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Title: Assassination Politics
Author: Jim Bell
Date: April 1995
Language: en
Topics: Assassination, politics, cryptocurrency, digital cash, bitcoin, encryption, anonymity, monero, libertarian, American, technology, cyberpunk, crypto-anarchism, anti-fascism, civil disobedience,

Jim Bell

Assassination Politics

Part 1

I've been following the concepts of digital cash and encryption since I

read the article in the August 1992 issue of Scientific American on

"encrypted signatures." While I've only followed the Digitaliberty area

for a few weeks, I can already see a number of points that do (and

should!) strongly concern the average savvy individual: 1. How can we

translate the freedom afforded by the Internet to ordinary life? 2. How

can we keep the government from banning encryption, digital cash, and

other systems that will improve our freedom? A few months ago, I had a

truly and quite literally "revolutionary" idea, and I jokingly called it

"Assassination Politics": I speculated on the question of whether an

organization could be set up to legally announce that it would be

awarding a cash prize to somebody who correctly "predicted" the death of

one of a list of violators of rights, usually either government

employees, officeholders, or appointees. It could ask for anonymous

contributions from the public, and individuals would be able send those

contributions using digital cash. I also speculated that using modern

methods of public-key encryption and anonymous "digital cash," it would

be possible to make such awards in such a way so that nobody knows who

is getting awarded the money, only that the award is being given. Even

the organization itself would have no information that could help the

authorities find the person responsible for the prediction, let alone

the one who caused the death. It was not my intention to provide such a

"tough nut to crack" by arguing the general case, claiming that a person

who hires a hit man is not guilty of murder under libertarian

principles. Obviously, the problem with the general case is that the

victim may be totally innocent under libertarian principles, which would

make the killing a crime, leading to the question of whether the person

offering the money was himself guilty. On the contrary; my speculation

assumed that the "victim" is a government employee, presumably one who

is not merely taking a paycheck of stolen tax dollars, but also is

guilty of extra violations of rights beyond this. (Government agents

responsible for the Ruby Ridge incident and Waco come to mind.) In

receiving such money and in his various acts, he violates the

"Non-aggression Principle" (NAP) and thus, presumably, any acts against

him are not the initiation of force under libertarian principles. The

organization set up to manage such a system could, presumably, make up a

list of people who had seriously violated the NAP, but who would not see

justice in our courts due to the fact that their actions were done at

the behest of the government. Associated with each name would be a

dollar figure, the total amount of money the organization has received

as a contribution, which is the amount they would give for correctly

"predicting" the person's death, presumably naming the exact date.

"Guessers" would formulate their "guess" into a file, encrypt it with

the organization's public key, then transmit it to the organization,

possibly using methods as untraceable as putting a floppy disk in an

envelope and tossing it into a mailbox, but more likely either a cascade

of encrypted anonymous remailers, or possibly public-access Internet

locations, such as terminals at a local library, etc. In order to

prevent such a system from becoming simply a random unpaid lottery, in

which people can randomly guess a name and date (hoping that lightning

would strike, as it occasionally does), it would be necessary to deter

such random guessing by requiring the "guessers" to include with their

"guess" encrypted and untraceable "digital cash," in an amount

sufficiently high to make random guessing impractical. For example, if

the target was, say, 50 years old and had a life expectancy of 30 years,

or about 10,000 days, the amount of money required to register a guess

must be at least 1/10,000th of the amount of the award. In practice, the

amount required should be far higher, perhaps as much as 1/1000 of the

amount, since you can assume that anybody making a guess would feel

sufficiently confident of that guess to risk 1/1000th of his potential

reward. The digital cash would be placed inside the outer "encryption

envelope," and could be decrypted using the organization's public key.

