial era were

restricted by what amounted to an internal passport system, and their

bargaining power in the labor market restricted by draconian Combination

Laws enforced by administrative fiat. And even in the so-called “free

market” that ensued, owners of capital and land were able to exact

tribute from labor, thanks to state policies that restricted workers’

access to cheap, self-organized capital, and forced them to sell their

labor in a buyer’s market. So the worker has been robbed doubly: by the

state’s initial use of force to forestall a producer-owned market

economy; and by the state’s ongoing intervention that forces him to sell

his labor for less than his product. The vast majority of accumulated

capital today is the result, not of the capitalist’s past labor and

abstention, but of robbery.