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Title: The Devil Wears Dashikis Author: Red Voice Date: September 2021 Language: en Topics: black nationalism, authoritarian left, criticism and critique Source: Retrieved on 23rd June 2022 from https://redvoice.news/the-devil-wears-dashikis-an-ex/][redvoice.news]], [[https://redvoice.news/the-devil-wears-dashikis-pt-2-2bfrank/][redvoice.news]], [[https://redvoice.news/the-devil-wears-dashikis-pt-3/][redvoice.news]] and [[https://redvoice.news/the-devil-wears-conclusion/
Editorial Note: Red Voice News is publishing this exposé in response to
a cyber-attack perpetrated against our website, which our tech team was
able to trace, with mad receipts, directly back to a member of the Black
Hammer Organization, who goes by the initials “DP.” It is believed that
this crime was greenlighted when one of our staff was seen interacting
with alleged victims of the cult leader called Gazi Kodzo. The attack is
itself compelling evidence that Gazi and Black Hammer feared what might
come from those interactions. As principled communists, we refuse to
back down from fascist assaults, especially one as cowardly and poorly
executed as this. Though we had no plans to do so originally, we are
therefore using this platform to denounce Gazi Kodzo as an enemy of the
people, and to elevate the voices of these brave comrades, who have
accused Gazi’s self-styled “dictatorship” of serious
counter-revolutionary crimes, that include but are not limited to:
racketeering, domestic violence, reckless endangerment, sexual
harassment, routine physical and emotional abuse, threatening comrades
with deadly weapons, blackmail, coercion, destruction of property, labor
exploitation, and kidnapping.
Red Voice is a prison abolitionist publication. We are categorically
opposed to carceral or state solutions to the acts that are alleged
herein, though we do know that Black Hammer itself is quite comfortable
with calling the police (which in this case would be an even bigger
mistake than the initial attack). We also cannot speak on behalf of any
of Gazi’s alleged victims about what should happen to this individual,
so that justice can be served. Our aim is simply to let the victims’
voices be heard; to alert the Black liberation movement to the clear
danger of this social media cult for Black and all colonized people; and
to get the remaining members of BHO to a place of safety, far beyond the
grasp of Gazi Kodzo, their alleged abuser.
---
(by Marcus Sundjata Brown)
It’s early May, 2021. The Black Hammer Organization, “the baddest
anti-colonial organization on the planet,” has just reportedly purchased
200 acres of land in the Colorado Rockies--“ten thousand feet in the air
with RICH soil!”--on which to build a communist utopia, complete with
“indestructible” huts and an underground farm. No rent, no ‘rona, no
cops, no whites. A TikTok video shows an enthusiastic young person
sitting at a nearby stream, shouting “Land Back Yall!!” with
performative rolls of the neck (the video will later be taken down).
Printouts booming the phrase “BUILD HAMMER CITY” appear on lamp-posts
and bus shelters in major cities across the US, where they vie for space
with promo stickers for drill rappers, and fliers for tenants’ unions.
Portentously, the Black Hammer website speaks of the need for
“dictatorship over the lives and labor” of colonized people.
Maybe in other circumstances, this moment might be seen for what it
really is: the determined drive to Black freedom that moves each
generation, crashing right into a dangerous scam. Instead, in the
post-Floyd, post-Breonna mood of white panic, the story of the Hammer
City “ethnostate” is picked up by Fox News, Newsmax, and other
right-wing news sites with mainstream traffic. The leadership in
Colorado is visibly hype. They even set up a press conference to flaunt
their newfound fame to the world. Increasingly for far-right groups like
the Proud Boys, Hammer City is seen as the legitimate program of a
growing, mass-based movement to the immediate left of Black Lives
Matter.
In the hands of the capitalist press, Black Hammer becomes an ink blot
for white anxieties around Black revolt, immigration, overseas
communism. It seems to small sections of the paranoid right like the
long-awaited and tightly planned race revenge of Black and colonized
people on the US.
But the reality of this organization is far more horrific for Black and
Third World people, than it could ever be for white viewers from their
great remove. Despite the best intentions of many comrades at the
beginning, Black Hammer has essentially become an anti-democratic,
destructive cult, centered on a deeply disturbed YouTuber and
professional scammer known as Gazi Kodzo.
The announcement, months later, that “Hammer City Colorado” fell
through, is just the first public sign of the rot that had set into
Black Hammer from the beginning, that is now eating at its base. Now
come the mass defections, the dissolution of entire chapters; now come
the accusations of life-endangering abuse, of labor exploitation, of
Gazi’s wild misappropriation of funds.
Then the victims start talking publicly, and shit gets worse. Like
horror movie worse.
Many details of daily life at the core of Black Hammer Organization
(BHO) sound unbelievable, like a bad movie script around a New Age cult
from the Sixties, only updated with Gen-Z communist slogans, and some of
the worst features of “left Twitter”. But that’s only because of the
dramatic bent of “Commander-in-Chief” (CIC) Gazi, who seems to know no
limit when brutalizing “comrades” with tested cult techniques; as long
as it means more clout, more money, and a good show for the Tube.
For example, there are reported “soul contracts,” that are exactly how
they sound, and are signed in a special room at gunpoint. Legal names,
addresses, workplaces, social security numbers--all are extracted by the
same violent means, since owning somebody’s soul is not enough. There is
exploitation of members’ sexuality for financial gain, and to build up
the org’s membership (known in cult studies as “flirty fishing”). There
are shroom-induced journeys in the “spaceship,” a room where live-in
cult members receive mandatory instruction in the “Commander’s”
plagiarized and disordered worldview. There are hallucinatory camping
trips to “Hammer City” in the Colorado Rockies, smeared across with
hunger and frostbite, with poisoning, with gun threats from whites; and
all of it inspired by naive group screenings of ”Wild, Wild Country” on
Netflix.
More troubling is a young Black woman’s account of escaping by night
from an armed compound, where she once had to defend herself with a
knife from multiple cis male attackers; where she now felt her life
would end if she stayed. Then there is the threat against the lives of
Black trans activists, casually issued by “Commander,” so as to enforce
transmisogyny in the ranks. There’s the overwork and starvation, the
doxxing, the blackmail, the financial exploitation; there are the
divided relationships, and trespasses of physical and sexual boundaries.
Even here there is profound anti-blackness, and the theft of Indigenous
identities and movement slogans. There is privilege for key leadership,
and coerced hard labor for everyone else. In short, there’s everything
that made the Colony unlivable for Black and Third World people. But now
it got a cute doggie, dreads, and a dashiki. Now, in a cloying and
relatable Black voice, it commands us through smartphones to work
ourselves to death.
These are just some of the more startling accusations made by four
prominent ex-members of Black Hammer--Savvy, Pat and Jack, and Xiuh--who
were recently interviewed by Red Voice News. In our conversations I
found these to be sincere, talented, hard-working, and courageous
comrades. They are funny too, and likable as hell. They all believe in
anti-colonial revolution, even now. They still show the undying love for
their people that must have got them through the darkest moments of
their time in Black Hammer.
The organization as they describe it is a tragedy of the people’s talent
and good faith, wasted in the hands of an entitled and highly
disagreeable cult leader; who goes by the title “Commander,” yet is
unable to function as an adult. Who relies instead on a succession of
(usually Black femme) “chiefs” to cook, clean, and plan their day,
essentially to baby them; so that they can carry on with their true
work--barking senseless orders, showing off cute ‘fits, tweeting taunts
and threats, berating and gaslighting comrades on endless group calls,
and spending the org’s money as soon as it pours in, with casual swipes
of their exclusive red debit card.
It is alleged by a confidential source that there are victims who have
suffered far worse abuse from Gazi than anything we can responsibly
print here. Without going into more detail, we can only say it is
extremely urgent for the physical and psychological safety of remaining
“Hammers,” that the Black left loudly denounce this warped scam on our
people; that we demand the immediate release of its remaining “Hammer
House” captives to their families; that we warn any prospective Black
Hammer recruits of the pure evil for which they are signing up.
That is why Red Voice is publishing this comprehensive, three-part
exposé on Gazi Kodzo and the Black Hammer Organization. Our report is
based on the first-hand testimony of some of Gazi’s most trusted former
collaborators, and on the personal experience of several of our writers
with “Gazi”. It is also based on an extensive trail of antiblack,
queerphobic, pro-capitalist, and pro-police statements made by Gazi
themselves, and by some of their subordinates, any one of which would be
a proverbial death sentence in most communist and anarchist circles. We
have tried to be as detailed as possible, so that no reasonable doubt
can remain about the dangerously toxic character of Black Hammer as it
stands today; nor about our duty as revolutionaries to stop it.
The last section features an extended discussion of the theoretical and
practical lessons around issues of gender, sexuality, hierarchy, and
power for the Black left; lessons that appear more relevant now than
ever, during the collapse of Black Hammer. Gazi Kodzo is truly a
monster, there’s no denying that. But we strongly feel that it won’t be
enough to admit this fact, and carry on with organizing as usual. After
all, as a former cult member, Gazi could only build their own cult by
throwing all the blame for their actions on their old leadership. The
Black left really has to ask itself how somebody so politically shallow
yet self-assured, so proudly anti-intellectual, and reliant for their
“mass base” on social media “likes” and “follows,” had managed to hide
themselves among serious revolutionaries for long enough to cause all
this hell. When we can hardly see what was clear before in our
established practice, it becomes a problem for theory.
For the readers’ convenience we have outlined a schedule of content for
this series, along with the writers’ names and organizational
affiliations:
I. Send in the Clown: Augustus Romain, Jr., The “Main Character” (Marcus
Sundjata Brown/Shupavu Wa Karima, Third World Peoples’ Alliance and
Revolutionary Intercommunal Black Panther Party)
II. Clout Culture and the #2BFrank Moment (Kylie Marsh, freelance
journalist and former BHO member)
III. Gussy Unmasked: The Decline of Black Hammer Org (Marcus Sundjata
Brown)
IV. Theoretical and Practical Lessons for the Movement (Nsambu Za
Suekema, Anarkata and Black Anarchic Radical Movements/Third World
Peoples’ Alliance)
---
Augustus Romain, lifelong performer and fool, is not a Black
revolutionary; as we will see, they do not care about Black people at
all. Instead they are a profoundly damaged personality, with strong
delusional and sadistic traits; one whose main talents seem to be for
lying and manipulation. This has led to highly inconsistent accounts of
their age, their upbringing, and political activity prior to assuming
their latest ridiculous role as “Commander-In-Chief” (CIC)--the
so-called “main character” in the Black liberation movement. In this
section we will try to separate some fact from fiction, and paint a
truer picture of the person who has damaged so many Black and colonized
lives
For a famous “main character,” there are very few credible sources on
the internet about the life and career of “CIC.” A Wikitia article that
was last updated in June 2020, that was most likely prepared by Black
Hammer themselves and then forgotten, is one of the only linear accounts
that we have of the life of “political activist” Gazi Kodzo. It claims
that Gazi, an “African Fundamentalist,” was born June 23, 1990, in
Flatbush, Brooklyn, and raised in Atlanta. It portrays Gazi as a young
Black liberation fighter in the tradition of Marcus Garvey; one who
spent most of their twenties steeped in anti-colonial politics and
commentary, and in organizing for African liberation. In their
mid-twenties, after several years of prior organizing and study, Kodzo
joined the African People’s Socialist Party (APSP), an all-Black
revolutionary formation, whose aim is continental unity and socialism
for the African working class. The Chairman of the Party is Omali
Yeshitela, a charismatic and controversial political organizer, based
out of St. Petersburg, FL.
In the YouTube video “Why I Left the Uhuru Movement,” Gazi describes how
they rose to the office of Secretary General--second-most powerful
position in APSP, after the Chairman--due to their tremendous work
ethic, and especially their expert use of social media for reaching the
African masses. (In private conversations, Gazi would sometimes credit
their rapid rise to their superior social skills. Instructively, they
like to refer to themselves as a “lovable” tyrant.)
Then Gazi resigned from the Party in disgust, after learning that APSP
was really an abusive and exploitative cult--the front for a
multi-million dollar business, built by unpaid Black labor, yet
controlled by wealthy whites in the “subordinate” Uhuru Solidarity
Movement (USM). The USM leadership, it was claimed, had for decades
exploited the free labor of APSP members in many Uhuru enterprises, such
as “Uhuru Furniture” and “Uhuru Pies.” They had used their financial
power to control the Party bureaucracy since the Eighties, had shaped it
into an effective dictatorship in the hands of Yeshitela, who secretly
was in on the con.
So along with other defectors from the Party, and with stray elements
from Black Lives Matter and the New Black Panther Party, Gazi co-founded
Black Hammer Organization in February, 2019. According to the date of
birth provided in the Wikitia document--June 23^(rd), 1990--Gazi Kodzo
would have been around 28 at the time. And it really is an impressive
achievement, for someone so young to have built the premier
revolutionary movement for the African and colonized masses.
These two accounts taken together leave us with the impression that Gazi
has a deep and abiding love for their people, that tried to express
itself in different forms of anti-colonial activism throughout their
early and mid-twenties; until at last they had learned enough to strike
out with their own strategy for Black liberation.
What the Wikitia page and YouTube testimony both leave out, though, is
Gazi’s legal name. That is probably deliberate. Augustus Romain, Jr. of
Stone Mountain, GA--the only person in the United States with the
name--is not really 31 years of age (as of September 2021). A casual
Google search reveals that they are, in fact, 35.
This could simply be an error in the online record. But Comrade Savvy,
Gazi’s former chief of staff (COS) and one of our main sources for this
story, claims to have seen Gazi’s birth certificate, and asserts that
this is in fact Gazi’s actual age. Interestingly, another source,
Comrade Xiuh, claims that she was told directly by Gazi that they are 40
years old. In spite of the discrepancy, it is possible that both
accounts are correct. As we will learn later from Savvy’s testimony,
Gazi Kodzo appears to have unsteady and possibly dangerous beliefs about
their own real age.
Inconsistencies and cover-ups in Romain’s background don’t stop there.
In fact, the age discrepancy only raises further questions about Black
Hammer’s founding myth, and about its founder’s real motives.
In the Wikitia article, for example, we never meet with “Smiletone,”
Romain’s previous online persona: a driven, yet spastic and unappealing
YouTuber, an aspiring actor who was based not in Atlanta, but in
Hollywood.
Pictures from the “Smiletone” blog (smiletone.blogspot.com) depict the
lifestyle of a pseudo-celebrity in “Hello Kitty” glasses; a person who
feels entirely at home with the rich and powerful glitterati; who is
more than comfortable in all-white spaces. Mansion-party schmoozing and
run-ins with celebs take up most of the blog’s space, which spans from
2011–2013, that is, through much of Romain’s mid-twenties (based on
their real age, as established above).
This bougie blog tells a very different story from the “African
Fundamentalist” journey on Wikitia, where it was claimed that the
entirety of Gazi’s political work prior to Black Hammer revolved around
anti-colonialism, and that they began sharpening their political skills
and outlook in their early twenties.
Yet this would mean that by the time of the mansion party, Gazi was
already an experienced anti-colonial activist. In that case we would
have to believe that an African revolutionary was coordinating Beverly
Hills mansion parties with their ex-model boss, then squealing because
it landed them on television. That this activist somehow felt that
imperialist America is blessed, because their YouTube views have grown.
Unless Smiletone was the spook who sat by the mansion door, this Wikitia
entry is clearly a tissue of lies.
Maybe the lies can be excused as the products of simple embarrassment?