The prediction itself (including name and date) would be itself in

another encryption envelope inside the first one, but it would be

encrypted using a key that is only known to the predictor himself. In

this way, the organization could decrypt the outer envelope and find the

digital cash, but they would have no idea what is being predicted in the

innermost envelope, either the name or the date. If, later, the

"prediction" came true, the predictor would presumably send yet another

encrypted "envelope" to the organization, containing the decryption key

for the previous "prediction" envelope, plus a public key (despite its

name, to be used only once!) to be used for encryption of digital cash

used as payment for the award. The organization would apply the

decryption key to the prediction envelope, discover that it works, then

notice that the prediction included was fulfilled on the date stated.

The predictor would be, therefore, entitled to the award. Nevertheless,

even then nobody would actually know WHO he is! It doesn't even know if

the predictor had anything to do with the outcome of the prediction. If

it received these files in the mail, in physical envelopes, which had no

return address, it would have burned the envelopes before it studied

their contents. The result is that even the active cooperation of the

organization could not possibly help anyone, including the police, to

locate the predictor. Also included within this "prediction-fulfilled"

encryption envelope would be unsigned (not-yet-valid) "digital cash,"

which would then be blindly signed by the organization's bank and

subsequently encrypted using the public key included. (The public key

could also be publicized, to allow members of the public to securely

send their comments and, possibly, further grateful remuneration to the

predictor, securely.) The resulting encrypted file could be published

openly on the Internet, and it could then be decrypted by only one

entity: The person who had made that original, accurate prediction. The

result is that the recipient would be absolutely untraceable. The

digital cash is then processed by the recipient by "unbinding" it, a

principle which is explained in far greater detail by the article in the

August 1992 issue of Scientific American. The resulting digital cash is

absolutely untraceable to its source. This overall system achieves a

number of goals. First, it totally hides the identity of the predictor

to the organization, which makes it unnecessary for any potential

predictor to "trust" them to not reveal his name or location. Second, it

allows the predictor to make his prediction without revealing the actual

contents of that prediction until later, when he chooses to, assuring

him that his "target" cannot possibly get early warning of his intent

(and "failed" predictions need never be revealed). In fact, he needs

never reveal his prediction unless he wants the award. Third, it allows

the predictor to anonymously grant his award to anyone else he chooses,

since he may give this digital cash to anyone without fear that it will

be traced. For the organization, this system also provides a number of

advantages .By hiding the identity of the predictor from even it, the

organization cannot be forced to reveal it, in either civil or criminal

court. This should also shield the organization from liability, since it

will not know the contents of any "prediction" until after it comes

true. (Even so, the organization would be deliberately kept "poor" so

that it would be judgment-proof.) Since presumably most of the laws the

organization might be accused of violating would require that the

violator have specific or prior knowledge, keeping itself ignorant of as

many facts as possible, for as long as possible, would presumably make

it very difficult to prosecute.

Part 2

"At the Village Pizza shop, as they were sitting down to consume a

pepperoni, Dorothy asked Jim, 'So what other inventions are you working

on?" Jim replied, 'I've got a new idea, but it's really evolutionary.

Literally REVOLUTIONARY.' 'Okay, Jim, which government are you planning

to overthrow?,' she asked, playing along. 'All of them,' answered Jim."

Political Implications Imagine for a moment that as ordinary citizens

were watching the evening news, they see an act by a government employee

or officeholder that they feel violates their rights, abuses the

public's trust, or misuses the powers that they feel should be limited.

A person whose actions are so abusive or improper that the citizenry

shouldn't have to tolerate it. What if they could go to their computers,

type in the miscreant's name, and select a dollar amount: The amount

they, themselves, would be willing to pay to anyone who "predicts" that

officeholder's death. That donation would be sent, encrypted and

anonymously, to a central registry organization, and be totaled, with

the total amount available within seconds to any interested individual.

