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Title: Authoritarian Leftists: Kill the Cop in Your Head Author: Greg Jackson Date: 1996 Language: en Topics: authority, Marxism, race, vanguard Source: Retrieved on 15 November 2011 from http://www.iww.org/en/history/library/Ervin/copinyourhead Notes: Pamphlet produced by the staff of Black Autonomy, A Newspaper of Anarchism and Black Revolution. First printing, April 1996. Feel free to copy and distribute; just give us our props.
Itâs difficult to know where to begin with this open letter to the
various European-american leftist (Marxist-Leninist and
Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, in particular) groups within the United States.
I have many issues with many groups; some general, some very specific.
The way in which this is presented may seem scattered at first, but I
encourage all of you to read and consider carefully what I have written
in its entirety before you pass any judgments.
It was V.I. Lenin who said, âtake from each national culture only its
democratic and socialist elements; we take them only and absolutely in
opposition to the bourgeois culture and bourgeois nationalism of each
nationâ. It could be argued that Leninâs statement in the current
Amerikkkan context is in fact a racialist position; who is he (or the
Bolsheviks themselves) to âtakeâ anyone or pass judgment on anyone;
particularly since the privileges of having white skin are a predominant
factor within the context of amerikkkan-style oppression. This limited
privilege in capitalist society is a prime factor in the creation and
maintenance of bourgeois ideology in the minds of many whites of various
classes in the US and elsewhere on the globe.
When have legitimate struggles or movements for national and class
liberation had to âask permissionâ from some eurocentric intellectual
âauthorityâ who may have seen starvation and brutality, but has never
experienced it himself? Where there is repression, there is
resistance... period. Self-defense is a basic human right that we as
Black people have exercised time and time again, both violent and
non-violent; a dialectical and historical reality that has kept many of
us alive up to this point.
Assuming that this was not Leninâs intent, and assuming that you all
truly uphold worldwide socialism/communism, then the question must be
asked: Why is it that each and every white dominated/white-led
âvanguardâ in the United States has in fact done the exact opposite of
what Lenin Proclaims/recommends when it comes to interacting with blacks
and other people of color?
Have any of you actually sat down and seriously thought about why there
are so few of us in your organizations; and at the same time why
non-white socialist/communist formations, particularly in the Black
community, are so small and isolated? I have a few ideas...
in the last thirty years of civil rights to Black liberation struggle...
By most accounts, groups such as the Black Panther Party, the Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the League of Revolutionary Black
Workers, American Indian Movement, and the Puerto Rican Independence
Movement âset the standardâ for not only communities of color but also
for revolutionary elements in the white community.
All of the above groups were ruthlessly crushed; their members
imprisoned or killed. Very few white left groups at the time fought back
against the onslaught of COINTELPRO by supporting these groups, with the
exception of the smaller, armed underground cells. In fact, many groups
such as the Progressive Labor Party and the Revolutionary Union (now
known as the Revolutionary Communist Party, USA) saw the repression of
groups they admired, and at the same time despised, as an opportunity to
assert their own version of âvanguard leadershipâ on our population.
What they failed to recognize (and what many of you generally still fail
to recognize) is that âvanguard leadershipâ is developed, it doesnât
just âmagicallyâ happen through preachy, dogmatic assertions, nor does
it fall from the sky. Instead of working with the smaller autonomous
formations, to help facilitate the growth of Black (and white)
self-organization (the âvanguardâ leadership of the Black masses
themselves and all others, nurtured through grassroots social/political
alliances rooted in principle), they instead sought to either take them
over or divide their memberships against each other until the group or
groups were liquidated. These parasitic and paternalistic practices
continue to this day.
The only reason any kind of principled unity existed prior to
large-scale repression is because Black-led formations had no illusions
about white radicals or their politics; and had no problems with kicking
the living shit out of them if they started acting stupid. Notice also
that the majority of white radicals who were down with real struggle and
real organizations, and were actually trusted and respected by our
people, are either still active... or still in prison!
Such arrogance on the part of the white left is part and parcel to your
vanguardist ideas and practice. Rather than seeking principled
partnerships with non-white persons and groups, you instead seek
converts to your partyâs particular brand of rigid political theology
under the guise of âunityâ. It makes sense that most of you speak of
âBlack/white unityâ and âsharp struggle against racismâ in such vague
terms, and with such uncertainty in your voices; or with an
overexaggerated forcefulness that seems contrived.
Another argument against vanguardist tendencies in individuals or
amongst groups is the creation of sectarianism and organizational
cultism between groups and within groups. Karl Marx himself fought
tirelessly against sectarianism within the working class movement of
19^(th) century Europe. He was also a staunch fighter against those who
attempted to push his persona to an almost god-like status, declaring
once in frustration âI assure you, sir, I am no Marxistâ. It could be
argued from this viewpoint that the âvanguardistâ white left in the US
today is generally ,by a definition rooted in the day to day practice of
Marx himself, anti-Marx; and by proxy, anti-revolutionary.