After all, sometimes folks do lie on their age on dating sites; and most
people have pictures at periods of their lives they would rather forget.
But why pretend, when launching a revolutionary movement, that your
early and mid-20’s were dedicated to Garvey, to prison abolition, to
African liberation; when really they were dedicated to party mansions,
to “Drunken McNugget” challenges, to degrading, head-petting videos like
“The Common White Girl Tag” (at the conclusion of which, two white hosts
call Romain the biggest white girl out the three)?
A “revolutionary” who cannot be honest about their age, their prior
locations and activities, or their real level of political consciousness
before joining any movement, is easily an agent for chaos. They could be
a police or fed plant. They could be a con artist, looking to bite
strategies and slogans, and claim them as their own. They could be lying
on their age to more easily manipulate young folks, for any number of
unsettling reasons. They could be covering up histories of abuse or
wrecker activity in other cities and states, in other years or decades.
But there are still more dangers locked in that back room with old
Smiletone.
For instance, there is testimony from several former Black Hammer
members (including both Savvy and Xiuh), that within the organization
Gazi would openly discuss their former life as a “Hollywood pimp”--less
glamorously, an exploiter of others’ sexual labor. Then there is Romain
Sr.‘s bourgeois class position, and dangerous ties to the state: the
fact, as Gazi sometimes boasts with typical lack of awareness, that “my
daddy is friends with George Bush!” (This should be a highly alarming
claim to any security-minded organizer with past or present ties to
Gazi’s activities.)
And then there is the pitiful eyewitness truth about Gazi’s arrival in
Florida to advance the African Revolution, as recounted by one of our
authors, Cmde. Shupavu Wa Kirima, who served for a time with Gazi on the
Central Committee of the APSP.
---
So who really is Augustus Romain Jr. better known as Gazi Kodzo? And how
were they able to position themselves as the Commander-In-Chief of Black
Hammer Organization, an organization that enjoyed a momentary
flash-in-the-pan type success, before devolving into one of the most
damaging and abuse-filled cults in recent memory?
Gazi, in large part, has Omali Yeshitela, Chairman (for life) of the
African People’s Socialist Party, to thank for their meteoric rise to
national prominence on the Black Left. It was Omali Yeshitela, who back
in 2015, found Gazi’s reactionary anti-white rants on YouTube and
decided that Gazi and their social media antics could be put to better
use within the ranks of Yeshitela’s party. Let’s be clear, Yeshitela’s
no fool and saw an opportunity in Gazi. He recognized that with a more
polished and coherent political line and a pinch of “party discipline,”
he could mould Smiletone into Gazi Kodzo--a young, black, militant, and
most importantly, gay/same gender loving revolutionary. This would be a
boon for APSP’s membership and would check more than a couple boxes in
lending credibility to APSP’s “inclusive of all Africans” image that
Yeshitela was working to create.
According to Gazi’s claims, they were living the high life in Los
Angeles as a big-time modeling agent by day and high-end pimp by night.
They lived in a $2,500/month beachfront property, drove a luxury
vehicle, and had built up a sizable enough following on YouTube that the
residual income from that alone would have been ample to sustain them.
Basically, if we are to believe Gazi’s story, then they had all of the
trappings of a successful capitalist stooge/sellout.
However, the truth of the matter is that when Yeshitela flew Gazi out to
St. Petersburg, FL, which at the time was the party’s headquarters, for
that first meeting in which Gazi was recruited into the party, the
person that got off of that plane was a far cry from any Hollywood
big-shot. Gazi was completely strung out on pills and coke. They were
literally homeless. Fragile and skittish to the point that they had to
undergo a two-week process of “drying out” before they could even begin
receiving structured political education on the APSP’s political and
ideological line.
Gazi has often referred to Yeshitela as their “revolutionary father,”
and in many ways this is true. It was Yeshitela who Gazi wanted so
desperately to impress, who they tried to emulate. It was even
Yeshitela’s guesthouse that Gazi sobered up in, and continued to reside
in, during the course of their time in the party. While Yeshitela was
congratulating himself on having secured the new young queer face of the
party, Gazi was in fact a neurotic, chemically dependent, highly toxic
30- year old maniac that was playing Yeshitela right back, and had a lot
less to lose.
After barely two weeks clean and completely dependent upon Yeshitela for
food, clothing, and shelter, Gazi was made into the Director of the
National Office for Recruitment and Membership (NORM) for the APSP.
Along with a salary, one of the precious few salaried positions within
the party, Gazi was allowed to live rent- free in Yeshitela’s two
bedroom guesthouse and given virtually free rein over the party’s
membership. Gazi, who describes themselves as a “stunt queen from
Atlanta,” immediately set about to alternately manipulate the membership
numbers, and relax the rules for membership, in an effort to make it
appear as if their presence alone had caused prospective candidates to
flood in.
---
Cmde. Shupavu’s account does not tell the full tale of Gazi’s time in
APSP. More details and testimony on specific abuses by “SecGen” Gazi are
forthcoming. From what our writers have already heard, they do establish
a definite pattern of official misconduct and abuse that has sadly
followed Gazi into Black Hammer.
But her account does give us key features of Gazi’s psychology and
behavior--the compulsive lying about their lifestyle and sources of
income; the deluded sense of self-importance, even of celebrity, that is
unsupported by real achievements; the unhealthy appetite for party
drugs, as evident in Atlanta today as in Hollywood back then; the casual
way of conning and manipulating comrades, in order to advance to
powerful roles in a revolutionary organization.
This is a dangerous enough profile. But under “Chairman’s” wing, Gazi
would build up a repertoire of tricks for group control that would later
serve them well, when it came time to found their own political cult.
Importantly for Gazi, who is an “entertainer” and not at all a thinker,
Yeshitela would also give instruction in the ideology of the African
working class--“African Internationalism”--which seemed to simplify and
make sense of Black and colonized people’s poverty and despair, in a
capitalist world clearly set up for whites.
This background, and not the “founding myth” peddled by Black Hammer,
explains how the petty-bou, dysfunctional partier “Smiletone” made their
full transition to Gazi Kodzo, the African freedom fighter and
“revolutionary leader” who now claims to lead hundreds of Hammers.
But did Gazi really believe in all this? They apparently knew the Party
line well enough; but then, they had just come on their knees from
Hollywood, where knowing your lines was the whole industry--an industry
that desperate and drug-addled “Smiletone” had failed to get their foot
in.
---
The overt politics of Black Hammer Organization are anti-colonial,
revolutionary, and communist in their aim. But beyond that it is hard to
pin their members down to any one clear political tendency, since the
org seems to borrow ideas and imagery from everywhere--as long as it’s
not white.
Elements of Third World communism are there, and BHO claims to support
socialist states, like DPRK and China. But there are also cultural
nationalist moments, as when Gazi rejects Karl Marx and other communist
figures simply for their whiteness, or ascribes special powers to
melanin. The highly bureaucratic, paper-pushing style of organization is
straight out of Yeshitela’s handbook; while the...celebration--some say
fetishization--of colonized working-class culture is right out the Black
Twenty-Something side of TikTok, YouTube, and Twitter.
More recently, pseudo-shamanism has been added to that gumbo--though
this is apparently less inspired by traditions of African and First
Nations people, than by Gazi’s own magical thinking, and frequent abuse
of psychedelics.
There’s some Christian seasoning off in there, too. Lately the cult
lectures are rebranded as “sermons.” Gazi’s tirades are suddenly being
delivered in a bad Pentecostal style. They are received with awkward
“amens!” and “that’s rights!,” shouted by a literal captive audience in
the Hammer House. Bodyguards wielding small bats flank “the Commander”
on each side, while they rant excitedly, like a scene from a Jim Jones
biopic. And like the People’s Temple, there doesn’t seem to be anything
tying these many threads together into a coherent worldview, except the
cynical hope of gathering the biggest flock for the leader’s hidden
purpose.
And what is that purpose? Is Gazi just playing dress-up here? What does
Gazi really believe? Are they an African Internationalist and
dialectical materialist, or are they some kind of Social Gospel
minister, or what?
It seems that the major political contradiction in Black Hammer, that
will probably contribute to its death in a matter of months or weeks, is
that its membership understands itself to be a communist organization;
but its “Commander” has no principles at all--political, ethical, or
otherwise. Gazi likes to dress up for an audience, they like to be seen
and heard, and admired; Gazi likes money and sex, and going to the club,
and humiliating and wielding power over others. Gazi likes to inflict
pain and to be feared. And these appear to be the real reasons behind
their hard-nosed “Commander” image, and their calls for
dictatorship--not communism, not national liberation.
In fact, Gazi’s nearest ideological affinity is with fascism, as can be
seen in countless screenshots of private conversations that reveal
Augustus as, among other things, an anti-African, an ableist, a
misogynist, a transphobe, an anti-Semite.
We can reproduce horrible statements like these ad nauseum. But at a
minimum, it’s clear that no individual like this should have “command”
over an organization dedicated to the liberation of African and all
oppressed people, to the liberation of trans folks from murderous phobic
violence, to the relentless fight against the fascism that murders Black
and white Jews alike.
Given all that we have said about Augustus Romain so far, one would have
to question whether they can be trusted in any position of
responsibility at all, let alone in politics. Yet as we will see in Part
2, detailing the rise of Black Hammer and the #2BFrank scandal, Gazi was
not only entrusted with leadership; they were enabled in some of their
most pathological tendencies, at a decisive moment for the fate of Black
Hammer--and not only by individuals within the organization.
---
By Kylie Marsh
(Editorial Note: Red Voice observes the principle of self-determination
for oppressed nations, along with the movement for Indigenous
sovereignty all over the world. Though we roundly reject the
anti-Semitic views of Gazi Kodzo concerning Jews of any color--including
whites--we affirm that Israel is a settler-colonial nation-state that
needs to be dismantled, for the liberation of Palestinian people as well
as the non-white Jews of that state, who suffer from an inferior,
neocolonial form of second-class citizenship.)
---
The social media career of Gazi Kodzo can be seen as a desperate chase
for attention, that grows more and more tasteless with each passing
year.
Even now, when the entire US left has severed ties with Black Hammer,
and they stand accused of serious crimes that have landed other cult
leaders in prison for decades, Gazi is still lost in the clout chase,
hoping to get famous by tagging rapper Nicki Minaj in bizarre
anti-vaxxing protests held by their organization, which has been reduced
to a step-ladder to Gazi’s own celebrity.
Black Hammer Organization was not always like this, clay in the hands of
a wannabe influencer. The organization is relatively new, having only
been founded in 2019 by a group of leftists who broke off from groups
like Black Lives Matter, The New Black Panther Party and African
People’s Socialist Party (APSP). As we learned in interviews, many of
these individuals struggled with Gazi to make BHO into a serious
revolutionary organization. But as we will see in this section, Gazi
used their pseudo-celebrity and the fleeting benefits of their
clout-chasing tactics to turn Black Hammer into a social media cult,
whose ultimate goal was not Black and colonized liberation, but simply
fame for the largely untalented Augustus Romain.
---
The 35-year-old known as Gazi Kodzo (born Augustus Romain, Jr.), was
ousted from the African People’s Socialist Party near the end of 2018,
following a vote of the party leadership. Apart from multiple abuses of
their office, including allegations of sexual harassment and misconduct,
we are told by Comrade Shupavu that a major reason for Gazi’s removal
was their flair for needlessly provocative, click-bait social media
content, that drew negative attention to the Party. (At one point,
Shupavu remarkably claims, Gazi wanted the Party to agree to a VH1
reality show about Gazi’s life as a leader in a Black revolutionary
movement!)
Gazi’s story is different, stating that they personally elected to leave
the organization in several videos on their YouTube channel. In a late
2018 video, Romain said they’d left the APSP and started a new chapter
in their life to create something better, “like when Beyonce left
Destiny’s Child, when Tina Turner left Ike and when Diana Ross left The
Supremes.”
Gazi has always been a controversial presence on social media, starting
back in 2006 when their YouTube channel went under the name Smiletone.
Though they have been on YouTube for some 15 years, they have only
managed to amass 44.1K followers on the platform.
They also have accounts on TikTok, a private Twitter account, and public
Instagram and Facebook accounts.
Today, despite their Diana Ross delusions, their YouTube channel
Commander Gazi shows a depressing lack of growth. The channel’s most
popular video, entitled “White People Are Paying Reparations,” has 1.4
million views, but was uploaded in 2016, and dates back to their time in
Uhuru. Gazi claimed the videos are still earning them revenue in a Zoom
meeting of Black Hammer membership on the 9^(th) of September. But
ex-members who previously had access to Romain’s social media accounts
posted on Twitter that they currently fail to bring in more than $5 USD
a month from the platform. Their second most popular YouTube video has
only 209K views and was uploaded in 2015.
According to one of our ex-Hammer sources, Comrade Pat, who is Gazi’s
former social media director, the vast majority of those subscribers are
white supremacists that tune in from time to time to laugh at Gazi, who
is an easy straw man for the Black liberation movement that they want to
violently suppress. Gazi apparently enjoys the attention, and has even
uploaded a video where they claim, with a wide smile, to have given
birth to Black Hammer and to the Proud Boys, who supposedly formed in
the comments section of Gazi’s YouTube channel. (In their typically
tasteless way, they state that they have given birth to “two bad
bitches,” with the implication that Black Hammer and the Proud Boys are
on an even plane, or that there is something commendable about the Proud
Boys, a far-right, white supremacist militia.)
Almost immediately, Gazi began associating their “political” movement
not just with the goal of becoming famous, but also with crowdfunding
for liberation projects that never materialize, in the meantime
allegedly providing a stream of income to support Gazi’s excessive
lifestyle.
The “Black Power Project,” organized on GoFundMe, was likely the first
seed that grew into the Black Hammer Organization. This fund only
managed to amass a little under four thousand dollars, though its goal
was to raise ten thousand “by the end of 2019.” The Black Power Project
promised free services including treatment and testing for HIV and
Hepatitis. None of this has taken place, and the “Project” has since
been forgotten.
But it was Gazi’s penchant for bizarre and sadistic political
commentary, rather than their humanitarian cons, that would propel them
and their organization to infamy, which Gazi seems to identify with
fame.
Black Hammer first gained national attention in April 2020 by rustling
the feathers of leftists, liberals, and right-wingers alike, after Gazi
tweeted a middle finger emoji followed by the name of Anne Frank,
calling her a “Becky” and a “Karen,” derogatory terms used for racist,
unkind, pearl-clutching White women. Viral responses to Romain’s tweet
came from other communists and websites like StopAntiSemitism.Org.
There was a section of the Black left that was highly critical of this
statement. Who mocks the death of a young Jewish girl at the hands of
the same fascism that wants to liquidate all non-white humanity? What
African tradition revels in the suffering and death of those who are not
old enough to decide which side to take in the fight against
colonialism, capitalism and fascism?
Who would do something like this? Augustus Romain, the lifelong clout
chaser, who thinks all publicity is good publicity, as long as it puts
all eyes on Gussy. But it didn’t seem to serve any special political
objective, until Gazi’s enablers went to work.
The organization’s membership scrambled to politicize the issue, doing
their best to dig up negative information about the young Holocaust
victim’s family. Romain’s incendiary, and frankly (pardon the pun)
anti-Semitic tweet was sent in April of last year. By June, it was
called “truthful and crucial for the decolonial revolution” by the Black
Hammer Times (Black Hammer’s tabloid-esque news publication).