If only 0.1% of the population, or one person in a thousand, was willing

to pay $1 to see some government slimeball dead, that would be, in

effect, a $250,000 bounty on his head. Further, imagine that anyone

considering collecting that bounty could do so with the mathematical

certainty that he could not be identified, and could collect the reward

without meeting, or even talking to, anybody who could later identify

him. Perfect anonymity, perfect secrecy, and perfect security. And that,

combined with the ease and security with which these contributions could

be collected, would make being an abusive government employee an

extremely risky proposition. Chances are good that nobody above the

level of county commissioner would even risk staying in office. Just how

would this change politics in America? It would take far less time to

answer, "What would remain the same?" No longer would we be electing

people who will turn around and tax us to death, regulate us to death,

or for that matter sent hired thugs to kill us when we oppose their

wishes. No military? One of the attractive potential implications of

such a system would be that we might not even need a military to protect

the country. Any threatening or abusive foreign leader would be subject

to the same contribution/assassination/reward system, and it would

operate just as effectively over borders as it does domestically. This

country has learned, in numerous examples subsequent to many wars, that

once the political disputes between leaders have ceased, we (ordinary

citizens) are able to get along pretty well with the citizens of other

countries. Classic examples are post-WWII Germany, Japan, and Italy, and

post-Soviet Russia, the Eastern bloc, Albania, and many others. Contrary

examples are those in which the political dispute remains, such as North

Korea, Vietnam, Iraq, Cuba, Red China, and a few others. In all of these

examples, the opposing leadership was NOT defeated, either in war or in

an internal power struggle. Clearly, it is not the PEOPLE who maintain

the dispute, but the leadership. Consider how history might have changed

if we'd been able to "bump off" Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini, Tojo,