Like your average small business, the various self-proclaimed
âvanguardsâ compete against each other as well against the people
themselves (both white and non-white); accusing each other of
provacteurism, opportunism, and/or possessing âthe incorrect lineâ when
in fact most (if not all) are provacateurs, opportunists, and
fundamentally incorrect.
The nature of capitalist competition demands that such methods and
tactics be utilized to the fullest in order to âwinâ in the business
world; the white left has in fact adapted these methods and tactics to
their own brand of organizing, actively re-inventing and re-enforcing
the very social, political, and economic relations you claim to be
against; succeeding in undermining the very basic foundations of your
overall theory and all variants of that theory.
Or is this phenomenon part and parcel to your theory? In volume four of
the collected works of V.I. Lenin, Lenin himself states up front that
âsocialism is state-capitalismâ. Are you all just blindly following a a
dated, foreign âblueprintâ that is vastly out of context to begin with;
with no real understanding of its workings?
At the same time, it could be observed that you folks are merely
products of your environment; reflective of the alienated and hostile
communities and families from which many of you emerge. American society
has taught you the tenets of âsurvival of the fittestâ and ârugged
individualismâ, and you swallowed those doctrines like your motherâs
milk.
Because the white left refuses to combat and reject reactionary
tendencies in their (your) own heads and amongst themselves
(yourselves), and because they (you) refuse to see how white culture is
rooted firmly in capitalism and imperialism; refusing to reject it
beyond superficial culture appropriations (i.e.-Native american âdream
catchersâ hanging from the rear-view mirrors of your vehicles, wearing
Adidas or Nikes with fat laces and over-sized Levis jeans or Dickies
slacks worn âLA sagâ style, crude attempts to âfit-inâ by exaggerated,
insulting over-use of the latest slang term(s) from âda hoodâ, etc), you
in fact re-invent racist and authoritarian social relations as the final
product of your so-called ârevolutionary theoryâ; what I call Left-wing
white supremacy.
This tragic dilemma is compounded by, and finds some of its initial
roots in, your generally ahistorical and wishful âanalysisâ of
Black/white relations in the US; and rigid, dogmatic definitions of
âscientific socialismâ or ârevolutionary communismâ, based in a
eurocentric context. Thus, we are expected to embrace these âsocialistâ
values of the settler/conqueror culture, rather than the âtraditional
amerikkkan valuesâ of your reactionary opponents; as if we do not
possess our own âsocialistâ values, rooted in our own daily and cultural
realities! Wasnât the Black Panther Party âsocialistâ? What about the
Underground Railroad; our ancestors (and yes, even some of yours) were
practicing âmutual aidâ back when most European revolutionary theorists
were still talking about it like it was a lofty, far away ideal!
One extreme example of this previously mentioned wishful thinking in
place of a true analysis on the historical and current political
dynamics particular to this country is an article by Joseph Green
entitled âAnarchism and the Market Place, which appeared in the
newsletter âCommunist Voiceâ (Vol #1, Issue #4, September 15, 1995).
In it he asserts that anarchism is nothing more than small-scale
operations run by individuals that will inevitably lead to the
re-introduction of economic exploitation. He also claims that âit fails
because its failure to understand the relation of freedom to mass
activity mirrors the capitalist ideology of each person for their self.â
He then offers up a vague âplan of actionâ; that the workers must rely
on âclass organization and all-round mass struggleâ. In addition, he
argues for the centralization of all means of production.
Clearly, Greenâs political ideology is in fact a theology. First,
anarchism was practiced in mass scale most recently in Spain from
1936â39. By most accounts (including Marxist-Leninist), the Spanish
working class organizations such as the CNT (National Confederation of
Labor) and the FAI (Federation of Anarchists of Iberia) seized true
direct workers power and in fact kept people alive during a massive
civil war.
Their main failure was on a military, and partially on an ideological
level: (1.) They didnât carry out a protracted fight against the fascist
Falange with the attitude of driving them off the face of the planet.
(2.) They underestimated the treachery of their Marxist-Leninist
âalliesâ (and even some of their anarchist âalliesâ), who later sided
with the liberal government to destroy the anarchist collectives. Some
CNT members even joined the government in the name of a âunited front
against fascismâ. And (3.), they hadnât spent enough time really
developing their networks outside the country in the event they needed
weapons, supplies, or a place to seek refuge quickly.
Besides leaving out those important facts, Green also omits that today
the majority of prisoner support groups in the US are anarchist run or
influenced. He also leaves out that anarchists are generally the most
supportive and involved in grassroots issues such as homelessness,
police brutality, Klan/Nazi activity, Native sovereignty issues,
[physical] defense of womens health clinics, sexual assault prevention,
animal rights, environmentalism, and free speech issues.