Members who should have known better now drew parallels with James
Baldwin and Malcolm X, who in their own time were criticized as
anti-Semitic for their commentary on Black-Jewish relations; not
stopping to note the difference in tone and target in Gazi’s statement.
Members who were more well-read than Gazi cited the poet Aime Cesaire’s
passages on the greater African Holocaust in the Congo “Free State,”
forgetting that Cesaire’s purpose was to show the origins of fascism in
European colonialism--not to dismiss the horror that victims of the
European Holocaust had also suffered.
But Black Hammer members were not alone in this misinterpretation of
events. Members of more established Black and colonized political
organizations, such as Anticonquista, All-African People’s Revolutionary
Party, and Black Alliance for Peace, also tweeted statements in support
or defense of Romain’s comments; understandably in response to White
leftists on the internet criticizing Black leadership, not because of
their own anti-Semitism.
Here is one of Gazi’s few talents on full display: manipulating comrades
with otherwise good intentions, who see an opportunity to inject Black
and colonized histories into the mainstream, whereas Gazi sees only the
chance to have thousands talking about them. The tweet supposedly
highlighted what Gazi felt was hypocrisy on the part of US educational
system, which largely ignores its own historical attempts at
State-mandated genocide against African and Native peoples. But former
Chief of Staff Savvy told us that Gazi was simply being anti-Semitic
(possibly without really understanding how), and a pseudo- PR team of
Hammers worked to politicize the scandal after the tweet was released.
The Hammer Times article continued this narrative by playing a game of
Oppression Olympics, asking readers “what makes Anne Frank’s story so
tragic while the lives of our young, Colonized girls taken at the hands
of this imperialist beast, go unnoticed?” The article continues to
reference more of Gazi’s tweets, threading a narrative that absolved
them of anti-Semitism. (Notice that Gazi did not use this opportunity to
uplift the names of Harriet Jacobs, Aiyana Jones, or any other prominent
Black women victims of slavery and domestic colonialism over the past
500 years--only to dance on Anne Frank’s unmarked grave.)
To add more insult to injury, a month after the Anne Frank controversy
opened up, Kevin “Rashid” Johnson, Minister of Defense of the
Revolutionary Intercommunal Black Panther Party, and a celebrated
political prisoner, theoretician and organizer, published his own expose
on Black Hammer Organization. Johnson’s article was a scathing review of
Romain’s character and fascist outlook, making plain their compulsion to
manipulate, lie, and throw any moral conscience out the window to get
their way. Every tactic was exposed in Agents of Disruption and
Deception.
“Operation Storm of White Tears” (OSWT) was a leaked internal document
from BHO, laying out a highly cynical strategy to divide and weaken
communist organizations throughout the US, simply to improve the overall
standing of Black Hammer; and to catapult BHO to fame, which is
literally presented as the organization’s objective, by manufacturing
Anne Frank-style controversies, then neutralizing criticism by playing
on victimhood narratives of the membership.
OSWT began when Rashid and other comrades raised criticisms against
Gazi’s “Anne Frank” Tweet. This is par for the course with them. The
document is supposed to be Black Hammer protocol, but it serves just as
well for a profile of the conscious-wrecker outlook of Gazi Kodzo. Had
the US left taken this document more seriously, had we listened to
Rashid, we could have saved ourselves and Black Hammer members much
heartache down the line.
In response to Rashid’s principled criticisms, Gazi lashed out angrily,
revealing the lie behind their stated “prison abolitionist” ideals,
tarring Rashid as a so-called “jailbird,” before manufacturing a
ridiculous rumor that Rashid was not a real human being, but a fictional
character created by a white leftist called Tom Watts. Not being
satisfied with this, Gazi then deputized one of their most despicable
followers to masquerade as a white woman named “Olivia,” who “exposed”
the details of an illicit affair with Rashid in a Medium article that
has since been taken down. Members of the Panther Solidarity
Organization quickly traced this profile back to one Alyx McCoy, a white
man posing as Indigenous, and an alleged sexual abuser, about whom we
will have more to say shortly.
Members who have left or been shut out of Black Hammer give the same
testimony as Rashid: they raised a criticism against Gazi’s leadership
or decisions made for the organization, to which Gazi responded with
prompt and absolute expulsion and character assassination.
From inability to take any criticism at all and calling ex-members and
dissenters federal agents of the United States, to their distorted
self-perception, grandiosity, and crypto-fascism, Johnson’s article
proves that Gazi and Black Hammer have not updated their tactics.
---
While Jewish folks straddle the line between White and Brown Middle
Easterners in the United States, the cultural-ethnic position of Anne
Frank and the Jews of Central Europe facing genocide and imperialism
(which go hand in hand) was not White, as Hitler and the volkisch race
theorists understood only too well.
Even liberals understand that the White supremacist concept of race is
malleable; it must adapt to fulfill the needs of the White, capitalist,
imperialist nation. Leftists should have already mastered this concept.
Though instances of clarity and factual understanding are rare for Gazi,
what they have to say about the word “genocide” is true. The United
Nations passed the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the
Crime of Genocide (or just Genocide Convention for short) at the close
of the Second World War. Similarly late, the United Nations did not
adopt the Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples until 2007; the
nations which voted against at the time were the settler-colonial
nations of the United States, Australia, Canada and New Zealand.
Unfortunately, this is where the facts end and the nonsense resumes.
Anyone who has studied history understands that Jews were legally and
culturally excluded from identifying with White Christian nations since
the early Medieval period. It was the mere existence of Judaism that
helped created a stark division between groups of people who may appear
today in the West with similar phenotypes. White supremacy, at its
genesis, was formed by this distinction (along with the cultural
struggle against the African Moors in Southern Europe).
Even in the US, where white Jews have historically attained to the
status of the “white ethnic” and enjoy most of the same privileges as
their white Gentile counterparts in the settler-colonial project, the
whiteness of Jewish people has always been up for debate in moments of
national crisis.
For example, anti-war demonstrations across the United States demanded
the government not get involved in World War II, despite the fact that
protesters self-identified as anti-fascist. The America First Committee,
formed in 1940, had bipartisan support: at its peak, its membership
topped 800 thousand, and included notable anti-Semites like Charles
Lindbergh and Henry Ford. Lindbergh later advocated that the plight of
the Jewish people was not enough to enter a war that ultimately was not
within national interest.
American journalists diligently reported the plight of German Jews in
the 1930s. The United States refused some European Jewish refugees in
1940. In public opinion polls sourced by the United States Holocaust
Memorial and Museum, half of American respondents thought that the fact
that two million Jews had been murdered “was just a rumor.” The United
States remained neutral until its naval base at Pearl Harbor in the
colonized nation of Hawaii was targeted by Japan, one of the axis
powers. After all, the threat of fascism was an ocean away.
That the United States entered the war on the pretense that it morally
opposed fascism is retroactive damage-control. The United States didn’t
enter the war until it was directly provoked. Therefore, Gazi’s claim
that the US only sprang into action in the Second World War because of
the Whiteness of the Holocaust victims couldn’t be further from the
truth.
Though today in the United States Jews fill a space between White and
other, Anne Frank was not White at the time of the Holocaust, and the US
did not enter the war to liberate her or her people. This scandal is one
example of a pattern of Black Hammer’s only praxis: do anything
outrageous to gain media attention and clout to rein in more vulnerable
marginalized people.
---
With typical exaggeration, The Hammer Times claims that the organization
has over 700 members. Comrade Savvy has said there are chapters all over
the world. But there is no clear indication on the website, nor anywhere
else, of just how many chapters there are, and in which countries they
operate; and on Twitter, Savvy has loudly mocked Black Hammer’s claim
that they have “hundreds of members” in their dying org.
What kind of movement really developed in the shadow of Gazi Kodzo’s
clout chase?
The Black Hammer Organization began as a movement for Black Power, using
“Black Power” as their call- and- response cult mantra, and using the
red, black and green color scheme of the Garveyite flag. But the Black
Hammer of today claims they work for the equality and liberation of “all
colonized people,” a line that was conveniently adopted as the org
hemorrhaged Black members and began mass-recruiting White Latine and
non-Black people of color.
The cult even changed its discipline-inducing mantra to “Land Back,”
appropriated from the Six Nations movement in Ontario for Indigenous
sovereignty, and right on time for its “Hammer City” campaign. According
to Comrade Xiuh, Gazi had simply heard her enthusiastically repeating
this slogan from the Six Nations land disputes with the settlers of
Caledonia, and decided to make it the mantra of the entire organization,
without any understanding of or consultation with First Nations on how
best to support their fight against the settler-colony.
The clout- chasing nature of Gazi and their cult of personal followers
is only exacerbated by the attention they have received on social media.
Gazi is known to impulse-post, sacrificing their so-called
“revolutionary” and “liberatory” leftist politics to gain clicks, views,
follows, and clout.
After offending Jews and their allies by making anti-Semitic remarks
against Anne Frank, the so-called “Black Hitler” was rebranded as
“leader of the anti-White revolution” on the Hammer Times.
In 2020, during the height of the COVID outbreak, oppression visibly
crystalized around the Black lumpen, leading to revolts in nearly every
major US city. To young folks who happened to see Romain and his
personal cult on social media, Black Hammer signaled a point of exit
from the pandemic, from educational, healthcare, housing, nutritional
and employment inequity that characterizes their struggle.
Membership (which relies on payment of dues as big as $100 dollars
monthly) and donations flooded to the cult through the website.
Gazi was even legitimized by appearing on Fox News and Newsmax, two
mainstream right-wing “news” programs. The Black Hammer Organization was
used to strengthen fears amongst White reactionaries in the United
States against leftist politics.
“All press is good press” is the only mantra Gazi follows in the daily
public relations of their organization, despite the plagiarized core
tenets on their website. Sadly, Gazi remains at the top of alt-right
uncensored hate forums, and one can only guess that they also make up a
significant portion of donations, views, clicks are hate watching and
mockery. This phenomenon has not only made people laugh at Black Hammer,
but their insistence on being the front and center or “main character”
of Communist political bodies in the United States has made a mockery of
all leftists in the United States.
Principled communists know that liberation comes from organization of
the community. The collective good takes precedence over the individual.
That is the core value. Yet everything that Gazi has done in the past,
and will do in the future, is solely for their own selfish, subjective,
petit-bourgeois goal of being well-known. Gazi does not care whether
they are known for being “Black Hitler,” a modeling agent, a Hollywood
pimp, or a Nicki Minaj stan--as long as they are known.
Nothing is off-limits for the elite leadership of Black Hammer. There
are no morals, no manners, or boundaries when it comes to their dirty
strategy of slander, and allegedly, harassment, exploitation of sex
work, and outright sexual violence are all fair game.
This provides more damning context for Black Hammer Rally #63, the
“revolutionary consent” rally. Black Hammer Chief “Turey,” also known as
Alyx McCoy, self-criticized and admitted to being guilty of sexual
assault. Comrade Xiuh was present at the meeting.
“It was never put in any detail. Alyx McCoy’s allegations were very kept
under wraps,” she said.
“I had tried to speak to Gazi about Alyx McCoy’s behavior for a while,
but, once again, I was afraid to speak up against another comrade –
especially a chief.”
Our team was able to speak with several sources, some of which choose to
remain anonymous, that confirm this testimony. Perhaps most
disturbingly, Alyx McCoy is still a part of cult leadership, living
comfortably amongst Romain and other cult members in the Atlanta “Hammer
House,” even appearing in photo-ops in a desperate show of lingering
support for Gazi’s leadership.
“Why is this person who is an admitted sexual abuser remaining in the
org?” Xiuh asked.
Good question.
Just last month, members who were ousted from the organization were
slandered in the Hammer Times as “pedophiles” and their “apologists.”
This makes even less sense when confronted with the fact that Black
Hammer purports to be staunchly anti-State, constantly using rhetoric of
“infiltration” by “the feds” to explain away membership turnover; yet
uses the government names of any of its critics in their slander
campaigns. In a Tuesday rally livestreamed to YouTube, Romain also
advocated reporting the allegations of pedophilia to the police.
According to Savvy, Gazi used the false allegations of pedophilia
against an ex-Hammer member and their supporters as a way to regain
power in the organization, after having been near-unanimously voted from
their “Commander-In-Chief” position by the International Central
Committee (ICC), the democratic-centralist leading body of the
organization. (More details on this contradiction will be revealed in
Pt. 3.) Gazi claimed to have recorded audio evidence from a past meeting
in which the accused admitted to sexually assaulting children at a
daycare center. “Put a thumbs up reaction if you remember that meeting,”
Gazi commanded to participants in the Zoom meeting. Interestingly, the
audio has never been released, though Gazi hypocritically insists on
recorded evidence of any abuse allegations made against themselves.
And the hypocrisy in BHO truly has no end. It includes use of
patriarchal forms of sexuality and objectification to recruit new
members, even going so far as to suggest Xiuh create an NSFW OnlyFans
account to fund the cult.
“Gazi would never outright say that they want someone to do sex work,
but he would say that people should make an OnlyFans and do sex work to
fund the organization under their own consent,” she said.
Savvy echoed this, saying that organization “outreach” took shape in the
form of dressing up provocatively and going out to clubs and bars in
Atlanta. Gazi encouraged cult members to flirt with the public to
recruit members, as well as purchase marijuana for them.
She also said this is why the Black Hammer Instagram account featured
provocative and semi-nude photos for “Man Crush Mondays,” “Woman Crush
Wednesdays” and even a gender-neutral “Them Crush Thursdays.”
This thread of using sexuality to recruit new members reportedly turned
more ominous, when a former BH chief admitted to using Tinder to recruit
new members, to which Gazi said, “that sounds like a great idea”
(according to Xiuh’s account). Savvy herself was banned from the
platform for doing this. In a recent video, since taken down from the
Commander Gazi YouTube channel, titled “Abundance is Our Future,” the
then-Black Hammer cyber-recruitment chief advocates for making
Tinder-based recruitment a regular practice; though according to nearly
everyone we interviewed, this had already been informally practiced and
encouraged in the org for a long time.
The tactic of drawing in members and funds to a political or religious
organization by using the sexuality of its members is a highly dangerous
cult practice, that was pioneered by the Children of God cult in the
70’s, where it was called “flirty fishing.” The organization’s leader,
Moses David Berg, an infamous mass pedophile, spent decades on the run
from Interpol for numerous sex crimes, including sex trafficking, tied
to expanding the “flirty fishing” tactic overseas.
Apart from the obvious impropriety of enticing members into a political
organization through flirtation, this practice can lead to a number of
dangerous outcomes. Members could feel undue pressure to engage in
romantic or sexual relationships with new recruits whose main interest,
after all, was to find a date online. Individuals who are not at all
interested in politics could join the organization believing that they
have joined an extended dating pool, inviting sexual harassment and
assault. And as at least one former member has claimed, members could
feel compelled to turn over money raised from their CashApps as plugged
on their dating profiles, directly to the Black Hammer treasury.
All of this is incredibly risky stuff for marginalized gender (maGe)
members of the organization in particular. Nobody organizing for the
liberation of all workers--including sex workers--should feel pressure
to sexualize themselves for maximum recruitment, or to turn over the
proceeds of their sex work to a revolutionary organization.
Unfortunately, Black Hammer does not discriminate in the ages of those
they prey upon. Accused of exposing minors to sexually explicit content
on their Instagram page, leadership insisted to Xiuh that Black Hammer’s
official organization documents have always required that members be 18
years of age or older. Gazi assured her that there is a consent form for
the parents of individuals who are 16 and older to sign.
Xiuh used the Wayback Machine to check the archive of the Black Hammer
website. To her dismay, this was a lie – the age restriction had been
changed after the age controversy.