Kim Il Sung, Ho Chi Minh, Ayatollah Khomeini, Saddam Hussein, Moammar

Khadafi, and various others, along with all of their replacements if

necessary, all for a measly few million dollars, rather than the

billions of dollars and millions of lives that subsequent wars cost. But

that raises an interesting question, with an even more interesting

answer. "If all this is so easy, why hasn't this been done before?" I

mean, wars are destructive, costly, and dangerous, so why hasn't some

smart politician figured out that instead of fighting the entire

country, we could just 'zero' the few bad guys on the top? The answer is

quite revealing, and strikingly "logical": If we can kill THEIR leaders,

they can kill OUR leaders too. That would avoid the war, but the

leadership on both sides would be dead, and guess who is making the

decisions about what to do? That's right, the LEADERS! And the leaders

(both theirs and ours!) would rather see 30,000,000 ordinary people die

in WWII than lose their own lives, if they can get away with it. Same in

Korea, Vietnam, the Gulf War, and numerous other disputes around the

globe. You can see that as long as we continue to allow leaders, both

"ours" and "theirs," to decide who should die, they will ALWAYS choose

the ordinary people of each country. One reason the leaders have been

able to avoid this solution is simple: While it's comparatively easy to

"get away with murder," it's a lot harder to reward the person who does

it, and that person is definitely taking a serious risk. (Most murders

are solved based on some prior relationship between the murder and

victim, or observations of witnesses who know either the murderer or the

victim.) Historically, it has been essentially impossible to adequately

motivate an assassin, ensuring his safety and anonymity as well, if only

because it has been impossible to PAY him in a form that nobody can

trace, and to ensure the silence of all potential witnesses. Even if a

person was willing to die in the act, he would want to know that the

people he chooses would get the reward, but if they themselves were

identified they'd be targets of revenge. All that's changed with the

advent of public-key encryption and digital cash. Now, it should be

possible to announce a standing offer to all comers that a large sum of

digital cash will be sent to him in an untraceable fashion should he

meet certain "conditions," conditions which don't even have to include

proving (or, for that matter, even claiming) that he was somehow

responsible for a death. I believe that such a system has tremendous

implications for the future of freedom. Libertarians in particular (and

I'm a libertarian) should pay particular attention to the fact that this

system "encourages" if not an anarchist outcome, at least a minarchist

(minimal government) system, because no large governmental structure

could survive in its current form. In fact, I would argue that this

system would solve a potential problem, occasionally postulated, with

the adoption of libertarianism in one country, surrounded by

non-libertarian states. It could have reasonably been suspected that in

a gradual shift to a libertarian political and economic system, remnants

of a non-libertarian system such as a military would have to survive, to

protect society against the threats represented by foreign states. While

certainly plausible, it would have been hard for an average naive person

to imagine how the country would maintain a $250 billion military

budget, based on voluntary contributions. The easy answer, of course, is

that military budgets of that size would simply not happen in a

libertarian society. More problematic is the question of how a country

would defend itself, if it had to raise its defenses by voluntary

contribution. An equally simplistic answer is that this country could

probably be defended just fine on a budget 1/2 to 1/3 of the current

budget. True, but that misses the point. The real answer is even

simpler. Large armies are only necessary to fight the other large armies

organized by the leadership of other, non-libertarian states, presumably

against the will of their citizenry. Once the problem posed by _their_

leadership is solved (as well as ours; either by their own citizenry by

similar anonymous contributions, or by ours), there will be no large

armies to oppose.

Part 3

In the 1960's movie, "The Thomas Crown Affair," actor Steve McQueen

plays a bored multi-millionaire who fights tedium by arranging

well-planned high-yield bank robberies. He hires each of the robbers

separately and anonymously, so that they can neither identify him nor

each other. They arrive at the bank on schedule, separately but

simultaneously, complete the robbery, then separate forever. He pays

each robber out of his own funds, so that the money cannot be traced,

and he keeps the proceeds of each robbery. In my recent essay generally

titled "Digitaliberty," or earlier "Assassination politics," I

hypothesized that it should be possible to LEGALLY set up an

organization which collects perfectly anonymous donations sent by

members of the public, donations which instruct the organization to pay

the amount to any person who correctly guesses the date of death of some

named person, for example some un-favorite government employee or

officeholder. The organization would total the amounts of the donations

for each different named person, and publish that list (presumably on

the Internet) on a daily or perhaps even an hourly basis, telling the

public exactly how much a person would get for "predicting" the death of

that particular target. Moreover, that organization would accept

perfectly anonymous, untraceable, encrypted "predictions" by various

means, such as the Internet (probably through chains of encrypted

anonymous remailers), U.S. mail, courier, or any number of other means.

Those predictions would contain two parts: A small amount of untraceable

"digital cash," inside the outer "digital envelope," to ensure that the

"predictor" can't economically just randomly choose dates and names, and

an inner encrypted data packet which is encrypted so that even the

organization itself cannot decrypt it. That data packet would contain

the name of the person whose death is predicted, and the date it is to

happen. This encrypted packet could also be published, still encrypted,

on the Internet, so as to be able to prove to the world, later, that

SOMEBODY made that prediction before it happened, and was willing to

"put money on it" by including it outside the inner encrypted

"envelope." The "predictor" would always lose the outer digital cash; he

would only earn the reward if his (still-secret) prediction later became

true. If, later on, that prediction came true, the "lucky" predictor

would transmit the decrypt key to the organization, untraceably, which

would apply it to the encrypted packet, and discover that it works, and

read the prediction made hours, days, weeks, or even months earlier.

Only then would the organization, or for that matter anyone else except

the predictor, know the person or the date named. Also included in that

inner encrypted digital "envelope" would be a public key, generated by

the predictor for only this particular purpose: It would not be his

"normal" public key, obviously, because that public key would be

traceable to him. Also present in this packet the predictor has earned.

(This presentation could be done indirectly, by an intermediary, to

prevent a bank from being able to refuse to deal with the organization.)