Green later attacks âsupporters of capitalist realism on one hand and
anarchist dreamers on the otherâ. What he fails to understand is that
the movement will be influenced mostly by those who do practical work
around day to day struggles, not by those who spout empty rhetoric with
no basis in reality because they themselves (like Green) are
fundamentally incapable of practicing what they preach. Any theory which
cannot, at the very least, be demonstrated in miniature scale (with the
current reality of the economically, socially, and militarily imposed
limitations of capitalist/white supremacist society taken in to
consideration) in daily life is not even worth serious discussion
because it is rigid dogma of the worst kind.
Even if he could âshow and proveâ, his proposed system is doomed to
repeat the cannibalistic practices of Josef Stalin or Pol Pot. While
state planning can accelerate economic growth no one from Lenin, to Mao,
to Green himself has truly dealt with the power relationship between the
working class and the middle-class ârevolutionariesâ who seize state
power âon the behalfâ of the latter. How can one use the organizing
methods of the European bourgeoisie, â[hierarchal] party buildingâ and
âseizing state powerâ and not expect this method of organizing people to
not take on the reactionary characteristics of what it supposedly seeks
to eliminate? Then thereâs the question of asserting ones authoritarian
will upon others (the usual recruitment tactics of the white left
attempting to attract Black members).
At one point in the article Green claims that anarchistic social
relations take on the oppressive characteristics of the capitalist
ideology their rooted in. Really? What about the capitalist
characteristics of know-it-all ahistorical white âradicalsâ who can just
as effectively assert capitalistic, oppressive social relations when
utilizing a top-down party structure (especially when itâs utilized
against minority populations)? What about the re-assertion of patriarchy
(or actual physical and mental abuse) in interpersonal relationships;
especially when an organizational structure allows for, and in fact
rewards, oppressive social relationships?
What is the qualitative difference between a party bureaucrat who uses
his position to steal from the people (in addition to living a
neo-bourgeois lifestyle; privilege derived from oneâs official position
and justified by other party members who do the same. And, potentially,
derived from the color of his skin in the amerikkkan context) and a
collective member who steals from the local community? One major
difference is that the bureaucrat can only be removed by the party, the
people (once again) have no real voice in the matter (unless the people
themselves take up arms and dislodge the bureaucrat and his party); the
collective member can recieve a swift punishment rooted in the true
working class traditions, culture, and values of the working class
themselves, rather than that which is interpreted for them by so- called
âprofessional revolutionariesâ with no real ties to that particular
community. This is a very important, yet very basic, concept for the
white left to consider when working with non- white workers (who, by the
way, are the true âvanguardâ in the US; Black workers in particular.
Check the your history, especially the last thirty years of it.); i.e.-
direct community control.
This demand has become more central over the last thirty years as we
have seen the creation of a Black elite of liberal and conservative
(negrosie) puppets for the white power structure to speak through to the
people, the few who were allowed to succeed because they took up the
ideology of the oppressor. But, they too have become increasingly
powerless as the shift to the right in the various branches of the state
and federal government has quickly, and easily, âcheckedâ what little
political power they had. Also, we do not have direct control over
neighborhood institutions as capitalists, let alone as workers; at least
white workers have a means of production they could potentially seize.
Small âmom and popâ restaurants and stores or federally funded health
clinics and social services in the âhood hardly count as âBlack
capitalistâ enterprises, nor are any of these things particularly
âliberatingâ in and of themselves.
But white radicals, the white left of the US in particular, have a hard
time dealing with the reality that Black people have always managed to
survive, despite the worst or best intentions of the majority
population. We will continue to survive without you and can make our
revolution without you (or against you) if necessary; donât tell us
about âprotracted struggleâ, the daily lives of non-white workers are
testimony to the true meaning of protracted struggle, both in the US and
globally. Your inability or unwillingness to accept the fact that our
struggle is parallel to yours, but at the same time very specific, and
will be finished successfully when we as a people, as working-class
Blacks on the North American continent, decide that we have achieved
full freedom (as defined by our history, our culture, our needs, our
desires, our personal experiences, and our political idea(s)) is by far
the primary reason why the white left is so weak in this country.
In addition, this sinking garbage scow of american leftism is dragging
other liberating political vessels down with it, particularly the
smaller, anti-authoritarian factions within the white settler nation
itself and the few [non-dogmatic and non- ritualistic] individuals
within todays Marxist-Leninist parties who sincerely wish to get away
from the old, tired historical revisionism of their particular
ârevolutionaryâ party.
This seemingly âfixed positionâ, along with many other fixed positions
in their âthoughtâ, help to reveal the white leftâs profound isolation
and alienation from the Black community as a whole and its activists.
Yet, many of them would continue to wholeheartedly, and retardedly,
assert that theyâre part of the community simply because they live in a
Black neighborhood or their party headquarters is located there.