“It was a complete fabrication. There was no document that said minors
couldn’t be in the organization,” she said. “When they were getting a
bunch of flack for that accusation, they changed it on the fly. I
believed it because I believed no one would do something so shitty.
Seriously, we’re dealing with people’s kids now.”
Just when you think there is a limit to the depravity of this cult’s
actions, there is yet another page to be turned; another scandal to be
uncovered.
And another scam, too, which is exactly what the utopian project of
Hammer City became in the hands of the lifelong liar and thief, Augustus
Romain, Jr.
---
At the age of 25, Xiuh was fed up with White leftist leadership in
organizing spaces. She was also in a position of vulnerability (like
most of the cult’s victims), wrestling on and off with houselessness.
Having been present at the Standing Rock conflict, Black Hammer’s loud
cry for decolonization drew her to the cult in late 2019.
“At first at least, people were generally nice,” she said. “It seemed
like a group where we could protect each other, and we did.”
Black Hammer suffers from a dearth of members despite claiming to have
chapters all over the nation and the world; new members are only rank
and file for a short period until being appointed by Gazi to be Chiefs
or Ministers. Quickly after joining, Xiuh gained a leadership position
on the Land Liberator Council, which was tasked with researching
location and necessities for the autonomous commune known as “Hammer
City.”
Xiuh, being of Mexican and Puerto Rican descent, but (wrongly) believing
that she was also Anishinaabe based on a family story, was a victim of
one of Gazi’s preferred recruitment tactics, in which they play
white-passing and white Latine people’s guilt like a fiddle.
Gazi’s habit of being directly and aggressively racist against
Indigenous and African people showed itself when they asked Xiuh to take
an ancestry test to prove her blood quantum. When she discovered that,
in fact, her grandmother’s claim about Anishinaabe heritage was
incorrect, Xiuh decided to step down from Land Liberators. But according
to her account, Gazi and Secretary-General Anco--whose own claims of
Indigeneity are a matter of controversy--insisted that she remain on
board, and even conceal the truth about her ancestry.
“If you are Mexican [like me] or any kind of Latin American, they want
you to claim you are Indigenous,” Xiuh says about the reductive and
degrading practice of the Black Hammer Organization.
According to Comrade Savvy, the Hammer City project as approved by the
ICC was originally supposed to be a more communal project set up in the
tropical zone of the US South. However, Gazi’s own aspirations for
Hammer City were solidified after showing the membership the Netflix
documentary “Wild Wild Country,” which details the years-long violent
confrontation between the destructive, pro-capitalist Rajneeshi cult and
the United States government, over a swath of land they purchased in
Oregon and called “Rajneeshpuram.”
Gradually, Xiuh claims, she was snubbed by Party leadership, who
rejected her recommendations for dialogue with and consent from
Indigenous nations in each of the proposed locations for the Hammer City
site. Soon, she was removed from chats and her messages were ignored,
and the process was taken over by the ICC. (It is important to note that
Comrade Savvy’s account conflicts in some respects with Xiuh’s. In Pt. 3
we will provide Savvy’s full testimony, perhaps the most harrowing
account of Black Hammer membership on record.)
---
There would be no public signs of Black Hammer’s decline from the
“#2BFrank” peak until late spring 2021, when two highly-respected
comrades within the org--Comrades Pat and Jack--released a YouTube video
denouncing Black Hammer as an abusive cult. But in addition to some
admittedly good work that was done by Hammers on the ground, crucial
elements for Black Hammer’s fall are all here, in its year-plus of
“wins”: fraud, coercion, alt-right clickbait tactics, sexual abuse,
harassment and exploitation, exposing minors to sexually explicit
content, and manipulating people in the movement to provide cover for
their destructive cult behavior.
The events described in this article only peel back a few layers of the
onion. Every day, new information is revealed, more Hammers disaffiliate
with the cult, and Gazi comes up with new schemes to assassinate the
character of their enemies.
In their latest cry for attention, the Hammers staged a laughable
protest against vaccinations, riding the wave of media chatter over
Nicki Minaj’s tweets advocating against COVID vaccinations. This makes
sense, considering that Nicki Minaj has a reputation for sexual abuse
apologetics, and given the leadership’s history of arbitrarily deciding
which sexual assaults are grounds for expulsion from the cult.
Without raising alarm about Augustus Romain and the Hammers, the cycle
of chasing grift after grift will continue. More people will be taken
advantage of and face trauma, wasting their precious time being swindled
into being Romain’s personal followers rather than doing actual work to
liberate any community from the oppression of White supremacy,
capitalism, and imperialism. What can be viler than that?
---
[Content Warning: this article, the last part of a three-part exposé on
the destructive cult known as Black Hammer Organization, describes
alleged cases of kidnapping, domestic violence, extreme labor
exploitation, sexual manipulation and harassment, verbal and physical
abuse, and a number of other disturbing anecdotes about life in the
Atlanta Hammer House. Please include this warning when re-sharing the
link or any parts of this article.]
“You Don’t Play With Revolution” (CLR James)
Comrades Pat and Jack were basically the last straw for BHO’s integrity,
for its spirit of internal criticism and respect for African people.
Once Pat was being pushed out of Gazi’s office, Comrade Savvy tells us,
it became obvious to her (and everyone else we talked to) that something
was seriously wrong with Black Hammer. When the couple went to YouTube
and denounced BHO as a cult, that’s when Gussy’s mask started slipping
for real.
Pat is a vivacious school teacher and graphic designer from Brooklyn,
with an infectious laugh and easygoing manner. Jack is a professionally
trained music teacher from Harlem, and a Lukumi initiate, under the
Orisha Oya--deity of the wind and storms, of birth and death, all of
which carry together in their voice.
The relationship is strong, indomitable really. It was their love for
each other, and their reverence for the egungun (ancestors), that
finally pulled them away from the Black Hammer Organization, which
wanted to trample on both sacred bonds.
Pat joined first; then Jack joined the movement, once their year-long
rites of religious initiation were complete. “I was in [Gazi’s] office
for a long time,” Pat explains. “Then [Gazi] wanted me to be their
social media director, which I did for three months.”
In that position, Pat would quickly learn that Gazi’s lauded YouTube
career was based almost entirely on white supremacist subscribers, who
checked in from time to time to see if there was anything as
cringeworthy as Gazi’s “Reparations” video--still their biggest hit,
dating from 2016. After reviewing months of receipts, Pat was forced to
conclude that Gazi’s lifestyle was mainly supported by the
organization’s treasury, since their YouTube ad revenue never rose above
$15 a month.
That treasury was fed by round-the-clock free labor by Pat and Jack, and
dozens more serious militants like them, in a cultic pattern known as
the spiral of escalating commitment.
Comrade Jack describes the couple’s increasing investment in an
unrealistic, mind-numbing workload, one that’s designed to break Black
militants down to work mules.
“The workload was crazy. We were working twenty-hour days, even checking
in to BHO at our colonial jobs.”
Pat describes having to change their lens prescription, because of the
damage done to their eyes from staring so long at computer screens
during online cadre meetings, which could last from six to eight hours
on a weekly basis.
“The reason it was easy for people who are smart to get involved [to
this degree] is because we think about the revolution, and how much it
requires of your time and energy, and how much [of that] will have to be
directed against your [colonial] enemy,” Jack clarifies. “Some
uncomfortable and heavy work might be necessary to take on the enemy.”
Though they worked harder than many to make BHO run, their real
dedication was to national liberation, to the African Nation that they
held sacred--not to a personality, not to an organization.
“We are dedicated to the revolution. We weren’t “Gazi-ites.” We are
children of the revolution and understand the need for it. We work
colonial jobs [as educators] and understand how that [work] affects the
future, so we do what we can to implant the message into the children.”
The couple explains that the impossible workload took a toll on their
relationship, that it affected Jack’s artistic endeavors, and how they
struggled through all that to realize the organization’s potential for
building “dual contending power” to the colonial system. But it was an
uphill battle, strategized by a petty-bou “Commander” with no realistic
sense of the labor process for working-class Africans.
“A lot of the workload came from incompetence, and leadership not giving
the rank- and- file the ability to learn and grow about the things they
were actually [supposed to be] doing,” Pat tells us, with a note of
sadness for what could have been.
“A lot of this [also] came from Gazi’s sporadic nature. All of a sudden
everybody has to [drop what they’re doing and] beef with Conscious Lee
[the TikTok star]. It got to the point where I was in cadre circles
saying that this has to stop, you’re stretching people too far. [The
office of] social media was doing literally ten posts a day, and people
were on the verge of trying to commit suicide.”
As social media director, Pat was responsible for producing every single
live show for Black Hammer Organization, which broadcasts on nearly a
daily basis.
But Gazi wasn’t driving people to these lengths from pure malice or
greed. “Gazi was doing that so people wouldn’t have time to ask
questions about other things [in the organization],” Pat explains.
This is another well-known pattern of destructive cults: plunging people
into so much work that they don’t have time to question the breakneck
pace and abusive conduct of their leadership. Dr. Janja Lalich, renowned
sociologist and survivor of the Democratic Workers Party (a US-based
Maoist cult from the 70’s), lists overwork of membership as a
“mind-altering practice,” one among fifteen of the prime characteristics
of a cult.
Another key cult characteristic is that “[q]uestioning, doubt, and
dissent are discouraged or even punished,” and according to Pat and
Jack, this feature was fully on display in BHO.
“It was considered ‘gossip’ if you complained [about workload or
leadership], and you would be held to criticism; you would be treated as
though you were trying to start a coup if you raised concerns.”
Disturbing as those details may be, there is another, more ominous side
to Black Hammer, as Pat and Jack describe it. Not content with a
dictatorship over the material lives and labor of their membership,
“CIC” Gazi now has spiritual pretensions, and wants to own the literal
souls of BHO members.
The couple describe accounts of a special room in the Atlanta “Hammer
House,” confirmed by several of their contacts, where members are forced
to sign over their literal souls at gunpoint. According to one visitor,
“entering that room was like entering another realm, another source.”
This claim seems shocking at first. Most people think of Black Hammer as
strictly a political cult; and communists are used to militant atheism
in our abusive microsects, not to dark magic.
Yet as we explained in Pt. 1 of our expose, Black Hammer truly aims to
be a one-stop fraud shop. Augustus--Gussy for short--is nothing else if
not a performer; so they have recently decided to play spiritual guru,
too. In that role they stomp on Africa’s religious traditions as
foolishly and disdainfully as on its history and politics.
That is the real meaning behind this unsettling cult video by Black
Hammer, released in 2020. In the video, Gazi bounces around the stage
like a whole theater kid on Tina, wearing full Joker makeup, taunting
white anarchists, and laughing over the death of Anne Frank; while
silent, anonymous goons stand guard in the back, like shock troops in a
DC cartoon.
When viewers mocked Gussy’s reveal as Earth’s lamest super-villain,
members of Black Hammer shot back angrily that this was, in fact, an
“Esu invocation,” that Gazi was really channeling the Yoruba
trickster-deity. By a stroke of gaslight magic, Gazi’s critics were now
failing to show adequate respect to African traditions.
Only, less naive viewers had noticed that there were none of the
traditional effects of an Ifa ceremony on that stage--no ritual
garments, no drum, no altar or offerings, no officiating Babalawo.
As it turns out, Gazi had consulted with Pat and Jack prior to doing the
video, and then directly ignored their instructions for doing the event
as an authentic Ifa ritual.
“Gazi did that invocation against literally every recommendation from
the Babalawo [we had consulted],” Jack explains. “We were on the phone
with Gazi for two hours, and then the next day they did this live, four
days ahead of schedule.”
This cavalier approach to Ifa practices was deeply concerning to the
couple, who take their ancestral faith very seriously, and had hoped to
bring what they called a spiritual quadrant (or Squad) into Black Hammer
Organization. Seeing the power in the idea, and probably sensing the
threat in Jack’s spiritual leadership, Gazi began incorporating more
religious themes into their revolutionary role-playing, but in a way
that trivialized and cut corners with African traditional cosmology.
“You can’t use a deity that people actually worship as a caricature,”
Jack insists. “Esu is the elemental force of the universe.” Here was
Gazi the consummate fool, playing games with the OG trickster; not
knowing they might get played right back, in ways they can’t recover
from.
Still, candlelight vigils divorced from any ritual, pseudo-“traditional”
name changes based on Google searches, and other forms of ersatz African
religion started creeping into the org’s practices.
It’s probably not a coincidence that, as Gazi began stealing and
diluting spiritual practices from Jack, and as Pat was transitioned to a
role in the Political Education and Command Committee (PECC), key org
leadership began actively trying to drive a wedge between the couple,
and that these actions took a specifically antiblack form.
The contradiction reached a head when two key non-Black chiefs in the
Secretary General’s office grew nervous at Pat and Jack’s influence,
since they saw the couple as a threat to their positions, and therefore
to their income. Select leadership of BHO, including Secretary General
Anco and his partner, were receiving a discreet monthly allowance from
the Treasury, that the rest of the org did not know about. They were
also singularly bad at their jobs, and highly abusive to comrades. They
owed their positions mainly to their sycophantic relationship to Gazi.
“We were effective in the org and that’s why we were a problem,” Jack
explains. Pat claims that they were a voice of reason in the org, always
trying to ensure that too-ambitious plans of action were checked by a
realistic sense of what could be done with the org’s time and resources.
The couple felt that non-Black “Gazi-ites” resented their influence, and
also resented their lane-guarding for Black people.
“We were constantly having to tell [non-black leadership] to stay out of
Black folk’s business. At the point I had joined, all the founding
members [who were Black] had left. The org had transitioned into a
policy of “colonized unity,” which is fine, but at the same time
antiblackness is at the core of the colonial struggle. Then eventually
[antiblackness] started disappearing from the conversation.”
During one especially tense meeting, which had carried on until 2 AM,
Pat was being harshly criticized by Anco and Sante, neither of whom are
Black, for assigning the “wrong” Political Education (PE) material for
the org, Harriet Washington’s Medical Apartheid. At that point, Jack
could see that Pat was being railroaded by jealous leadership, and
loudly intervened to defend their partner.
“If I gotta cuss you out it’s not for no reason. You are coming for mine
in a way that is violent. Out of respect for you imma tell you the
truth, instead of doing what I would with enemies.”
Symbolically, SG Anco tried to force a Black woman comrade who was
transcribing the meeting to stop reacting to Pat and Jack’s unjust
treatment, to stay quiet about the entire exchange and not to say
“anything to anybody” about what happened there. After that night, Black
Hammer officially stopped keeping minutes at its meetings.
This conflict was the breaking point. “Black” Hammer was now giving more
Beige than Black. Soon after, they left the org they had done so much to
bring others into. Jack had created the signature, gospel-inspired
jingle that started each Black Hammer broadcast; had introduced
much-needed African spirituality and ethics to the org. Pat had brought
a high level of political education to the Hammers, and cutting-edge
graphic design to their social media content.
Then Pat and Jack released a widely-shared video explaining the many
reasons they felt that Black Hammer is a cult. To some comrades, it was
the death-knell of the organization. All the problems that Pat and Jack
had identified--financial mismanagement and lack of transparency; a
burgeoning personality cult propped up by abusive bureaucrats; a highly
exploitative and unrealistic workload; a vacuum of any kind of ethical
or spiritual principles in Gazi’s inner circle, and also their unabashed
antiblackness--all that would only get worse once these comrades left.
