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Title: Delusional? May be!
Author: Anarcho
Date: April 8, 2017
Language: en
Topics: Britain, brexit
Source: Retrieved on 24th April 2021 from https://anarchism.pageabode.com/?p=1003

Anarcho

Delusional? May be!

Article 50 – or as some hope, Article 1950 or, for the most optimistic,

Article 1850 – has finally been invoked. Few would have believed in

April 2016 that a mere year later elements of the Tory party would be

threatening war with Spain – or that a party whose incompetency on so

many levels (not least, economic) would be doing so well in the polls.

But then, under Cameron the Tories realised they can talk centre ground

– even leftish – but track even further to the right.

Yet on every level Thatcherism has been recognised to have failed – the

housing market is broken, the railways are not fit for purpose, the

labour market is dysfunctional, etc., etc., etc. – or, more correctly,

the reality is being admitted but the root causes are being carefully

avoided. And how are the electorate acted? To reward the very party

which caused their problems to be begin with.

So in spite of – most recently – strangling the recovery from the 2008

global recession and producing years of stagnation by imposing austerity

the Tories are rated as being more economically competent than Labour.

But best not to talk of the economic impact of Prime Minister Theresa

May’s hard Brexit plans – which she avoided when she launched the Tories

local election campaign this April.

She did find time to blame everything on the Labour government (which

left office in 2010!) for the need remained for “tackl[ing] Labour’s

deficit.” Best not mention that she may have a plan but the original

plan was to eliminate the deficit in one Parliament and as result trying

to implement that we are facing a lost decade – at the end of which we

shall still have a deficit. Best not mention that after 7 years of Tory

rule it truly is their deficit as their home-grown policies have ensured

we need to borrow not to invest but to fill the holes they have created.

It is somewhat surreal to see May proclaim that the other “parties put

their own political interests ahead of the national and local interest”

when the Brexit vote was the product of infighting within the Tory Party

and that all sections of this party place the interests of the few ahead

of all other ones. For the rich have benefited while the poor have been

punished – but still, May loves the “just about managing” as seen by how

she and her party have created the conditions by which so many are

created! It is not by accident (nor by EU diktat) that Britain was

unique amongst developed nations in seeing economic growth with a fall

in real wages since the 2008 financial crisis.

But May was right in one way for the facts are “contrary to the

stereotype which is sometimes promoted” for the Tories have always

“believe[d] in the good that government can do” – for the few.

Anti-union laws, for example, do not “just happen” – they need to be

passed by a government and implemented (Adam Smith: “The masters […]

never cease to call aloud for the assistance of the civil magistrate,

and the rigorous execution of those laws which have been enacted with so

much severity against the combinations of servants, labourers, and

journeymen.”). Council housing does not get sold off by itself – nor do

local councils ban themselves from building more. Nor does privatisation

of key industries – at knock-down prices – happen as if by magic. Nor do

corporation tax and benefits cuts just happen at the same time. Nor does

the NHS get top-down restructured nor go into crisis by accident. These,

and so much more, need a government to do it – and, as Anarchists have

always argued, being the defender of the wealthy is a prime role of the

State.

May says Brexit creates an opportunity to create “a stronger, fairer,

better Britain” but it was not the EU which stopped that happening

before. It was the Tory party and its policies which made Britain

unfair, worse and weaker – at least for working class people. And yet

she proclaims that the Tories are “the party of people who work hard and

play by the rules.” But who makes those rules? As Adam Smith noted long

ago: “Whenever the legislature attempts to regulate the differences

between masters and their workmen, its counsellors are always the

masters.”

The net effect of these Tory (and New Labour neo-Tory) policies are

clear even to May when she proclaims that “we must and will ensure that

hard work is decently rewarded” yet she simultaneously proclaims “that

the rules are properly adhered to by everyone, without fear or favour” –

yes, the very rules urged by the master class and implemented by her

party which produce the situation she pays lip-service denouncing! She

must hope people have not been paying attention…

The reason is obvious enough. Labour produces all wealth but the product

is monopolised by the master to whom we sell our labour and liberty. How

much of our product remains in our own hands is not set by natural laws

but rather by struggle. If workers stand up for themselves, organise,

strike, then wages will rise. If they do not because “the rules” are

such to make this difficult then hard work will only reward the owning

class. If you regulate strikes you regulate the labour market and as

Smith recognised: “Whenever the law has attempted to regulate the wages

of workmen, it has always been rather to lower them than to raise them.”