The white leftâs isolation and alienation was revealed even more
profoundly in the criticisms of the Million Man March on Washington. In
the end, the majority of the white leftist critics wound up tailing the
most backward elements of the Republican Party; some going as far as to
echo the very same words of Senate majority leader Bob Dole, who
commented on the day after the march that â You canât separate the
message from the messenger.â Others parroted the words of House majority
leader Newt Gingrich, who had the nerve to ask âwhere did our leadership
go wrong?â
Since when were we expected to follow the âleadershipâ of white
amerikkka; the right, left, or center without some type of brutal
coercion? Where is the advantage for us in âfollowingâ any of them
anywhere? What have any of them done for us lately? Where is the
âbetterâ leadership example of any of the hierarchical political
tendencies (of any class or ideology) in the US and who do they benefit
exclusively and explicitly? None of you were particularly interested in
us before we rebelled violently in 1992, why the sudden interest? What
do you want from us this time?
Few, if any, of the major pro-revolution left-wing newspapers in the US
gave an accurate account of the march. Many of them claimed that only
the Black petit-bourgeoisie were in attendance. All of them claimed that
women were âforbiddenâ to be there, despite the widely reported fact
that our sisters were there in large numbers.
âMIM Notesâ (and the Maoist Internationalist Movement itself) to their
credit recognize that white workers are NOT the âvanguardâ class: yet
because they themselves are so profoundly alienated from the Black
community on this side of the prison walls they had to rely on
information from mainstream press accounts courtesy of the Washington
Post. And rightfully alienated they are; who in their right mind
actually believes that a small, âsecretâ cult of white campus radicals
can (or should) âleadâ the masses of non-white people to their/our
freedom? Whatever those people are smoking, I donât want any! I do have
to say, however, that MIM is indeed the least dogma addicted of the
entire white left milieu that Iâve encountered; but dogma addicted
nonetheless.
I helped organize in the Seattle area for the Million Man March. The
strong, Black women I met had every intention of going. None of the men
even considered stopping them, let alone suggesting that they not go.
Sure, the NOI passed on Minister Farrakhanâs message that it was a âmen
onlyâ march, but it was barely discussed and generally ignored.
The Million Man March local organizing committees (l.o.c.âs) gave the
various Black left factions a forum to present ideas and concepts to
entire sections of our population who were not familiar with âMarxismâ,
âanarchismâ, âKwame Nkrumahâ, âGeorge Jacksonâ, âThe Ten-Point Programâ,
âclass struggleâ, etc.
It also afforded us the opportunity to begin engaging the some of the
members of the local NOI chapter in class-based ideological struggle
along with participating community people. Of course, it was impossible
for the white left to know any of this; more proof of their profound
isolation and alienation. At the time, despite our own minor ideological
differences, we agreed on one point: it was none of your business or the
business of the rest of the white population. When we organize amongst
our own, we consider it a âfamily matterâ. When we have conflicts, that
is also a âfamily matterâ. Again, it is none of your business unless we
tell you differently. How would you like it if we butted in on a heated
family argument you were having with a loved one and started telling you
what to think and what to do?
This brings me to two issues that have bothered me since January, 1996.
Both comments were made to me by a member of Radical Women at the
International Socialist Organizationâs conference at the University of
Washington. The first statement was: âI donât recognize Black people as
a ânationâ like I do Native people.â
My first thought was âwho the fuck are you to pass judgment upon a
general self-definition that is rooted in our collective suffering
throughout the history of this country?â
She might as well join up with the right-wing Holocaust revisionists;
for this is precisely what she is practicing, the denial of the Black
holocaust from 1555 to the present (along a parallel denial, by proxy,
of the genocide against other non- white nations within the US). Our
nationalism emerged as a defense against [your] white racism. The
difference between revolutionary Black nationalists (like Huey P. Newton
and the Black Panther Party) and cultural nationalists (like Farrakhan
and the Nation of Islam) is that we see our nationalism as a specific
tool to defend ourselves from groups and individuals like this ignorant
person, not as an exclusive or single means for liberation.
We recognize that we will have to attack bourgeois elements amongst our
people just as vigorously as we fight against white supremacists
(âleftâ, âcenterâ, or ârightâ). The difference is that our bourgeoisie
(what I refer to as the ânegrosieâ) is only powerful within the
community; they have no power against the white power structure without
us, nor do they have power generally without the blessing of the white
power structure itself. Our task, then, is to unite them with us against
a common enemy while at the same time explicitly undermining (and
eventually eliminating) their inherently reactionary influence.
The second stupidity to pass her lips concerned our support of
Black-owned businesses. I pointed out to her that if she had in fact
studied her Marxism-Leninism, she would see that their existence goes
hand-in-glove with Marxâs theory that revolution could only ensue once
capitalism was fully developed. She came back with the criticism, âWell,
youâll be waiting a long time for that to happenâ.
Once again, had she actually studied Marxism-Leninism she would know
that Lenin and the Bolsheviks also had to deal with this same question.
Russiaâs economy was predominantly agricultural, and its bourgeois class
was small. They decided to go with the mood and sentiments of the
peasantry and industrial workers at that particular moment in
history;..seize the means of production and distribution anyway!