In our final and most harrowing testimony, from Comrade Savvy, we will
see how these deformed traits of a revolutionary org all converged in a
special way, to make the life of a young, working-class Black woman into
a perfect hell.
---
Savvy was 23 when she first discovered Black Hammer. She was newly
unemployed, fired up, and looking to get involved in the Black freedom
struggle in a more serious way. Throwing herself into the George Floyd
protests in her city, she soon began to feel that her understanding of
politics was inadequate. Like young Black militants in each generation,
she was looking for answers, and not finding them in the power
structure.
Then she discovered Black Hammer through their social media content.
“I saw the way they politicized the paparazzi-style stuff that our
people are drawn to. They were making politics digestible [for everyday
people].”
She attended an org meeting, where she met powerful comrades with
inviting personalities and sharp political analyses. She saw the
excellent outreach work that was being done by local chapters, like
handing out protective personal equipment (PPE), and assembling water
filtration devices to fight the contaminated water crisis in
majority-Black cities. Savvy had found her political home, a base from
which to build “dual contending power” against the colonial system.
She did not know who Gazi was when she first joined. She was a Hammer
because she wanted to liberate her people, not because of her love of
celebrity or desire for clout. But through hard work and personal
sacrifice, she would very quickly rise through the ranks of Black
Hammer, eventually becoming Gazi’s social media coordinator. It was
during her transition into that office that Savvy’s opinion of Gazi
started to take definite shape.
“All of [my experience with BHO] was good except for Gazi. We were doing
legitimate work across the world. Gazi used that [collective] power to
flex on others, basically to say “I can do whatever the fuck I want to
do.””
Savvy began to notice that Gazi would pull comrades away from important
work, just so that they could swarm Gazi’s enemies in various Twitter
and Facebook beefs.
“Gazi was always good at trying to drag somebody. In the organization
[they] had [their] own Twitter squad. “Urgent message” would pop up in
the chat, and everybody had to go like and boost Gazi’s stuff.”
She also saw that Gazi was an expert manipulator, who would coach
subordinates in what to do and say in advance, then pretend that the
results of meetings were unrehearsed; that comrades were in spontaneous
unity with the Commander.
These manipulations affected Black Hammer’s entire structure, even at
the highest level. Although Black Hammer claimed to be a democratic
centralist organization, whose leading body was the International
Central Committee (ICC), Savvy claims that “the key people that they had
in Colorado were like the biggest wigs, the real ICC of the
organization.”
The first time that Savvy was “trapped” by Gazi, in fact, was when she
arrived in Colorado to help build Hammer City. “Once I got there,” she
says, “they said I’m not leaving.”
This would become a pattern for her, for other comrades, too. Gazi
wanted the power to relocate cadres as the organization (i.e., Gazi) saw
fit, sometimes not even alerting them of the decision until they arrived
at their new home for what was only supposed to be a visit.
Savvy would move a total of four times during her year-plus involvement
with Black Hammer. In all but one case, she was expected to cover the
travel expenses herself. (The one exception was the 26-hour drive from
Colorado to Atlanta, following the failure of Hammer City. Though she
suggests that being stuck in a car with Gazi on a cross-country trip has
its own high costs.)
In his well-known paper “Cult Formation” (1991), psychiatrist and cult
expert Robert Jay Lifton defines milieu control as the concerted effort
by a high-control organization to reduce the individual autonomy of its
members, to isolate them from outside sources of information and
dissenting opinions from the organization’s leadership--basically to
make the cult member fully dependent on the cult, for their maximum
financial, sexual, and other forms of exploitation.
This was exactly what Savvy was witnessing take place in Black Hammer at
this point in its development. In Colorado, Savvy did not yet have to
live in the run-down “Hammer House,” a basement apartment and makeshift
headquarters that Gazi then shared with three other cadre, though she
was expected to report there daily for work, at 8 AM sharp.
Already, she was being exposed to the high-control atmosphere that would
later swallow the whole organization. Already, Gazi had come up with a
shrewd explanation for why people should give up their independence, and
fall under their “command.”
“We were told to abandon the Colony [which could mean your job, your
school, your apartment, your family, your mate], because the Colony was
dying anyway, and Black Hammer was building the new world after that,”
she explains. “But it’s really Gazi just making you dependent on Gazi.”
The Hammer Houses, as they were growing throughout the country, were not
being funded by Black Hammer’s national organization, but directly by
local org membership. And so were all of the local outreach efforts,
even though these efforts were then used in propaganda, to plug Black
Hammer Org’s CashApp and Venmo accounts.
“So we had to fundraise [for everything we did], sometimes we had to use
our own food stamps to buy outreach supplies. You did it because you
felt like you were doing it for the masses. At the end of the day you
just lining Gazi’s pockets.”
Initially, Gazi did not have access to Black Hammer’s accounts, which
were held in trust by the Office of Economic Development. However, as
the org grew and Gazi’s power expanded within it, they would use their
stooges in the Ministry of Defense to change all that, forcing the ICC
to hand over the accounts at gunpoint.
The picture that Savvy paints here is of a fairly sophisticated
racketeering operation, held up by a highly authoritarian cult
structure, whose supreme leader identified their own interests with
those of the organization. Black Hammer took extraordinary measures to
make young people fully dependent on the org. Ostensibly to achieve a
post-colonial utopia, but really to draw in more dollars for the
avaricious leader.
And the biggest financial draw--the one that energized the most
membership, and unaffiliated Black and Third World people fed up with
Corona, and cops, and landlords--was Hammer City, the land for which was
(falsely advertised as being) purchased in Colorado, in early May, 2021.
So to raise even more money before the land purchase was finalized,
Black Hammer began posting videos and uploading photos of camping
expeditions on the “rich soil” of their patch of land in the Colorado
Rockies.
According to Savvy, the reality of Hammer City Colorado was less like
Black utopia than an episode of Black Survivor.
“I went to the last trip to the land, before we lost the land. I was
staying with the North Carolina chapter at that time. I got off the
plane at 11 PM; by 3 AM I had to be back up, so that we could make the
six-hour drive up the mountain.”
As they got closer to the site, the riders were blindfolded, purportedly
for security reasons, but more probably so the surrounding area could
not be memorized, in case an escape was made by foot.
Once they arrived, Savvy discovered that Gazi’s “dictatorship over the
colonized” was only a poison-induced fever dream.
“We almost died on the land!,” Savvy claims, without a hint of
exaggeration.
“I thought they packed up everything. We were supposed to have all kinds
of supplies for living out there. We got out there, we didn’t have
enough firewood, we didn’t have water; we had to go to a hotel room to
get some water. We didn’t have enough food, so we had to go down to the
bottom of the mountain to get food on the third day. We didn’t shower
for five days.”
Savvy had regretted that the Hammer City land purchase was for territory
in the Rockies, because the original plan had been for a plot of fertile
land in the more inviting climate of Florida or in Georgia. Instead she
found herself ten thousand feet in the air, “in the most extreme climate
I’ve ever been in in my life. It was scorching hot in the day and
deathly cold at night.”
According to Savvy, she suffered frostbite from exposure to the night
air, due to lack of firewood and adequate camping equipment. But her
worst affliction was due to the unresearched suggestion, approved by
Gazi, that the Hammers substitute mugwort for firewood.
Savvy was told that mugwort had spiritual properties, that burning it
would induce powerful dreams, according to unspecified Indigenous
medical knowledge. Instead, the Hammers became frighteningly sick from
handling and inhaling fumes from the poisonous plant, which contains
thujone, a chemical compound that is toxic in high doses.
Several comrades passed out from the mugwort smoke, including Savvy. One
of her hands also developed an allergic reaction, swelling up to four
times its size. The whole ordeal left her hand with a bleeding, oozing
rash for weeks after the trip’s end. Even after their return, though,
Gazi still expected Savvy to perform routine manual labor for the org,
her hands still in that condition.
(Since Gazi’s sadism knows no bounds, once she left the organization,
they would post a picture of Savvy’s swollen and bleeding hand on
Twitter--with none of the above context--in order to make fun of her
looks.)
But the most symbolic moment of Hammer City’s failure was its inability
to defend its people from the threat of armed whites.
One day, while they were cooking a meager breakfast and discussing Mao,
an older white man with a sawed-off rifle pulled up on the armed
encampment.
“The white dude starts yelling about [our] cars being in the middle of
the road. Then he pulls out a gun. Our defense [team] was soft as
cotton, they let him pull out a gun and tell them to put theirs down,
and they did. We had to have a huge self-crit after that situation.”
The security of the entire Hammer City project, in fact, had been
compromised by Gazi themselves, who insisted on letting the whole world
know through internet flexing that Black Hammer was in San Miguel
County--including white supremacists in the nearby town.
In one of their patented strokes of unreality, Gazi decided that the
best solution to this problem would be to bring in white members of the
Black Hammer Reparations Corps, to infiltrate the nearby town, and
politically neutralize them as a threat to Hammer City.
That strategy, of course, is familiar from the “neo-sannyasin” cult’s
infiltration of the town of Antelope, Oregon in 1982, in order to
overwhelm the votes of its small local population and expand the power
of neighboring Rajneeshpuram.
This plan was detailed at length in the celebrated “Wild, Wild Country”
docuseries on Netflix, which Black Hammer members were bizarrely
instructed to watch as political education for the Hammer City project.
Gazi had obviously intended to stay in San Miguel County, to wage their
own Sheela-style campaign of defiance against county residents.
But unlike Black Hammer, the Rajneeshees had millions of dollars,
several thousand followers worldwide, and years of experience running an
“intentional community” overseas in Pune, India, going into the
Rajneeshpuram experiment. Importantly, too, they had a keen grasp on the
niceties of the law.
Though Savvy confirms that the down-payment on the “Hammer City” land
was made, it was not secured, and the owners decided to pull out at the
last minute. At that point, “Hammer City” had become a highly publicized
and illegal squat. This is when the cops got involved, and were supposed
to be coming to the camp site to remove the Hammers by force.
But in a last display of eccentricity or cowardice, Gazi decided to
retreat into the woods, where a makeshift shelter was constructed for
them and a few close companions to hide out, while Savvy and the rest of
the Hammers stood by in the sleeting rain, waiting for well-armed
sheriff’s deputies to arrive.
(Ultimately, the San Miguel County Sheriff’s Department chose to expel
the Hammers less dramatically, with a polite yet firm phone call,
recorded by an officer and shared to social media.)
This episode gives two compelling reasons why it’s good that Hammer City
never materialized. It shows, first of all, that Gazi has no grasp of
the concept of reckless endangerment. At any point in this story, one of
the Hammers under their supervision could have died from mugwort
poisoning, from hypothermia, from starvation, or from police or
vigilante gun violence. We can only guess how many brushes with death,
or actual deaths, might have taken place, had the land purchase gone
through.
It also shows that Gazi’s long-term plans as a leader are based on
totally unachievable power fantasies, gleaned from TV shows and movies,
and the examples of infamous dictators and cult leaders; fantasies that
Gazi tries to realize at their followers’ expense. If they were at all
capable of pulling off their schemes, it would only embolden them to
hatch even more grandiose plans, meaning more sorrow for their exploited
and harassed membership.
To be clear, a tendency to confuse fantasy with reality is not a bad or
dangerous thing, in itself: our purpose is not to stigmatize mental
health challenges. But when that is joined to self-conscious and cynical
tactics of social manipulation, and a profound lack of empathy for the
suffering caused to others in pursuing these fantasies, we have a
formula for disaster on a grand scale.
As Savvy’s nightmare experience living in the Atlanta Hammer House would
soon reveal.
Once Hammer City collapsed, Gazi decided to relocate the Colorado
Hammers to Atlanta. There was vague talk of re-distributing the Hammer
City funds to each of the local chapters, but nothing was concretely
done to make that happen.
Instead, Gazi and select leadership became more and more lavish in their
private spending with the people’s donations; and life in the rebranded
Atlanta chapter grew darker, more crushingly abusive, and less connected
from any political objective or sense of outside reality.
As Gazi’s Chief of Staff during the Atlanta period, being responsible
for laying out most the details of their daily life, and keeping many of
their closest secrets, Savvy’s face was pressed right against it all,
the evil truth of Gussy unmasked--which made her too valuable an asset
for Gazi to ever let go, at any cost.
In Atlanta, the strict household regime that was already evident in
Colorado intensified, and Gazi began using techniques of thought reform
that can only be described as hostage-holding and physical torture.
“If you wasn’t up at 8 AM somebody from Defense was there to get you up
[by force]. We had to be in bed, with the doors locked, by 11 PM.”
Atlanta Hammers were not allowed any privacy or time away from their
daily responsibilities, which ranged from monotonous and unpaid,
paper-pushing work for Black Hammer, to building Gazi’s social media
brand, to rigorous domestic labor, which was also applied as a
punishment. They lived on a starvation diet, that at one point included
a weekly meat ration. They stayed several members to a room--all except
for Gazi, who had a queen-sized room entirely to themselves. Armed
members of Defense stood guard to ensure that nobody left the house. If
people fell short of Gazi’s exacting and ever-shifting demands, they met
with humiliating and physically exhausting forms of punishment.
“Once I made the mistake of going to the grocery store without telling
Gazi. Gazi flipped out and made me run ten laps around the house and do
fifty push-ups, and stand outside for hours. When [Defense member, name
redacted] fucks up, Gazi makes them sleep outside.”
During “breaks” from this endless work, supported on a starvation diet,
the Hammer House residents were subjected to regular, Manson-esque trips
in the “space ship,” a room where Gazi would loudly berate, love-bomb,
and trauma-bond with them for hours, sometimes after group consumption
of psychedelic mushrooms.
During a rare recording of one of these sessions, Gazi can be seen
manically bouncing through the room, with hands outstretched like a
cross; while they rave, with tears streaming down their face, about
their messianic status as the “gravedigger of colonialism”; and then
pressuring the bewildered Hammers, all seated on the ground, to profess
their collective love for Gazi in the form of a cheer.
“We couldn’t move out of our spot without asking for permission. If we
tried to leave, a Defense member would put their hand at the door, and
wait for Gazi to say it’s okay to let us through.”
Perhaps the only time Hammers were allowed to leave this den of horrors
was when they went on “outreach” in the metro Atlanta community, which
was hardly a break for the membership.
“Outreach is miserable as fuck. When we first got to Atlanta we had to
go out seven days straight, every morning at 7 AM. We had to be up at
the club until 2–3 AM too. Gazi was forcing us to drink out there.
Forcing us to get drugs from people out there. DURING COVID.”
Gazi claimed that this was the organization going directly to the
masses, that Black Hammer was meeting the people where they were at. But
Savvy thinks that was just a cover for Gazi’s real intention.
“They just wanted to go to the club scene to stunt on their old
friends,” she says, implying that Gazi’s team of young, carefully
trained servants would prove that little Gussy had really become the
“Atlanta stunt queen” they always pretended to be.
And in fact, despite all their talk of the “colonized proletariat” and
committing “class suicide,” Gazi had all the airs of a Hollywood
big-shot, treating their staff like the worst finger-snapping celebrity
boss.
As Chief of Staff, Savvy had to serve as Gazi’s personal assistant, drug
mule, domestic servant, unpaid therapist, and emotional punching bag. In
the morning she was expected to lay out their unlabeled drug pills,
bring them water, prepare their coffee and breakfast, create agendas for
them, and reach out to comrades they wanted to meet with for that day.
“I had to carry around their “caffeine” and shroom pills [for regular
dosing] on my person at all times,” Savvy explains.
