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Title: On the Black Bloc
Author: Ickibob
Date: August 1992
Language: en
Topics: Black Bloc, Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation
Source: From *A New World in Our Hearts: Eight Years of Writings from the Love and Rage Revolutionary Anarchist Federation* edited by Roy San Filippo.
Notes: Published in Love And Rage Disco Bull, July/August 1992.

Ickibob

On the Black Bloc

OF ALL SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, ANARCHISM offers the widest analysis of

oppression and ultimately the only ongoing path towards social

revolution. We understand that as our movement grows, constant

re-evaluation of our strategies and tactics is a necessary part of

anarchist theory and action. With the growing discontent among more and

more people we, as anarchists, have the opportunity to destabilize the

state. To do this we must constantly critically analyze our movement’s

tactics and strategies. This is especially true after the black bloc

fiasco at the April 5^(th) demo in D.C.

The black bloc is an effective organizational structure to increase the

presence of street militancy at demonstrations. The black bloc at the

anti-Desert Storm march in January of 1991 was moderately successful in

this regard. Though there were minor setbacks even then (this being the

first North American anarchist bloc assembled) the tactic was effective.

The January demo took place in a different context than previous ones —

there was more anger and tension and the scene was much more charged.

The bloc was tactically more organized with affinity groups that were

pre pared to be militant. This was not the case on April 5^(th). The

April bloc was neither well organized nor effective. It can be shown

that the organizational defects at this bloc are indicative of larger

problems within the anarchist movement.

Prior to the demonstration, the call went out through the Love and Rage

Network, as well as the larger and more informal anarchist network, that

a black bloc was going to be formed. As a movement we suffer from a lack

of structure in our networks and the only information relayed was that

there would be a bloc. More communication throughout both of the

networks, as to what we wished to achieve as an anarchist contingent,

was sorely needed. And more analysis of the NOW movement in general and

how the anarchist struggle is going to communicate with a wimyn’s

movement dominated by reformist tendencies is needed if we are to raise

the voice of our struggle beyond its present scope.

If we are to advance, we must empower ourselves and each other to take

back our lives. Many groups pay lip service to empowerment, from

Greenpeace environmentalists to politicians in an election year. As

anarchists, however, we understand that empowerment is not having

politicians keep promises of better laws — these same laws prevent us

from controlling our own lives and our own communities. Among the

850,000 people demonstrating the day of April 5^(th) there was no

empowerment — only confusion and disorientation. In our contingent, the

wimyns-only bloc was invaded by a man who refused to accept the wimyns’

decision about the empowerment they feel from having a wimyn-only space.

The black bloc, supposedly a tool to counter disempowering demos,

supposedly a tool to organize ourselves, left us participants at the

hands of the tyranny of structurelessness. How are we to counter this

problem in the future?

Throughout the march, no one seemed to know where we were heading or

what we going to do when we got there. At one point, a wimyn was

informing the bloc what the persons up front had decided. This was not

involvement or empowerment. A black bloc composed of well-organized

affinity groups would not fall prey to such tyranny.

Prior to the demo, communication between affinity groups planning to

participate should be extensive. Upon arriving at the pre-arranged

meeting place, the affinity groups could size up the situation from

their perspective: what do we as an affinity group hope to accomplish

and see as the best strategy? Does this day offer us an opportunity to

be militant? How many police are in the immediate area?

Before the demo, a meeting of either the general body or of delegates of

the affinity groups should have met. The purpose of this is not to

decide who was right or wrong or who was politically correct. The

sharing of information and ideas about what the day may bring is

necessary. These delegates would not be rulers; they do not hold you by

contract. The purpose would be to communicate the different viewpoints

of the affinity groups and to discuss tactics for the day. Giving to

these delegates decision-making power about actions and structure is

risky business. However, I was for the most part unaware of other

affinity groups’ purposes and plans. Tightly knit affinity groups that

link up like a chain for common purposes create a force that is not

easily stopped by the police. Organized action is effective action.

Aside from the wimyn’s caucus, there was little organization of our

contingent. And when a man refused to respect the wimyn’s decisions for

their own space, there was no way of dealing with the issue. “The first

declaration of freedom for a slave is in denying the master access to

her hut.” The “would be masters” among us prey easily upon

structurelessness. During the bloc, ideological argument is divisive and

is counterproductive to action. Why is it that we stand for such

disempowering action among us? Wimyn who declare male-free spaces must

be respected as it is seen by these wimyn as vital to their liberation.

I for one would have been comfortable seeing the wimyn physically remove

him from their area. This was a wimyn’s march and men present could at

least show solidarity

Throughout the march, designated couriers of information could have

helped the anarchist affinity groups to communicate as the day

progressed. When the bloc left the general march, we did so at the

expense of security and isolated ourselves. At this point, some of us

attacked the anti-wimyn’s cemetery. This action needlessly jeopardized

our security since we were separated from the protective cloak of the

larger demo, Tactically this was very dangerous and we should have

realized this. When the police moved in the weakness of our bloc became

painfully obvious.

With well-organized affinity groups, the bloc could have disbanded,

avoiding the danger of mass arrest and reorganized at a pre-arranged

location. Instead, the police played games with the bloc, chasing it one

way and the next as they laughed at our ineffectiveness. A participant

remarked, “At the best we look silly, and at worst, useless and

disruptive.” Do we organize as a black bloc to cater to adventurist

notions of street militancy? No, it is a means to empower ourselves

during demos — a temporary way to take back our streets and to

demonstrate to ourselves and to others that there is a future beyond the

confines of this state. If we do not better organize ourselves then we

are doomed to failure.