Who says we wouldnât do the same? The participants of the LA rebellion
(and others), despite their lack of training in âradical âleft-wingâ
political theoryâ (besides being predominantly Black, Latino, or poor
white trash in Amerikkka), got it half right; they seized the means of
distribution, distributed the products of their [collective] labor, and
then burned the facilities to the ground. Yes, there were many problems
with the events of 1992, but they did show our potential for future
progress.
Black autonomists ultimately reject vanguardism because as the white
left [as well as elements of the Black revolutionary movement] has
demonstrated, it erodes and eventually destroys the fragile ties that
hold together the necessary principled partnerships between groups and
individuals that are needed to accomplish the numerous tasks associated
with fighting back successfully and building a strong, diverse, and
viable revolutionary movement.
The majority of the white left is largely disliked, disrespected, and
not trusted by our people because they fail miserably on this point. How
can you claim to be a âsocialistâ when you are in fact anti-social? How
do you all distinguish yourselves from the majority of your people in
concrete, practical, and principled terms?
Iâve always found this particularly disturbing; you all want our help,
but do not want to help us. You want to march shoulder to shoulder with
us against the government and its supporters, but do not want us to have
a solid political or material foundation of our own to not only win the
fight against the white supremacist state but to also re-build our
communities on our own behalf in our own likeness(es).
Let white Marxists provide unconditional (no strings attached) material
support for non-white factions whose ideology runs parallel to theirs,
and let white anarchist factions provide unconditional (again, no
strings attached) material support for factions in communities of color
who have parallel ideologies and goals. Obviously, the one âstringâ that
can never be avoided is that of harsh economic reality; if you donât
have the funds, you canât do it. Thatâs fair and logical, but if youâre
paying these exorbitant amounts for projects and events that amount to
little more than ideological masturbation and organizational cultism
while we do practical work out of pocket or on a tiny budget amongst our
own, it seems to me that a healthy dose of criticism/self-criticism and
reassessment of priorities is in order on the part of you âprofessional
revolutionariesâ of the white left.
If the white left âvanguardsâ are unwilling to materially support
practical work by non-white revolutionary factions, then you have no
business showing your faces in our neighborhoods. If you âmarxist
missionariesâ insist on coming into our neighborhoods preaching the
âgospelâ of Marx, Lenin, Mao, etc, the least you could do is âpayâ us
for our trouble. You certainly havenât offered us much else thatâs
useful.
To their credit, the white anarchists and anti-authoritarian leftists
have been generally supportive of the Black struggle by comparison;
Black Autonomy and related projects in particular. Matter of fact, back
in October of 1994 in an act of mutual aid and solidarity the
Philadelphia branch of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) printed
the very first issue of Black Autonomy (1,000 copies) for free. One of
their members actually got a little upset when I asked how much we owed
them for the print job. In return (and in line with our class
interests), we allied ourselves with the Philly branch and others in a
struggle within the IWW against the more conservative âarmchair
revolutionary/historical societyâ elements within its national
administrative body.
Former political prisoner, SNCC member, Black Panther, and Black
autonomist (anarchist) Lorenzo Komâboa Ervin credits the hard work of
anarchist groups in Europe and non-vanguardist Marxist and anarchist
factions in the US for assisting him in a successful campaign for early
release from prison after 13 years of incarceration.
In no way do we expect you or anyone else to bankroll us; what I am
offering is one suggestion to those of you who sincerely want to help;
and a challenge to those who in fact seek to âplay godâ with our lives
while spouting empty, meaningless rhetoric about âfreedomâ, âjusticeâ,
âclass struggleâ, and âsolidarityâ. To those people I ask: Do you have
ideas, or do ideas have you? Actually, a better question might be: do
you think at all?
It only makes sense that the white leftâs analysis of race and class in
amerikkka would be so erroneous when youâre so quick to jump up and pass
judgment on everyone else about this or that, but deathly afraid of real
self-criticism at the individual or collective level; opting instead to
use tool(s) of self- criticism as a means to reaffirm old, tired ideas
that were barely thought out to begin with or by dodging real
self-criticism altogether by dogmatically accusing your critics of âred-
baitingâ. Clearly, it is you who âred-baitâ yourselves; as the old
saying goes, âThose who live in glass houses should not throw stones!â
Action talks, bullshit walks!
Some of the more backward sections of the white left still push that old
tired line âgay, straight, Black, white, same struggle-same fight!â
Nothing can be further from the truth. Sure, we are all faced with the
same âmain enemyâ: the racist, authoritarian state and its supporters;
but unlike white males (straight or gay) and with some minor parallels
to the experiences of white women, our oppression begins at birth. This
is a commonality that we share with Native people, Hispanics, Pacific
Islanders, and Asians.
As we grow up, we go from being âcuteâ in the eyes of the larger
society, to being considered âdangerousâ by the time weâre teenagers. As
this point is driven home to us day in and day out in various social
settings and circumstances some of us decide, in frustration to give the
white folks what they want to believe; we become predatory. This dynamic
is played out in ghettos, barrios, chinatowns, and reservations across
the country. Even those of us who choose not to engage in criminal
activity, or arenât forced into it, have to live under this stigma. In
addition, we as individuals are still viewed as âobjectsâ and our
community as a âmonolithâ.