When asked why she often uses scare quotes to describe the caffeine
pills, Savvy clarifies that these pills came from an unlabeled
container, so that she doesn’t know what they really are. She also
explains that Defense is fed a regular diet of these pills, that keep
them in a constant state of sleep-deprived, excitable activity.
(At the risk of being overly speculative, it sounds to this writer like
these “caffeine” pills might actually be unprescribed stimulants, maybe
amphetamines, which can lead to enhanced aggressiveness, mania, and
dangerous risk-taking when used off label. These are especially
dangerous in combination with psychedelic drugs, like psilocybin
(shrooms), which Gazi apparently consumes in risky quantities, per
Savvy’s account.)
Gazi was not only decadent in their drug abuse. In fact, they lived
entirely off the Black Hammer Treasury, and spent freely and lavishly
from the Hammer City fund, along with the Secretary General (SG).
“Gazi had a red debit card with all the money on it, and so did SG, and
the money was all funneled up to them. Gazi used the money for whatever
they wanted, like going to the thrift store, or buying stuff on the
internet.”
As a gift to themselves for their “service to the people,” Savvy says,
Gazi purchased a $2,000 puppy, named Gugu, that they never showed to the
general Hammer membership--who would naturally have questions about how
Gazi could afford such a thing in their condition of “class suicide.”
To consolidate this regime of luxury for themselves, and spartan
obedience for others, Gazi used a number of unhealthy social engineering
tactics. They specifically targeted people who were in vulnerable
positions, to make them dependent on the organization: houseless folks,
victims of domestic violence, folks with mental health challenges, folks
whose gender/queer identity caused rifts with their families. They
cynically shared details of their own troubled past, in order to
trauma-bond with their victims, to more effectively lull them into a
state of slavery, after winning their trust.
And quite naturally for the proud “Hollywood pimp,” they pushed members
to enter into or terminate romantic relationships with one another.
“Gazi pairs people up that [they want] to date [each other]. [They]
specifically tried to pair me up with [name redacted]. I wasn’t feeling
it at all. Gazi was very mad about that. Gazi has broken people up,
planted stuff in their ears about their relationships. Any sexual
relationships outside the org are not recognized by the org.”
When asked what she meant by this last point, Savvy clarified that if a
Hammer was in a monogamous relationship with someone outside the org,
Gazi did not respect that, and would still push for them to get
romantically involved with another Hammer.
The sexual boundary-pushing at the Hammer House was constant. It ranged
from casual sexual harassment to outright violation of consent. Always,
members were encouraged to use their sexuality to bring attention,
members, and money to the org.
During one live stream, Gazi suddenly announced that if the stream got a
hundred likes, they would make a Defense member take their shirt off.
The organization had regular “Instagram thirst trap” days, where the
nude or semi-nude bodies of their members were put on display, to boost
engagement with Black Hammer’s IG page. They called them “Man Crush
Mondays,” “Woman Crush Wednesdays,” “Them Crush Thursdays.”
“Gazi said you gotta flirt with the people, you gotta dress sexy, you
gotta get that contact by any means necessary. The colonized masses
“love what they love” and we gotta meet them where they at,” was the
justification for all this nonsense.
As if that did not present a troubling enough picture of Gazi’s sense of
sexual propriety, Savvy explained to us that Gazi apparently has very
strange beliefs about their own real age.
“One day, Gazi broke down at the club crying, talking about how they
“trans-age,” that they believe they are a 16–17 year old girl,” she
claims.
Without disclosing any further details that we know of, but can’t
responsibly print on this site, Red Voice trusts our readers to draw
their own conclusions about the dangers of such a belief for a
thirty-five year old, self-proclaimed “Hollywood pimp,” with a very poor
idea of consent and of appropriate sexual boundaries.
And that, according to Savvy, is the sick domestic regime of Augustus,
“stunt queen from Atlanta,” stripped of all the nonsense political
slogans, and glossy filters for the Gram. An abusive and closely guarded
slave camp for its starved and fearful hostages, some of them still
under the drinking age. “Defended” by a pliant pretorian guard of cis
males, who threaten members with bodily harm and even death, just to
keep from being brutalized themselves. Ruled by one of the more
ignorant, soulless, and self-hating worms to ever crawl out the Negro
bourgeoisie, and try to front like some revolutionary, sent here to save
us, not enslave us.
It’s midsummer now. For his birthday, Gazi’s partner wanted to visit
their hometown, affluent Stone Mountain. Like nearly everything else in
Gazi’s life, Savvy was made responsible for planning this event. When
she got home, she was made responsible for picking up birthday dinner,
too.
Apparently, Gazi’s plate had tilted in the bag, and some of the sauce
from their dish had spilled out. Gazi called Savvy an “incompetent
b*tch” and told her she had to self-criticize (write a report stating
her error and how she will do better). They then confiscated some weed
and a bit of moonshine that Savvy had to herself, announcing “you can’t
have that anymore.”
The next morning, at 7:30, Savvy woke up to Gazi screaming at her about
their Facebook, and commanding her to go stand outside, before she had
even had a chance to use the bathroom. While outside, she noticed that
she was being removed from various Black Hammer chats. She received a
text from SG Anco, telling her that she was going to be moved by the
organization yet again (one of Gazi’s favorite forms of threat).
“At that point I just snapped. I went inside and started packing my
stuff to get away from there.”
That’s when Gazi came downstairs, and told her to stop yelling in the
house. When she showed defiance, Gazi had the male Defense members swarm
her.
Fearful of being attacked by three grown men, she pulled a knife out and
told them “I’ll hurt all you b*tches.”
At this point, the three Defense goons grabbed her, and one of them
dragged her outside, while she screamed for help.
“That’s when I started turning up outside, messing up all the patio
furniture.”
Inside, Gazi was doing something more destructive--pouring bleach on all
Savvy’s clothes, and her suitcase, too. Then they threw her belongings
out on the street.
Thankfully, Savvy was able to get in contact with a cousin who lived in
Georgia, one of the few relatives with whom she has contact. As she made
her way to her cousin’s house, Gazi began doing what many domestic
abusers do: calling her non-stop, pretending to be apologetic. They
claimed that if Savvy stayed with the organization, she could live at
the North Carolina house instead. Savvy reluctantly agreed, but she did
so with a plan.
“I thought, Let me get the info I need to get these people out [of the
cult].” But it would not be that easy.
In late July, the New York chapter of Black Hammer Organization publicly
denounced Gazi Kodzo as a serial abuser and grifter. (This was
apparently in response to Gazi’s attempted defamation of one of the East
Coast membership as an “alleged” pedophile, though Red Voice has not had
the chance to interview with the interested parties for clearer
details.) In their denunciation, among a litany of other horrendous
accusations, the New York chapter cited Savvy’s physical assault and the
destruction of her clothes.
Gazi saw the writing on the wall and panicked, and decided to do what
they always do when their comrades leave them: put together a public
show of support for Gazi.
In this case, they had the North Carolina chapter drive for hours to the
Atlanta Hammer House, so that they could YouTube livestream a group
response to the accusations being made against Gazi. That is when, Savvy
alleges, the visiting Hammers were intimidated with guns, and Savvy was
compelled to present a false testimony about the experience around her
assault.
The NC Hammers had brought [name redacted] with them. The chief, who
reportedly was brought into their Hammer House as the result of an
outreach in a park, had been houseless, and suffered from epileptic
seizures, during which time they would inflict harm on themselves. The
Hammers took him in, looked after him, learned how to properly attend to
him during one of his episodes.
During the livestream, the loud activity of Gazi and the other Hammers
triggered one of these episodes. Gazi began essentially “faith-healing”
[name redacted], and can be heard whispering affirmations to him,
apparently to calm him down so that the show could continue, when what
he needed was medical intervention.
Not only was this a window into the true cult nature of the ATL Hammer
House for the Carolina chiefs: the entire world could see that something
was terribly wrong here, that life in Black Hammer was looking a lot
more like a bunker of the abused, gaslighted, and coerced.
But there was still another reason for this gathering, according to
Savvy. Gazi wanted her back at the Hammer House. They reportedly got on
their knees and begged Savvy to return and act as Chief of Staff again.
Here was the emotional manipulation that was the carrot to the sticks
held by Gazi’s private security force.
So, when the other Hammers returned to NC, Savvy and [name redacted] had
to stay, in a house where she felt the next conflict could lead to her
death. But she was already preparing for her second escape.
“The day I knew I was gonna leave, I had already talked to the people in
the NC chapter. I spent that whole day packing up my stuff. I was tryna
get [name redacted] out, but I knew he would compromise the escape.”
(Gazi had apparently begun the process of intensively love-bombing this
person, who would later make strong accusations of abuse against Savvy
and the other NC Hammers.)
Gazi was apparently suspicious, and had Defense take away Savvy’s phone.
But she didn’t care, she needed to be out, that night.
“I finessed my way outside for a smoke break in the rain and just
disappeared. Defense was right at the door, and defense stay with guns.
I had to run barefoot in the rain, in the middle of the night.”
Eventually Savvy made her way back to the NC House. She left her phone,
which Gazi quickly destroyed, but she brought her life and her sanity
with her. Now she mainly hammers nails into the coffin of the dying
Black Hammer Organization.
---
These days, BHO is a shivering shell of its old self. Savvy estimates
that there may be two dozen active members in the whole country, a
considerable drop from its peak membership of several hundred. The old
sources of external revenue have mostly dried up, since everybody in the
US left know’s what’s up with that fool Gazi now. Most of the remaining
membership is concentrated in the Atlanta Hammer House, where Gazi and
their hostages are reportedly on the verge of eviction.
In their latest streams, Augustus Romain looks haggard, confused, angry,
and frightened. And they should be. If these accusations are all true,
they have left a trail of abuse at least as long as any of the
destructive cults that have recently garnered national attention, such
as NXIVM or “Love Has Won,” and they have done so before the really big
payday.
Each week, it seems, another hostage in the Hammer House manages to
escape. Our writers recently spoke with one escapee who claims that they
were basically a domestic servant for Gazi Kodzo, and that Kodzo would
punish them for unsatisfactory work by denying them hospital visits,
leading to the degeneration of their lifelong physical illness. Another
hostage is the child of a former US State Department official; still
another is the child of a prominent Democratic attorney in the state of
Kentucky.
By consciously choosing to become a cult leader, Gazi had stepped into
an exceedingly dangerous game, one they were never smart or disciplined
enough for, and now Esu is catching up with them.
Still, a lifelong fool will remain a fool until they have no life left.
Gazi is trying everything they can to rebrand, since all their bridges
are burned as a “communist revolutionary.” Recently, they tried to
exploit the tropical storm Ida crisis in New Orleans, by bringing care
packages to (mainly unaffected) residents.
That gimmick didn’t work to get the attention of Charlamagne, Saweetie,
and other celebrities that they tagged on their social media photo-ops.
So now they’re posing as “Barbz” (Nicki Minaj fans) instead of Black
Hammer revolutionaries, and leading small anti-vaxx protests outside the
CDC, after the style of the Westboro Baptist Church, in the miserable
hope of riding the rapper’s clout to all-important fame.
Gazi has also been sharing Tweets from Candace Owens, Black darling of
the far right, and threatening to sic the Proud Boys and ICE on their
former chiefs. In all likelihood, if Black Hammer somehow survives,
their dwindling sect will make a sharp turn toward anti-communism and
bare-faced reaction--like the LaRouche cult, after their own wrecker
activity had isolated them from the entire Trotskyist left, and forced
them to turn to fascist groups for financial aid.
You can run left, or you can run right, reactionary scum. There’s not a
corner of this earth where the ancestors won’t see you, and turn
whatever you try into dust. “Ma’at” is an ancient word that means
“justice,” Augustus. Yours is coming.
---
Conclusion to the Series (by Nsambu Za Suekama)
If you have made it to this installment in the series, you are probably
reeling from all the details. And you are probably wondering what must
be done next.
Even before the publication of this article series, there was a wave of
denunciations and even disaffiliations over the last few weeks regarding
Black Hammer Organization in general, and Gazi Kodzo in particular
(and/or the cult of personality that has been allowed to form around
Gazi through social media and the other horrid means detailed here).
Those developments simultaneously led to but also were made possible by
the work that went into this document; but, more importantly, they need
to be understood as part of a broader reckoning in the Black and Third
World revolutionary struggle. That reckoning has to do with past and
ongoing histories of abuse, cult-like dynamics, individualism, clout, de
jure and de facto hierarchies, and the gendered labor divisions,
assumptions, and violence these all tend to rely on and reinforce.
This reckoning has had reverberations throughout the Left, across
radical tendencies, and most significantly in the wake of the COVID-19
pandemic, as well as heightening climate catastrophes, and the
anti-police rebellions that ensued after the murder of George Floyd.
From well known political formations such as the PSL, to IWOC/IWW
contradictions, to Black Rose/Rosa Negra, and even the MOVE
organization, to lesser known movement spaces, radical projects,
affinity groups, collectives, alliances, parties, and more. All are
being shaken up by a sharpened resistance to and refusal among colonized
folk especially Black ones to accept the dynamics of clout, hierarchy
(both formal and informal), abuse, individualism, and gender
exploitation, which often imbricate upon one another. And this reckoning
has had theoretical, practical, methodological, procedural,
intracommunal, interpersonal, and individual implications.
---
That this upheaval within our movements/organizations is happening
whilst the bourgeoisie continues to use cultural representation of
gender/sexual issues to either push liberal or conservative agendas, is
a sure sign that if we are to speak of colonialism as a primary
contradiction in the class struggle, which the revolutionary Black/Third
World Left is known for: then we must amend Du Bois’ poignant
observation. Where the problem of the 20^(th) century is the color line,
a relation of domination between the Man and the darker peoples of
Africa, Asia, the Americas, and the Pacific; the problem of the 21^(st)
century is that said “color line” is threaded at the nexus of gendered
labor divisions/institutions/contradictions (and the values and
practices traced back to them). Thus, all anti-capitalist liberation
struggles among the colonized and oppressed, which are indeed the only
true way to address the mounting economic and health and ecological
issues we see building around us today, must confront them if we are to
truly achieve full communism and autonomy for all peoples and
sustainability for our ecosystem. Black Hammer Organization, however,
and a great number of organizations claiming to be anti-colonial, have
failed to meet this need. Instead there is a sort of ideological “pick
me”/“tap dancing” energy very prominent, where folks like Gazi will
declare that before they were “woke” they would make sexuality important
to their sense of self, as if to be revolutionary then requires a type
of asceticism for queer/trans people (akin to the race-first logics of
cultural nationalists). Pronouncements like that are not simply about
personal lifestyle choices, but a political commitment that is shaped in
bourgeois/colonial logic.
Yes, the cult was queer-led, and claimed to be queer
affirming/inclusive. It’s not enough, though, to have queer
representation in the anti-colonial Left. Gender/sexuality is not as
simple as the conversations on identity we are so used to, nor the
conversations on styles of dress, on pronouns and labels and names, on
presentation and performance and affect, on attraction and intimacy and
the like, or even on genetics/biology; although all of these phenomena
are to some degree involved in the equation. Scientifically speaking,
all supposedly “fixed” biological distinctions, the real phenotypical
and genetic variations and diversity within our species that has been
marked as “race” and “sex”: like our various skin colors, curl patterns
and hair textures, nose shapes, gonad formations and other reproductive
organs, hormonal levels, neurotypes, eye colors, body shapes, and more
have to do with how social positions deriving from political histories
and culture specific modes of organization relate to and exploit and
limit our “nature.” Our brains/bodies have a certain natural
potentiality for a range of expressions and experiences, though
predisposed toward none; we cannot be reduced to them, because societal
structures are the most significant factor in how these become shaped
into identities and behavioral norms. Hence, Frantz Fanon once wrote
that “beside phylogeny and ontogeny stand sociogeny,” and as we learn
from Sylvia Wynter, the latter is always a question of class, so much so
that we have to acknowledge two things. One, that we are a
nature-culture species, not just nature, and two, that we evolve as such
dialectically, which requires a materialist standpoint. The way we
socially understand and live out and culturally embody and even
transform our natural diversities has an economic base to it. Class
struggle is key, and a failure to correctly apply it to marginalized
genders in the anti-colonial context is what allowed for everything
described here to unfold.
