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Title: Review: Romancing the revolution
Author: Anarcho
Date: September 20, 2017
Language: en
Topics: book review, Russian Revolution, Britain, Bolshevism
Source: Retrieved on 24th April 2021 from https://anarchism.pageabode.com/?p=1021

Anarcho

Review: Romancing the revolution

This is a very interesting and useful work. It takes you back to when

Lenin and Trotsky were unknown and how this change as the British left

tried to understand developments in the Russian Revolution. Inspired by

C.B. Macpherson’s claim that the USSR while not a democratic system of

government could be viewed as representing a “Non-Liberal Democracy” as

it aimed to eliminate classes, Ian Bullock’s book utilises an impressive

amount of primary sources to show “the myth of soviet democracy in the

early appeal of the Russian Revolution”. (5) As such, it is should be of

interest for libertarian socialists as well as scholars particularly as

it is full of interesting facts: for example, the Scottish section of

the Independent Labour Party (ILP) voted to join the Communist

international and for prohibition at its January 1920 conference.

(194–5)

The remit of the book is wide in-so-far as it covers socialists who were

initially supportive of the revolution but not explicitly libertarian –

although he does include those influenced by syndicalism, such as guild

socialists, the shop steward movement and the de Leonist Socialist

Labour Party (SLP). Perhaps unsurprisingly, it concentrates on the main

parties and mentions the more diffuse syndicalist tendencies less. There

is little mention of anarchists other than in passing, perhaps

unsurprisingly given the size of the movement in Britain at the time but

he does note that it “is perhaps not surprising that … the anarchist

supporters of soviet democracy … seem to have been most resilient” (365)

and that in the early 1920s the (by then) council communist Workers’

Dreadnought started to reprint anarchist reports and critiques of the

Bolsheviks. However, there is much in Romancing the Revolution which

libertarian socialists will gain from.

After a survey of the British left at the time – including the ILP, the

SLP, the British Socialist Party (BSP), the unfortunately named National

Socialist Party (formed by BSP members who, like its leader Henry

Hyndman, supported the Allies), the syndicalist and Shop Steward

movements as well as the Guild Socialists and the Workers’ Socialist

Federation (WSF) – Bullock turns to the matter at hand, with a chapter

on the June 1917 Leeds “Soviet” Congress in which these tendencies

expressed their support for the Russian Revolution which had ended the

Tsarist autocracy along with opposition to the war and which ended with

the call to form soviets in the UK.

He then charts the evolution of these parties and tendencies and how

they reacted to developments in Russia such as the October Revolution,

the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly, the civil war and the

changing nature and rhetoric of the new regime. The book recounts how

the original meaning of the word soviet – Russian for “council”,

specifically one elected by workers and peasants – was lost and used

solely in relation to the USSR, how the soviets were “the only clear

example during the twentieth century – as an alternative to Macpherson’s

liberal democracy – a distinctly different functioning form of

democratic government.” (4) He sketches the process by which the promise

of a wider democracy became replaced by party dictatorship – in his

words, “The Dictatorship of the Proletariat: From Class to Party” (312)

– for many on the left.

Of course, many of the earliest critics of the Bolshevik regime

counterpoised bourgeois democracy to the soviet system yet this is not

the only possible critique. Thankfully, Bullock includes those who

criticised Bolshevism from the left as well. It is this aspect of the

book which makes it of particular note to libertarians today. Indeed,

the problems facing the British-left then faced subsequent generations,

including ours, faced with revolutions and the regimes that spring forth

from them – how to be supportive of a revolution but also critical,

particularly of any State structures involved.

Part of the problem was the lack of reliable information from Russia,

not to mention the deliberate lies spread by the capitalist media. There

was also an understandable desire “to give the Bolsheviks the benefit of

the doubt wherever possible”. (149) The Bolshevik’s opposition to the

war helped them gain an audience in Britain but it also meant that myths

were readily accepted, particularly if they chimed with the hopes of the

audience. So, for example, it was reported that while British workers

were “demanding the democratic control of industry” the Russian workers

“have it”, according to a 1918 article in the ILP’s newspaper the Labour

Leader. (149–50) As we have known for sometime, the Bolshevik regime was

then in the process of crushing any embryonic developments towards this

in favour of one-man management and centralised planning.

As with any revolution, many on the left wanted to believe the best. As

Bullock notes, many were dismissing negative accounts due to bourgeois

hostility and trying to reconcile what originally attracted them to the

Revolution and the regime that it produced. Yet enough was available –

not least from eye-witness accounts as well as interviews with, articles

from and speeches by leading Bolsheviks themselves. Bullock indicates

this steady flow of warning signs, such as Zinoviev proclaiming that the

dictatorship of the proletariat was the same as the dictatorship of the

Communist Party at the second congress of the Communist International in

1920, (313) Lenin’s defence of “dictatorial” one-man management (185,

204) as well as his comment that it was “natural that revolutionary

workers execute Mensheviks.” (205) Some managed to accept Lenin’s

advocacy of dictatorship because they believed it reflected working

class support but Bullock, rightly, quotes Bertrand Russell (186) from

his book The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism on the fallacy of this:

“Friends of Russia here [in Britain] think of the dictatorship of the

proletariat as merely a new form of representative government, in which

only working men and women have votes, and the constituencies are partly

occupational, not geographical. They think that ‘proletariat’ means

‘proletariat,’ but ‘dictatorship’ does not quite mean ‘dictatorship.’