We then enter the work force...that is, if there are any jobs available.
It is there that we learn that our people and other non-whites are âlast
hired, first firedâ, that our white co-workers are generally afraid of
us or view as âcompetitionâ, and that management is watching us even
more closely than other workers, while at the same time fueling petty
squabbles and competition between us and other non-white workers. Those
of us who are fortunate enough to land a union job soon find out that
the unions are soft on racism in the workplace. This only makes sense as
we learn later on that unions in the US are running dogs of capitalism
and apologists for management, despite their âmilitantâ rhetoric.
Most unionized workers are white, reflective of the majority of
unionized labor in the US; who constitute a mere 13% of the total labor
force. This is why it is silly for the white left to prattle on and on
about the labor âmovementâ and about how so many of our people are
joining unions. Thatâs no consolation to us when Black unemployment
hovers at 35% nationally; many of those brothers and sisters living in
places were âpermanent unemploymentâ is the rule rather than the
exception, and many more who find work at non-union âdead endâ service
industry jobs. One out of three of our people is caught up somewhere
within the US criminal âjusticeâ system: in jail, in prison, on parole,
on work-release, awaiting trial, etc as a direct result.
In addition, many white workers are supportive of racist Republican
politicians, such as presidential candidate Pat Buchanan, who promises
to protect their jobs at the expense of non-white workers and
immigrants. What is the white left or the union movement doing about all
of that?
It shouldnât be surprising that the white left still preaches a largely
economist viewpoint when it comes to workers generally, and workers of
color in particular. This view is further evidence of not only your own
deviation from Marx, but also from Lenin, by your own varied (yet
similar) definitions.
Lenin recognized why the majority of Russian revolutionaries of his time
put forward an economist position: âIn Russia,...the yoke of autocracy
appears at first glance to obliterate all distinction between the Social
Democrats organization and workersâ association, since all workers
associations and all study circles are prohibited; and since the
principle manifestation and weapon of the workersâ economic struggle,
the strike, is regarded as a criminal (and sometimes even as a
political) offense.â
In this country, the distinction between the trade unions and
revolutionary organizations is abundantly clear (even if some groups
like the Socialist Workers Party (SWP) still fail to make the
distinction themselves) and the primary contradiction within the working
class is that of racial stratification as a class weapon of the
bourgeoisie and capitalists against the working class as a whole.
Yet, the white Left (along with the rest of the white working class)
fails to see its collaborationist role in this process. And this goes
right back to what I said earlier in this writing about the need for a
serious historical and cultural critique amongst all white people (and
not just the settler nationâs left-wing factions) that goes beyond
superficial culture appropriations or lofty, dogmatic proclamations of
how committed you and your party is to âracial equalityâ. To even
consider oneself âwhiteâ or to call oneself âwhiteâ is an argument FOR
race and class oppression; look at the history of the US and see who
first erected these terms âwhiteâ and âBlackâ, and why they were created
in the first place.
I remember last summer, around the fourth of July, I had a member of the
local SWP try to tell me that the American War of Independence was
âprogressiveâ. Progressive for whom? Tell us the truth, who were the
primary beneficiaries of the American Revolution? You know the answer,
we all do; only a total, unrepentant reactionary would lie to the
people, especially on this point.
Howard Zinn, in his work âA Peopleâs History of the United Statesâ,
points out how early 20^(th) century historian Charles Beard found that
of the fifty-five men who gathered in Philadelphia in 1787 to draw up
the US Constitution âa majority of them were lawyers by profession, that
most were men of wealth, in land, in slaves, manufacturing, or shipping;
that half of them had money loaned out at interest, and that forty of
the fifty- five held government bonds, according to records of the [US]
Treasury Department. Thus, Beard found that most of the makers of the
Constitution had some direct economic interest in establishing a strong
federal government: the manufacturers needed protective tariffs; the
moneylenders wanted to stop the use of paper money to pay off debts; the
land speculators wanted protection as they invaded Indian lands;
slave-owners needed federal security against slave revolts and runaways;
bondholders wanted a government able to raise money by nationwide
taxation, to pay off those bonds.
Four groups, Beard noted, were not represented in the Constitutional
Convention: slaves, indentured servants, women, men without property.
And so the Constitution did not reflect the interests of those groups.â
(Zinn, pg.90)
Come to terms with your white skin privilege (and the ideology and
attitude(s) this privilege breeds) and then figure out how to combat
that dynamic as part of your fight against the state and its supporters.