As Black revolutionaries and Third Worldists, our materialism must
emphasize that national liberation is the horizon within which our class
consciousness develops. So, if we are to discuss the economic basis of
gender ontology, that has to involve theorizing gender/sexual
developments as part of a process that is endogenous to our uniquely
African histories on this planet, including our histories of
revolutionary participation. The term “endogenous” refers to any
phenomenon, resource, any data, any object that is emerging or is
discernible within the context of a given biological, social, or other
kind of system, based on its dynamics and interactions and development.
The Marxists historically looked past the endogenous processes within
African life that influenced how Black people would eventually arrive at
anti-capitalist struggle. Comrade Marcus Brown once spoke of these
phenomena as an “internal dynamism” in Black Against Profit, pt. III:
The African Mode of Production, speaking of them as an “innate capacity
to develop progressively into freer, more democratic, and more
technically advanced social configurations.” The comrade examines, using
the scholarship of Cheikh Anta Diop, the development of these
organizational patterns in African life, and points out the racist
mischaracterization on part of Marxists which deemed our consciousness
as tied to a supposed “Asiatic mode of production,” and so located the
seat of revolutionary class consciousness in the European proletariat
because of a Eurocentric teleology regarding certain relations within
African nations (such as so-called “caste” or the development of the
Egyptian state).
Cedric Robinson wrote Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical
Tradition, to offer a corrective about our history of struggle as well,
displacing the dehumanizing view of African radical activity as merely
“superstructural” and unable to grasp class struggle, and thereby
challenged Western Marxist chauvinism. And so have other Afrikan
thinkers, from Samir Amin to Kwame Nkrumah, to W.E.B Du Bois, and many
others, each offering explanations of Black struggle that prioritize our
role in our own unique histories and the objective challenge to the
bourgeois order we continue to pose because of these endogenous social
realities.
But the chauvinism characteristic of the white Marxist view of
endogenous African development re: the class struggle has yet to be
challenged to the fullest degree. Instead, it’s been carried into our
movements, leaving the gender/sexual lifeways endogenous to African
contexts throughout our history underexplored. Black women scholars,
like Oyeronke Oyewumi (who theorized the unique “worldsense” that
outlined African, especially Yoruba gender ontology) in The Invention of
Women, and Ifi Amadiume (who looks at the practice of female husbandry
in West African societies) in Male Daughters, Female Husbands, as well
as other marginalized gender Black radicals, such as Yannenga Toure, a
Black Two-Head radical and author of the “Two Head Manifesto” have taken
time to analyze these legacies. Following this, we would see, as Sage
Hunt, Afro-Native nonbinary transfeminine revolutionary theorist has
written, that gender is clearly a “modality through which class is
lived.” With that in mind, relations to the mode of production, whether
that be the village and communal modes which were predominant in Africa,
and even the other modes, less sedentary ones, as well as the less
fluid, more somewhat feudalistic modes, all involve gender ontology as a
material question. But overall, the Anti-colonial Left has neglected to
transect these phenomena, and they have painted all concerns about this
as “metaphysical” just like the white Left does to Black radicalisms.
And so gender often remains and continues to remain somewhat
undertheorized within the historical anti-colonial Left despite surface
level appeals to the need for self-determination over our collective
societal development. This is an undialectical bypassing of the full
weight of our history as African people, and is a residue of white
supremacy, and thus extremely vulnerable to opportunism and a culture of
abuse and apologism
History would show us that cisheteronormativity is a set of values,
institutions, labor divisions, and social practices that is both
European in origin, and part of the capitalist order. The prevalence of
a biological reduced, binary, hierarchical kinship system and mode of
self-understanding that upholds heteronormative gender/sexual codes is
only a universal, global assumption now because of how racial capitalism
transformed and subordinated pre-existing approaches in indigenous
contexts. This fact is seldom discussed or organized against, at least
not adequately, in the established anti-colonial Left. On the occasions
that this is acknowledged, it is simply said that “Homophobia is
unAfrican” (to challenge the neocolonial falsehood that “homosexuality
is unAfrican”), which is thus a nature-culture appeal. For example, at a
rally following the Queer Liberation March of 2020, Black Hammer
Organization showed up and announced something along the lines of
“before colonialism, all of our people loved and lived as they wanted.”
While it was an acknowledgment of our more inclusive African social
relations to the diversity of sexual experience in our species, it did
not address the problem materially. As in, this theory of gender
ontology was not attuned to the question of economic modes of production
and all the structures and hierarchical organizational patterns and
labor relegations that that implies, and the implications of this all
for modern class struggle. It was functionally useless, because idealist
(alongside being a homogenized account). And of course it was, otherwise
Black Hammer Organization would have had to examine their own gender
contradictions, and especially that of Gazi. The cult’s gender
commentary was therefore opportunistic and self-serving, and as comrade
Shupavu made clear this was a holdover from a similar opportunistic and
self-serving relationship to queerness that went into why Gazi was
recruited to the movement in the first place by Omali Yeshitela. In
order to call these things as they are, we need a full picture of the
Black radical relation to the gender/sexual struggle, and it needs to be
more than just a question of cultural acceptance: it has to be
materially grounded, thinking about ideology and labor and praxis.
Other anti-colonial Left organizations make immaterial accounts of
gender as well, and this can be identified as resulting from a similar
investment as to what led white Marxists to insist on anti-black
interpretations of African history. White people have identifiable
reasons for maintaining a superiority complex across political
affiliations. Even if they purport to be anti-racist, their class
interest is generally informed by the fact of a primitive and ongoing
accumulation at the root of capital, that is visited upon the Third
World. The basis of capitalism is this racialized, “organized, protected
robbery” of resources and labor in the colonies, plantations, the
prisons, the occupied territories and favelas and rez and barrios and
Hoods etc; this gives white people an economic reason, even if rarely
acknowledged, to prioritize their civilizational dominance and
hierarchies and chauvinism. Whether liberal, conservative, or leftist,
this problem shows up. Thus, even as Marx could acknowledge that white
labor struggles could find no true emancipation where Black oppression
persisted, a failure to extend that conclusion to a truly anti-colonial
politic was ingrained in the Marxist tradition. When we look at the
anti-colonial Left, then, we must understand that there is a correlated
material context for the chauvinism and ideological neglect around
gender/sexual contradictions too. As Comrade Sage once put it, in the
process of primary accumulation, and the forced transformation of
communal land relations, labor relations also needed to be transformed;
and comrade g, another TMA Black revolutionary, emphasizes that to “make
way for a singular, overdetermined labor relation,” required the “paving
over” of “already existing gendered relations in Africa... themselves
bound in labor.” Built into the violence of imperialism and slavery was
the imposition of cisheteropatriarchal patterns of organization and
labor assignation. The Anarkata Statement reminds us that these were
mystified through religious myth, ethnocentric notions of “human,” and
later pseudoscientific naturalisms. Again, this makes the “color line”
something threaded by bourgeois gender/sexual institutions.
Unsurprisingly, anti-colonial Lefitsts will, then quote Mao Zedong who
once said that “women hold up half the sky,” and make gestures toward
women’s liberation, but never question the cissexist/binary view of the
general composition of humanity underlying this sentiment. As such they
will then relegate cis women revolutionaries to a position of
super-exploitation that is a holdover from bourgeois norms in the
nuclear family, limiting cis women to “queendom and pedestals,” to the
role of a gun-carrying baby-maker.
Similarly, in an organization like BHO, despite queer
leadership/membership, there will be exploitation of the labor of
marginalized gender folks, and outright violence, and a culture of
constant disrespect toward QTGNC peoples and histories and issues. For
example, while Gazi’s most well known sensationalistic and xenophobic
take was “fuck Anne Frank,” an antisemitic notion disguised as a valid
anti-colonial critique, it must be discussed that months prior, Gazi had
declared “fuck Zaya Wade,” in a manner equally sensationalistic and
xenophobic. Gazi tried to disguise this transmisogynoir toward a teenage
girl behind the idea that Zaya Wade is a “class traitor.” Just like
their disrespect of Anne Frank was wrapped up in the idea that the young
preteen was “a colonizer.” In both cases, it was difficult to
distinguish between Gazi’s supposed anti-colonial Left ideology, and
that of a right-winger in the cisheteropatriarchal and Abrahamic
religious cultural nationalist mold. Reactionaries will always make a
scapegoat out of vulnerable individuals upon which to project working
class/colonized frustrations. Gender is the linking thread here, and
many of the non-Black Third World peoples as well as the white folks in
the organization and beyond were happy to participate in or fail to
condemn these antisemitic and anti-Black maGe discourses.
The kinds of biases described above are because matter precedes mind, as
any truly “scientific” revolutionary should know. Many of our most well
known African/Third World revolutionaries were and are shaped in
patterns of organization, in relations, in labor divisions, and in
overall frames of reference that are cisheteropatriarchal in their very
orientation and origin. That comes with the advent of colonialism: for
with the imposition of bourgeois relations came the erasure of
gender/sexual lifeways that deviated from cisheteronormative propriety.
This aided in the atomization and dispossession and overall
divide-and-rule actions the Man needed to subjugate us, and even
dislocated us from cultural traditions that were a source of unity and
self-understanding and which had on some occassions been held by
gender/sexually variant people under certain endogenously allocated
labor roles. The “internal dynamism” of African societies that was
arrested by Western capitalism, therefore, included endogenous
gender/sexual realities. One has to consciously be struggling around
these questions, both practically and theoretically; but many do not,
because the mainstream order of things is that toward which they are
predisposed and from which they are a beneficiary, or that they wish to
exploit (indeed, Gazi took advantage of gender domination for their own
ends, whether it was using armed cis men to control members, or
manipulating the economic instability alot of young colonized queer and
trans folk face). This will always lead to limitations in the espoused
radicalism of anti-colonial Left organizations. And this issue manifests
in different ways, some more egregious than others, but it shares a
material basis in all cases nonetheless. We can look to Black cishet
male revolutionaries like Huey Newton, who were able to acknowledge that
he had a gender/sexual bias against marginalized gender peoples that was
analogous to the reactionary ways that white working class people took
out their economic frustrations on him as a Black person. It is not
simply that homophobia is unAfrican, then: homophobia and
transantagonism, especially transmisogynoir, is a reactionary insistence
on a certain both material and civilizational interest, one structured
under racial capitalism. And failing to conscientiously struggle against
these tendencies as such is how, even as Huey Newton acknowledged the
fascistic basis for his own and his comrades’ biases, and warned folks
in the movement not to hastily view gender/sexual liberation struggle as
a white/bourgeois strategy against Black people (which, ironically, is
the exact opposite of what Gazi/BHO and their supporters have been
arguing), Newton was still himself rabidly patriarchal in how he
conducted himself as a revolutionary, and abusively so. Furthermore,
Kwame Ture, beloved pioneer in the struggle, most commonly associated
with both the phrase “homophobia is un-African” and with “Black Power,”
still managed to once use trans pursuits of gender affirming care as an
example of how much the ruling class would rather support presumably
frivolous activities than Black struggle, which is a transphobic,
reactionary analysis.
None of the before stated is just abstraction. As argued in an older
piece titled “Femme Queen, Warior Queen: Beyond Representation, Toward
Self-Determination,” bad theory and bad practice are always linked.
Ideological chauvinism around gender liberation is tied to why the
anti-colonial Left will platform, enable, protect, and form united
fronts with entire cults, or at least fail to denounce the same: even
regarding destructive ones such as the NOI or the APSP, or, as we are
discussing here, Black Hammer Organization. Because at least these
appear to them as “organized” against white power, at least they “do
good work,” or at least they “get things done,” and give out masks and
food and hold events, etc. etc. etc. and at least they occasionally
mention Black marginalized gender issues, at least they echo Malcolm
about who the most disrespected is at times. All the while, never
challenging the gendered assumptions and praxis (a central component to
the very racial capitalist system we claim to be fighting against!) that
is most often the thread undergirding the labor divisions, procedures,
values, and infrastructures, as well as ideological persuasions,
involved in the entire project. Abuse and all manner of manipulation and
literal exploitation can be and often is bypassed and overlooked because
of this failure to consciously struggle against cisheteropatriarchal
norms.
The ideological neglect, based in chauvinism, allows movements to not
question the hierarchy and rigidity and cults of personality formed
around great and strong individuals or units and deference to single
sites of authority in these organizations who get credit and attention
and even bread from the blood, sweat, and tears of members under them.
The ideological neglect and chauvinism leaves unexamined the voracious
almost evangelical/fundamentalist ways each of them wants to be the
agent of revolutionary change, the vanguard who has the correct line and
“out-organizes” everyone else, and the grift and manipulation that often
hides behind these zealous declarations. Ideological neglect and
chauvinism will also not question the fact that such values and
procedural or methodological infrastructures are inculcated in bourgeois
institutions like the church and nuclear family. To say nothing of the
fact that it puts a spotlight on figures or formations that, when wiped
out by the enemy or by their own internal contradictions, means the
diffusion of revolutionary consciousness and necessary movement
infrastructures and comradely bonds is slowed down or brought to a halt
(let’s think about the revolving door in Black Hammer membership). And,
further, it allows for the elevation of individual personality flaws and
horrors to the level of antagonistic contradiction (as was so commonly
taken advantage of by COINTELPRO to disrupt movement last century).
What does it say about the anti-colonial Left in an age of celebrity
“activism” (AOC at the Met; CBS producing a show like “The Activist”;
and all the Derays and Shaun Kings), a wholly bourgeois and
counterinsurgent phenomenon, that a YouTuber like Gazi was catapulted to
prominence, with catastrophic consequences, in part with the help of
organizations in our movement? It’s the residue of ruling class ideology
and gendered political values that allowed people to get wrapped up in
Black Hammer’s antics.
And that is why these formations and milieus are so vulnerable to even
non-fed wreckers who come and undermine revolutionary organizations,
like the one under consideration in this document. The established
anti-colonial Left’s chauvinism and ideological neglect prevents them
from fully grasping the value in what INCITE! meant by “misogynists make
great informants.” They cannot appreciate that it is as much a question
of principles and care for all our people as it is a question of
operational security and militant praxis to observe how gender violence
and the techniques used to shield it destroy movements and dovetail with
pig work. Only an acknowledgement that the emancipation of
gender/sexuality is essential to the endogenous Third World national
dynamics by which we fight for class liberation could have led the
organizers in INCITE! to name how the same deceitful behaviors that
allow an abuser to hide their deeds or manipulate sympathy and excuses
from folk proximal to them are the exact strategies used by agents of
the State infiltrating our movements. And this same acknowledgement,
that the problem of the color line is threaded at the nexus of
gender/sexuality as a material question, is why more broadly, QTGNC and
marginalized gender Africans have identified that when the negrosie
needs to distract the people they are exploiting from identifying the
pressures of class oppression and amelioration, they will simply whip up
fervor around homosexuality through appeals to defending “sovereignty.”