This is the opposite of the truth. When a Russian Communist speaks of a

dictatorship, he means the word literally, but when he speaks of the

proletariat, he means the word in a Pickwickian sense. He means the

‘class-conscious’ part of the proletariat, i.e. the Communist Party.”

The issue is that many on the revolutionary left somehow managed to

convince themselves of this nonsense – presumably by invoking that

magical word “dialectics” at some stage. This can be seen even from

those who later broke with Moscow to remain advocates of soviet

democracy. Thus, for example, the WSF’s Workers’ Dreadnought in July

1920 reported and justified Bolshevik suppression of soviets – peasant

ones, where the poor peasants apparently voted for their rich neighbours

in the “Left Wing Social Revolutionary Party” (113) and published an

article by a member of the Aberdeen Communist Group which proclaimed

that any Soviet system “must come under the dictatorship of the

Communist Party.” (181) While the WSF had just created the Communist

Party (British Section of the Third International) and later the same

year helped form the Moscow-approved Communist Party of Great Britain

(CPGB), it did finally realise the error of its ways by early 1921.

They were not alone. The book ends recounting how the ILP and the SLP

refused to merge into the CPGB, leaving the BSP as the core of its

membership – joined by various Guildsmen, syndicalists and others –

while the anti-Parliamentarian communists like the WSF’s Sylvia

Pankhurst found freedom of discussion in the CPCG to be much less than

originally promised. The anti-Parliamentarian communists soon left and

found the German and Dutch council communists who had likewise became

disillusioned with Bolshevism, even promoting the original Fourth

International, but the Workers’ Dreadnought had ceased publication by

1924.

As well as showing the slow evolution of many from defending the

revolution because it had produced a widening of (functional delegate)

democracy to defending the Bolsheviks and their dictatorship, the book

also charts the decline of the diversity of the pre-war left with

organisation after organisation disappearing (such as the WSF, the Guild

Socialists) or becoming completely marginal (SLP). Yet this diversity is

of note, given the wide range of views in the pre-war left. Libertarian

ideas on industrial or functional democracy had obviously spread quite

widely in the British left – not least with the Guild Socialists. Even

Ramsay MacDonald raised the possibility of replacing the House of Lords

with an industrial Parliament.

The first chapter also notes the differences in perspective so the left.

On the one hand, there was the technocratic Fabians who, in 1906, noted

that “Democracy is a word with a double meaning. To the bulk of Trade

Unionists and labourers it means an intense jealousy and mistrust of all

authority, and a resolute reduction of both representatives and

officials to the position of mere delegates and agents of the majority.”

(22) Others on the left, not least the syndicalists, argued that “real

power would be put into the hands of the citizens – or member, in the

case of the unions – rather than an elected representative.” (23)

Needless to say, the Fabians opposed such “primitive democracy”.

Interestingly, these debates resurfaced during the debates on the

Russian Revolution. Bullock, as an example, quotes the chair of the

Russian Communist Party, Kamenev, on how his party rejected mandated

delegates and every delegate “must vote according his own conscience,

and not according to the views he and others had formed before the

debates.” This, as a British socialist noted at the time, ran counter to

the whole idea of the soviet system. (197) Sadly, Bullock fails to note

that Lenin in What is to the Done? followed the Fabians in opposing

“primitive democracy” so perhaps the Social Democratic Federation, which

became the BSP, may not have been on “the far side of this” gulf between

the two perspectives (22) for in spite of all the pro-referendum and

recall comments Bullock lists in the pre-war left, they were in the

context a centralised, Statist structure. This would make such reforms

far less democratic than they appear on paper – as seen in practice with

the Soviet State before the creation of the party dictatorship in

mid-1918.

As such, developments in Russia should not be viewed in isolation. The

Bolsheviks, as Social-Democrats, shared a similar ideological background

with much of the British left covered in this book. This means that the

BSP forming the core of the CPGB comes as no great surprise. It also

helps answer the question of how so many self-proclaimed socialists

managed to tolerate the twists-and-turns of Stalinism, for many had

already done so when Lenin and Trotsky ruled the roost.

Bullock’s research is impressive and it makes fascinating reading to see

how the British left tried to make sense of Bolshevism at the time.

Obviously, hindsight is always twenty-twenty but by the early twenties

enough was known to see that the Bolshevik regime was a state-capitalist

party-dictatorship. That so many on the left embraced this would suggest

that pre-war positions on democracy and socialism were not as robust as

would be imagined – as anarchists had long warned, what they thought of

as socialism was in fact simply state-capitalism. Bullock, sadly,

concentrates mostly on the political rhetoric of the pre-war left rather

than their economic vision (the Guild Socialists being, unsurprisingly,

an exception). The book fails to address this critique but it can be

argued it falls outside the its remit. This should not, however, detract

from an excellent contribution to our understanding of the period.

Romancing the revolution: the myth of Soviet democracy and the British

Left

Ian Bullock

AU Press

2011