Your continued backwardness is a sad commentary when we uncover
historical evidence which shows that even before the turn of the century
some of your own ancestors within the white working class were beginning
to take the first small steps towards a greater understanding of their
social role as the white servants of capital. A white shoemaker in 1848
wrote:
â...we are nothing but a standing army that keeps three million of our
brethren in bondage... Living under the shade of Bunker Hill monument,
demanding in the name of humanity, our right, and withholding those
rights from others because their skin is black! Is it any wonder that
God in his righteous anger has punished us by forcing us to drink the
bitter cup of degradation.â (Zinn, pg.222)
We can even look to the historical evidence of Leninâs time. Prior to
the publishing of Leninâs âOn Imperialismâ, W.E.B. DuBois wrote an
article for the May, 1915 edition of the Atlantic Monthly titled âThe
African Roots of Warâ in which he vividly describes how both rich and
poor whites benefit from the super- exploitation of non-white people:
âYes, the average citizen of England, France, Germany, the United
States, had a higher standard of living than before. But: âWhence comes
this new wealth?â...It comes primarily from the darker nations of the
world-Asia and Africa, South and Central America, the West Indies, and
the islands of the South Seas. It is no longer simply the merchant
prince, or the aristocratic monopoly, or even the employing class that
is exploiting the world: it is the nation, a new democratic nation
composed of united capital and labor.â (Zinn)
Yet, the self-titled âanti-racistsâ of the left continue on with their
infantile fixation on the Klan, Nazis, and right-wing militias. Groups
that they say they are against, but in fact demonstrate a tolerance for
in practice. Standing around chanting empty slogans in front of a line
of police separating demonstrators from the nazis in a âpeaceful
demonstrationâ is contradiction in its purest form; both the police and
the fascists must be mercilessly destroyed! As the Spanish anarchist
Buenaventura Durruti proclaimed back in 1936 âFascism is not to be
debated, it is to be smashed!â There is no room for compromise or
dialogue, except for asking them for a last meal request and choice of
execution method before we pass sentence; and even that is arbitrary!
True, tactical considerations must be examined, but if we canât get at
them then and there, there is no âruleâ that says we canât follow them
and hit them when they least expect it; except for the âruleâ of the
wanna-be rulers of the Marxist-Leninist white left âvanguard(s)â who
only see the fascists as competition in their struggle to see which set
of âempire buildersâ will lord over us; the âgoodâ whites who regulate
us to the amerikkkan left plantation of âthe glorious workers stateâ, or
the âbadâ whites who work us as slaves until half-dead and then laugh as
our worn out carcasses are thrown into ovens, cut up for âscientific
purposesâ, or hung from lamp posts and trees. You people have yet to
show me the qualitative difference(s) between a Klan/Nazi- style white
supremacist dictatorship and your concept of a âdictatorship of the
proletariatâ in the context of this particular country and its notorious
history. So far, all I have seen from you all is arrogance in
coalitions, petty games of political one-upmanship, and
ideological/tactical rigidity.
Letâs pretend for a minute that one of the various wanna-be vanguards
actually seizes political power. In everyone of your programs, from the
program of the RCP, USA to even smaller, lesser known groups there is
usually a line somewhere in there about your particular party holding
the key levers of state power within a âdictatorship of the
proletariatâ. Have any of you actually considered what that sounds like
to a community without real power? Does this mean that we as Black
people are going to have fight and die a second time under your
dictatorship in order to have equal access to employment, housing,
schools, colleges, public office, party status, our own personal lives
generally?
Look at our history; over one hundred years after the Emancipation
Proclamation (the 1960âs) we were still dying for the right to vote, for
the right to protest peacefully, for the right to live in peace and
prosperity within the context of white domination and capitalism. Today,
after all of that, it is clear that the masses of our people are still
largely powerless; we stayed powerless even as public schools were being
desegregated and more of our elites were being elected to Congress and
other positions. The same racist, authoritarian state that stripped us
of our humanity was now asserting itself as our first line of defense of
those hard-won concessions in the form of federal troops and FBI
âobserversâ (who watched as we were beaten, raped, and/or killed) sent
to enforce The Civil Rights Act of 1968 and the Voting Rights Act of
1965.
As we have seen since that time, what the white power structure grants,
it can (and will) take away; we can point to recent US Supreme Court
decisions around voter redistricting as one part of our evidence. We can
also look to the problem of mail and publication censorship in the US
prison system (state and federal) that has come back to haunt us since
the landmark 1960âs first amendment legal challenge to the state of New
York that was won by political prisoner and Black/Puerto Rican anarchist
Martin Sostre. And then thereâs the attacks on a prisonersâ right to sue
a prison official, employee, or institution being made by the House and
Senate. Give us one good reason to believe that you people will be any
different than these previous and current âbenevolentâ leaders and
political institutions if by some fluke or miracle you folks stumble
into state power?