Here, the source of deprivation is identified as a Queer/trans problem,
juxtaposed against a reactionary nationalism, which is a mystificatory
narrative.
Few of the most major anti-colonial Left voices, however, have admitted
this when speaking on the composition and strategies of the
puppet/misleadership class in this neocolonial age. Just like a good
number of them could not predict the monstrosities that would come out
of BHO, and did not make attempts to adequately struggle against them.
And why would they, when majority of them are used to and/or benefit
from the relative degrees of safety, access, ideological commitments and
behavioral sanction of cisheteronormative institutions such as the
nuclear family, certain religions, education systems, medical
industries, the State, etc. thereby sharing adjacent subjective
contradictions and even interests as the outright reactionaries? Matter
precedes mind, once again, and the weight of a cisheteronormative
history, a material question, has imbricated upon our movements to
create a certain ideological inertia that can only be addressed through
consciously synthesizing from within.
Everyone, including queer, trans, gender nonconforming folk in Third
World/colonized contexts need to understand these lessons. No population
is inherently radical or inherently reactionary: what’s decisive is how
we choose to synthesize the material conditions with the endogenous
dynamics unfolding in our histories of societal development. There was a
time when the national liberation struggle was not class conscious; it
took conscious struggle against internal contradictions in order for
anti-capitalism to more visibly become a staple of Black nationalist
politics. The African Blood Brotherhood made a similar observation, back
in 1922, when they announced their program:
“A race without a program is like a ship at sea without a rudder. It is
absolutely at the mercy of the elements. It is buffeted hither and
thither and in a storm is bound to flounder. It is in such a plight as
this that the Negro race has drifted for the past fifty years and more.
Rarely ever did it know exactly what it was seeking and never once did
it formulate any intelligent and workable plan of getting what it was
seeking, even in the rare instances when it did know what it wanted.”
The Black struggle had at a time demonstrated one qualitative phase of
development (a non-class conscious one) that began to give way to a
markedly distinct qualitative phase (a class conscious one) only because
of the efforts of organizations like the ABB and many others, especially
going into the civil rights movements and the mid-to-late 20^(th)
century militant decolonization movements. The white Left, however,
being chauvinistic, would often dismiss Black and Third World concerns
on the mere account of our self-determined interaction with the
anti-capitalist movement, which did not pattern their frame of
reference. So, they refused to operate in solidarity with many of our
organizations, both theoretically and practically. They essentially spat
on the ship and wagged their fingers at the tired seasick sailors trying
to find a way to guide it home to port, causing a number of our
ancestors to break away from alliance with them.
When it comes to the roadblocks in class consciousness along
gender/sexual lines, where the ship is still finding its way, both for
cisgender/heterosexual people and for QTGNC people, a similar thing is
happening. A conscious struggle is needed in order to achieve a higher
unity and the next phase in ideological evolution (ie, the ship needs
revolutionaries who understand what it takes to build its rudder). But,
just as the chauvinists in the white Marxist (and anarchist) settings
isolate and even work against Black and Third World radicals that
try/tried to do so, Black/Third World women and other marginalized
gender radicals have had to either wrestle with or break away from the
historical left because of the chauvinistic refusal of solidarity from
supposed comrades and allies who also worked against us. Claudia Jones,
Frances Beal, the Combahee River Collective are examples of this from
the last century; but it is still prominent now. The ship needs a
coxswain or a few, yet cishet radicals and even marginalized gender
radicals who unite with their chauvinism wag their fingers at those of
us who are training ourselves for the task.
These refusals to extend self-determination in this way are wholly
connected to many of the conservative, radlib, and neoliberal tendencies
the Left likes to critique. Gazi was an entire QTGNC revolutionary
anti-colonialist who kept pushing Hotep-like analyses of Black cis male
oppression and calling for violence against trans Black women just like
these reactionary forces do, and who visited violence and abuse and
labor exploitation onto several Black women and other marginalized
genders with the help of white/non-Black cis comrades. Then, there are
QTGNC Black Lives Matter organizers speaking of “abundance” in the way
prosperity ministers do and even going on right-wing platforms like the
Breakfast Club to justify their grift, and echoing support of white
imperialist politicians. And there are whole Queer- run Black Leftist
publications and radio shows pushing the same lines about feminist/queer
movements that go into why misleadership in places like Ghana and
Nigeria are legislating against QTGNC rights (the latter of which is
being facilitated by white religious movements partnering with local
governments). Here, then, the white left’s anti-blackness converging
with white liberal/conservative reaction, is translated into a bias in
our movements along gender/sexual lines that dovetails with parallel
biases in bourgeois society across nations, all with the same impact.
And that’s why, after the 2020 rebellions, when the right-wing insists
on protecting the nuclear family alongside defending the nation,
ratcheting up both the police state and anti-trans/anti-abortion
legislation; we have anti-colonial Left voices piling on “identity
politics” and related topics more vociferously than they are actually
denouncing cisheteropatriarchy and organizing against it! Self-described
revolutionaries tailing the ruling class? This, by the way, is the same
thing the white Left did after the election of Trump in 2016, with
dismissal of “wokeness.” The latter should not be surprising for us, as
the divide in the working class is maintained at the color line. But,
reductive anti-colonialists, whether cisgender/heterosexual or not, who
dismiss or fail to fully apprehend the gender/sexual horizons of the
struggle for both self-determination and class liberation, are no
different theoretically or practically, from the white reductionists who
have been so historically chauvinistic and antagonistic toward Black and
Third World movement. Perhaps that’s why the two camps worked together
so closely in BHO (and in cults like APSP who BHO patterned themselves
on); and why in other organizations both camps have a discursive unity
with the conservatives’ insistence on cisheteropatriarchy and
anti-feminism in particular.
Is any of this advancing our struggle? Not when certain Black people
have chosen to avoid Left politics because of an overrepresentation of
whiteness within the anti-capitalist movement. They feel alienated. In
this way we lose potential comrades. And, similarly, some QTGNC folk in
particular have avoided the Left because of an overrepresentation of
cisheteropatriarchy and abuse within the same. Because of alienation.
More potential comrades lost. Then the liberals exploit this,
encouraging folk to stick with and try to reform the system they know
intimately (capitalism and the State); hence the popularity of
representation politics, rather than be “fooled” into trying to join
liberatory movements that promise something better but that end up an
“authoritarian” nightmare behind the scenes. We lose comrades because of
these myths.
Is any of this advancing a united front? It is difficult to disprove
propaganda from the enemy, if we insist on chauvinism, invalidating
legitimate concerns about exclusion and violence and abuse and
manipulation that lend certain stories credence. Gazi is just a very
extreme example of what’s being described here, and so it was with a few
of those who have helped them rise to and remain in prominence. Again,
that is what will happen when you refuse to ideologically deal with
developments endogenous to our national and gender experiences, to see
their implications for class struggle. Like the white left marginalizing
Black interests, Gazi/BHO, and their acolytes and supporters across
races and tendencies held to a resounding refusal to synthesize specific
histories and concerns of the QTGNC struggle with anti-colonial Left
ideology. They insisted on calling “intersectionality” a white
supremacist project. In an atmosphere like that, of course the dynamics
that enable abuse to persist can go hidden.
The ideological chauvinism had practical implications. There was
complete erasure and lack of political education around the origins of
the modern QTGNC movement as it relates to uprisings and lumpenized
labor organizations led by Third World women of trans experience such as
the gorls of STAR during the 70s era anti-colonial upheavals. Certain
values, praxis, theoretical concerns cannot be synthesized in a movement
when you bypass endogenous developments like this in our history. And
that’s why a failure to name, anticipate or respond to abuse in a
principled way is so common. The need to build a rudder for the ship,
borrowing once more from the words of the ABB, was neither acknowledged
nor consciously struggled for. Instead, the ship was allowed to verse
the high seas without direction, while some claiming to be vanguards
either scoffed from the shore or they climbed aboard pretending to steer
it, though they lacked the tools to do so, as they knew nothing of the
waves or the winds or the stars and navigation, and simply let the most
vulnerable rot at the bottom of the hold, and led folk, particularly
youth, including underage ones, into destruction. And what came of that?
All of the horrors we went over in this document, and then some.
True political education and a culture of genuine revolutionary learning
and practice is the only thing that would have allowed folk to identify
this stuff from jump and act against it. It is not enough for folk to
call themselves “scientific” revolutionaries, Nkrumahists,
Marxists/Leninists, Maoists, or whatever other persuasion, too, all
while maintaining a movement atmosphere and ideological milieu built on
reaction to reaction and vice versa; not dialectics. Gazi’s antics could
hardly be critiqued effectively when the self-described materialists
around them had only learned to theorize gender by way of cissexist
idealists like Tommy Curry (who believes sexualized racism against Black
cishet men absolves them of patriarchal violence), Frances Cress Welsing
(who believes white supremacy is primarily motivated by fear of Black
cishet male virility), Clenora Hudson Weems (who sees Black feminism as
divisive and prefers a “holistic” gender politics that is
cissexist/heterosexist instead) when discussing gender contradiction.
Gazi’s antics could hardly be critiqued effectively when the
self-described queer radicals of the Left had only learned to theorize
gender struggles by misusing Sylvia Wynter and Hortense Spillers’
critiques about the colonial basis of modern cisheteropatriarchy to
idealize precolonial Africa as genderless and all Black people as
essentially nonbinary. Gazi’s antics could hardly be critiqued
effectively while the ship still lacks a rudder, while no synthesis
toward higher unity is being advanced, while bad theoretical moves
steeped in chauvinism and class interests mask horrible practices like
gender violence and abuse. Even sadder is that due to all this, attempts
to establish a better precedent on part of some Black/Third World
radicals, particularly trans and nonbinary, especially trans woman,
transfeminine, and transmisogyny-affected (TMA) ones, were being and are
still being dismissed. There is still reactionary criticism upon
reactionary criticism compounding, and all this shitslinging, and
divisiveness, and hot takes, sensationalistic media titles (“fuck black
history month” and “feminism is inherently bourgeois”), incendiary
commentary (like those which denied the literal existence of a Black
elder and political prisoner), intentional internet controversy
campaigns (“operation storm of white tears”), and endless podcasts and
breadtubes with surface level analysis akin to the revolving door of
mainstream media reporting, rants that sound more like Shade Room
comment sections, and exclusionary academic panel-style events led by
wanna-be public intellectual types, the courting of celebrities, and
overall reliance on the marketing apparatus that is social media (even
to the point of mistaking mere popular education and even populism for
political education and conscientization). Does any of this advance the
struggle?
Black Hammer Organization’s inconsistency at the theoretical level,
their lack of cohesive understanding on colonialism and gender
struggles, and the way that provided a smokescreen to cover the abusive
and cult-like dynamics: it is made possible by a general problem on the
anti-colonial Left where gender and hierarchy are seldom confronted
materially. And this milieu is still driving more wedges, still keeps
alienating potential comrades from the anti-colonial Left, and it
shields chauvinists, and though you can scratch a chauvinist, and almost
always either find an apologist for abuse or an actual abuser, like what
happened with Gazi, these radicals are mystified as our movements are so
rife with the people like the latter, and so they can’t even effectively
protect themselves or anyone else from these wreckers, just dusting
their hands or looking the other way when the damage is done, or
claiming that discussion of these things is a tool of the white Man.
Sounds just like how abuse culture happens in the bourgeois world,
right? The same stuff that led to a #MeToo movement? Interesting.... The
anti-colonial Left must take this moment as indication about how
necessary it is to parse embourgeoisement in our spaces. And we can only
walk through the manifestations thereof by paying attention to the
gendered/sexual contradictions that provide a throughline.
Counterinsurgency is heavily reliant on celebrity activism and social
media to water down and misrepresent radical ideas, and the problem of
cults and hierarchy, which are gendered problems, is a perfect doorway
to these bourgeois tendencies infecting our spaces. All Gazi did was
foster a significantly horrible version of an alignment between an old
problem and new realities that the rest of our movement hasn’t fully
grappled with yet. An organization like Black Hammer could rise to
prominence without much opposition as a result of not dealing with this.
To the point of being defended despite its egregious doings, and its
astounding liberalism, its lack of cohesive scientific analysis or
ideology or operational security, and its outright campaigns against
other revolutionaries (in which BHO deemed us “opposition” or
“enemies”). There is no valid reason that criticism of these issues was
dismissed so readily and enthusiastically, or at least not taken
seriously, save that there is unpreparedness on the anti-colonial Left
to confront gender contradictions as a material/labor/praxis question.
If something is not done about this immediately, at theoretical and
procedural, and interpersonal and individual levels, at organizational
and intracommunal levels, we will see the increased magnification of
individualism, of cults of personality and of abuse and the apologism
and shielding around the same, as well as grift and opportunism, to the
point that there would cease to be a meaningful distinction between a
“radical” space and a “radlib” or even “alt-right” space. With the gamut
of tactics used by BHO to supposedly propagandize and politically
educate that we have seen, the lines here are already blurred. And
gender violence, especially (trans)misogynoir, will always be the tell.
There is a web that must be detangled, ultimately, and it is threaded in
gendered contradictions that stem from or are reaction to
cisheteropatriarchy. It’s this that enabled the rise of BHO/Gazi, which
that formation unfortunately took to absolutely depraved extremes, but
which much of the anti-colonial Left is guilty of either participating
in or failing to meaningfully struggle against. One may say that
correlation ain’t causation, but correlation requires a look at the
context that shapes a certain connection: and as regards cults, gender
violence, etc, a context entrenched in organizational methodologies
which value individualism and visibility and one-dimensional expressions
of radical thought, that see other ideologies as competition (reminds
us, competition on the Left is a residue of capitalist market logic),
that regard “the masses” as tabulae rasae who must be proselytized with
the gospel of Marx or Lenin or Mao or Nkrumah or whomever, often cannot
address the issue, see it coming, and they will even stand by it and
make excuses or sweep narratives under the rug. And it is because their
values come from the same gendered histories and institutions that
already rely on abuse and manipulation. Every true revolutionary must
have a commitment to extricating themselves from gendered oppression and
exploitation and domination and division, and striving not to replicate
them, if we want to see all power to the people.
The ruling class is clear on this, that is why they are waging war on
bodily autonomy through gender oppression, and on our consciousness
through mystification around gender, as part of broader attempts to
undermine revolutionary struggle. We want true transformation of
ourselves and our movements, we need to be ready for this. We need the
tools to anticipate and stamp out future abuse and cults, or at least
adequately support victims and repair the damage that has already been
done, and that could come in the future. This can only come when we put
our faith in the magic of the hands, as Assata called it. Discovering
how to practice this is the mission of this generation, and it’s the
gender/sexual struggle, it is a confrontation with cisheteropatriarchy
as a material question, it is the courage to develop new institutions
and new genres of being, it is the willingness to free the available
“cultural and political maneuvers” that gender has enclosed, to liberate
them from the inherited models so reliant on bourgeois hierarchies and
values and labor ascriptions: this phase of struggle is what will help
us both discover and fulfill that charge. We owe it to our ancestors and
to all survivors and to our descendants, to see it thusly, and to move
accordingly. And we owe it to our planet too, because the earth is being
killed, and only a real united front of Black/Third World radical
movements and networks can heal it. Shall we stagnate because we waited
on “demiurges” who only want fame and to enact violence on the most
vulnerable? or will we teach ourselves and our people that it’s our
collective strength that’s gonna get us free? The choice is ours. Queer
or not, we gotta do better.