The Tories have never been against the State – just against it helping

anyone bar the master class. Thus when May proclaimed that the Tories

“want ambitious local councils” and “effective local councillors elected

on 4 May” remember that “local government account[s] for a quarter of

all public spending” and that money can and must be given to capitalist

companies (“in collaboration with other important local institutions”).

The public purse has not been fully funnelled into private hands yet by

means of outsourcing. Nor must we forget that it was her party in the

1980s which did more to centralise government power and control than any

other.

Similarly with Brexit. Before the vote, numerous experts noted that

Brexit would be such a huge undertaking that it would empower the

executive and State bureaucracy for Parliament would be unable to

overview it all. And so the “Great Repeal Act” – which does the opposite

of repeal by making all EU law UK law – legalises this power grab. For a

vote which – when not framed in terms of immigration – was meant to be

about Parliamentary sovereignty its supporters are less than happy at

letting that Parliament – or the people – have any kind of say.

But then, as Proudhon noted long ago, referendums empower the government

not the people for it is the government which both sets the question

and, more importantly, interprets the result. Which May has done to keep

the rabid-right of her party happy, the right-wing media on board and

herself and her party in office. And now that the People “has spoken”

those very same politicians and media barons seek to ensure they do not

get the chance to speak again – nor, apparently, the very Parliament

whose sovereignty they demanded.

But, then, Brexit was never about the EU but rather securing a

right-wing coup. The notion of a Left-wing Brexit proclaimed by some of

the left (even the “revolutionary” left) was always delusional given the

balance of class forces. The choice in the vote was between which

section of the ruling class would predominate – and which flavour of

neo-liberalism would continue to be imposed. And by 37% to 36%, fuelled

by decades of lies which reached a frenzy last year, the

English-nationalist ultra-reactionary section won. What they could never

have achieved by Parliamentary means they can now do under “Red, White

and Blue” Brexit and other meaningless platitudes if not tautologies

(“Brexit means Brexit”).

Ultimately, if the Tories gave a toss for Wales, the Midlands, etc. then

these regions would not need to receive EU funds. And only those who

have not been paying attention will be surprised when – as with North

Sea Oil in the 80s – the Tory government decides to use the monies no

longer going to the EU to fund… tax cuts for corporations and the top

5%. Writing on the side of a bus does not translate into policy

decisions – for it is the government, not the people, which determines

what Brexit actually means.

Still, Brexit had two possible benefits. First, Nigel Farage would

disappear back into his hole. Second, the rabid-right would lose the

scapegoat they have blamed for the problems caused by the politics they

championed and implemented. Sadly, Farage has decided not to get his

life back but the latter may still come to pass.

Perhaps people will realise that the real reason their pay has not risen

is not due to immigration but rather British Tory anti-union laws.

Perhaps they will realise that they are being squeezed is due to British

Tory polices ensuring more and more income flooding to the top to reward

those who do nothing but own (after all, in 1981 rent for a council

property absorbed less than 7% of an average income but by 2015 for a

private tenancy it was 52%, 72% in London, far higher than anywhere else

in Europe). Perhaps they will realise by “playing by the rules” means

being an obedient little servant to a British master class who will

always seek their own enrichment first and foremost and who shape the

rules accordingly? And that their vote has resulted in a power-grab by

the rabid-right of the British Tory Party to increase the policies which

produced the “left behind” in the first place?

So where does that leave us? Well, if all we do is vote then we will

continue to be ignored by those in power. Real power lies outside the

ballot box – but only if it is organised in our workplaces and

communities. It is there were we must challenge the scapegoats and point

to the real causes of our problems while building real alternatives. The

Tories know this – that is why we have the most draconian anti-union

laws outside of dictatorships and why they seek to outlaw all forms of

effective – direct – action. However, laws can and do remain

dead-letters in the face of popular protest but that is what must be

organised if anything is to change for the better.