No âguaranteesâ against counter-revolution or revisionism within your
ârevolutionaryâ party/government you say? There are two: the guns,
ammunition, organization, solidarity, political consciousness, and
continuous vigilance of the masses of non- white people and the truly
sympathetic, conscious anti-authoritarian few amongst your population;
or a successful grassroots- based revolution that is rooted in
anti-authoritarian political ideas that are culturally relevant to each
ethnicity of the poor and working class population in the US. Judging by
the general attitudes and theories expressed by your members and
leadership, we can be rest assured that it is virtually guaranteed that
the spirit of âJim Crowâ can and will flourish within a white-led
Marxist-Leninist âproletarian dictatorshipâ in the US. Itâs clear to me
why you all ramble on and on about the revolutions of China, Russia,
Vietnam, Cuba, etc; they provide convenient cover for you all (read:
escapism) to avoid a serious examination of the faults in your current
analysis as well as in the historical analysis of the last thirty years
of struggle in the US.
These are the only conclusions that can be drawn when you all are so
obviously hostile to the idea of doing the hard work of confronting your
own individual racist and reactionary tendencies. When your own fellow
white activists attempted to put together an âAnti-Racism Workshopâ for
members of the Seattle Mumia Defense Committee, many of you pledged your
support (in the form of the usual dogmatic, vague, and arguably baseless
rhetorical proclamations of âsolidarityâ and âcommitment to racial
equalityâ) and then proceeded to not show up. Only the two initial
organizers within the SMDC and two coalition members (neither affiliated
with any political party) were there. Make no mistake, I have no
illusions about white people confronting their own racism; but I do
support their honest attempts at doing so. Here we have a situation in
which an ideological leap amongst the white left in Seattle may have
been initiated; yet, the all- knowing, all-seeing ârevolutionary
vanguard(s)â of the white left were too busy spending that particular
weekend picking the lent out of their belly buttons. Are we saving our
belly-button lent for the potential shortages of food that occur during
and shortly after the revolution [is corrupted by the mis-leadership of
your particular rigid, dogmatic, authoritarian party]?
For most white leftists, this means that we as Black people are
demanding our own separate nation-state. Some of our revolutionary
factions do advocate such a position. Black Autonomists, however, reject
nation-statism [For more on that, refer to page 15 of any copy of Black
Autonomy newspaper].
Regardless of whether or not the Black masses opt for a separate
homeland on this continent or in Africa, we will be respected as
subjects of history and not as objects that the state, its supporters,
or the white left decides what to do with.
The answer to âthe Black questionâ is simple: It is not a question; we
are people, you will deal with us as such or we will fight you and the
rest of the white settler nation...by any and all means necessary! We
will not be cowed or dominated by anyone ever again!
Too many times in the course of American (and world) history have our
people fought and died for the dream of true freedom, only to have it
turn into the nightmare of continued oppression. If the end result of a
working-class revolution in the United States is the continued
domination of non-white people by white ârevolutionary leadersâ and a
Left-wing [white supremacist] government, then we will make another
revolution until any and all perpetrators and supporters of that type of
social-political relationship are defeated or dead! Any and all means
are completely justifiable in order to prevent the defeat of our
revolution and the re-introduction of white supremacy. We will not put
up with another 400+ years of oppression; and Iâm sure our Native and
Hispanic brothers and sisters wonât tolerate another 500+ years of the
same olâ shit.
Ultimately, âan ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cureâ; thatâs
the main reason I decided to publish this, as yet another humble
contribution to the self-education of our people. The second reason is
to, hopefully, inspire the white left to re-examine your current
practices and beliefs as part of your process of self-education;
assuming that you all in fact practice self-education.
Reject the traditions of your ancestors and learn from their mistakes;
or reject your potential allies in communities of color. The choice is
yours...
âIt is a commentary on the fundamentally racist nature of this society
that the concept of group strength for black people must be articulated,
not to mention defended. No other group would submit to being led by
others. Italians do not run the Anti-Defamation League of Bânai Bârith.
Irish do not chair Christopher Columbus Societies. Yet when black people
call for black-run and all-black organizations, they are immediately
classed in a category with the Ku Klux Klan.â
-Kwame Toure (Stokely Carmichael), Black Power; Vintage Press, 1965.
âBlack Autonomy, A Newspaper of Anarchism and Black Revolutionâ Vol. #1,
issues #1-#5; Vol. #2, issues #1-#3. 1994â1996.
Bookchin, Murray âPost-Scarcity Anarchismâ Ramparts Press, 1971.
Ervin, Lorenzo Komâboa âAnarchism and the Black Revolution and Other
Essaysâ Monkeywrench Press, 1994
Jackson, Greg âMythology of A White-Led âVanguardâ: A Critical Look at
the Revolutionary Communist Party, USAâ Black Autonomy staff, 1996.
Mohammed, Kimathi âOrganization and Spontaneity: The Theory of the
Vanguard Party and its Application to the Black Movement in the US
Todayâ Marcus Garvey Institute, 1974.
Sakai, J. âSettlers: Mythology of the White Proletariatâ
Zhenhua, Zhai âRed Flower of Chinaâ Soho Press, 1992.
Zinn, Howard âA Peopleâs History of the United Statesâ Harper-
Perrenial, Revised 1995.