Those "digital cash" codes will then be encrypted using the public key

included with the original prediction, and published in a number of

locations, perhaps on the Internet in a number of areas, and available

by FTP to anyone who's interested. (It is assumed that this data will

somehow get to the original predictor. Since it will get to "everyone"

on the Internet, it will presumably be impossible to know where the

predictor is.) Note, however, that only the person who sent the

prediction (or somebody he's given the secret key to in the interim) can

decrypt that message, and in any case only he, the person who prepared

the digital cash blanks, can fully "unbind" the digital cash to make it

spendable, yet absolutely untraceable. (For a much more complete

explanation of how so-called "digital cash" works, I refer you to the

August 1992 issue of Scientific American.) This process sounds

intricate, but it (and even some more detail I haven't described above)

is all necessary to: 1. Keep the donors, as well as the predictors,

absolutely anonymous, not only to the public and each other, but also to

the organization itself, either before or after the prediction comes

true. 2. Ensure that neither the organization, nor the donors, nor the

public, is aware of the contents of the "prediction" unless and until it

later becomes true. (This ensures that none of the other participants

can be "guilty" of knowing this, before it happens.) 3. Prove to the

donors (including potential future predictors), the organization, and

the public that indeed, somebody predicted a particular death on a

particular date, before it actually happened. 4. Prove to the donors and

the public (including potential future predictors) that the amount of

money promised was actually paid to whoever made the prediction that

later came true. This is important, obviously, because you don't want

any potential predictor to doubt whether he'll get the money if he makes

a successful prediction, and you don't want any potential donor to doubt

that his money is actually going to go to a successful predictor. 5.

Prevent the organization and the donors and the public from knowing, for

sure, whether the predictor actually had anything to do with the death

predicted. This is true even if (hypothetically) somebody is later

caught and convicted of a murder, which was the subject of a successful

"prediction": Even after identifying the murderer through other means,

it will be impossible for anyone to know if the murderer and the

predictor were the same person. 6. Allow the predictor, if he so

chooses, to "gift" the reward (possibly quite anonymously) to any other

person, one perhaps totally unaware of the source of the money, without

anyone else knowing of this. Even the named "target" (the "victim") is

also assured of something: He his best "friend," could collect the

reward, absolutely anonymously, should they "predict" his death

correctly. At that point, he will have no friends. This may represent

the ultimate in compartmentalization of information: Nobody knows more

than he needs to, to play his part in the whole arrangement. Nobody can

turn anyone else in, or make a mistake that identifies the other

participants. Yet everyone can verify that the "game" is played

"fairly": The predictor gets his money, as the donors desire. Potential

future predictors are satisfied (in a mathematically provable fashion)

that all previous successful predictors were paid their full rewards, in

a manner that can't possibly be traced. The members of the public are

assured that, if they choose to make a donation, it will be used as

promised. This leads me to a bold assertion: I claim that, aside from

the practical difficulty and perhaps, theoretical impossibility of

identifying either the donors or the predictor, it is very likely that

none of the participants, with the (understandable) hypothetical

exception of a "predictor" who happens to know that he is also a

murderer, could actually be considered "guilty" of any violation of

black-letter law. Furthermore, none of the participants, including the

central organization, is aware, either before or after the "prediction"

comes true, that any other participant was actually in violation of any

law, or for that matter would even know (except by watching the news)

that any crime had actually been committed. After all, the donors are

merely offering gifts to a person who makes a successful prediction, not

for any presumed responsibility in a killing, and the payment would

occur even if no crime occurred. The organization is merely coordinating

it all, but again isolating itself so that it cannot know from whom the

money comes, or to whom the money eventually is given, or whether a

crime was even committed. (Hypothetically, the "predictor" could

actually be the "victim," who decides to kill himself and "predict"

this, giving the proceeds of the reward to his chosen beneficiary,

perhaps a relative or friend. Ironically, this might be the best revenge

he can muster, "cheating the hangman," as it were.) In fact, the

organization could further shield itself by adopting a stated policy

that no convicted (or, for that matter, even SUSPECTED) killers could

receive the payment of a reward. However, since the recipient of the

reward is by definition unidentified and untraceable even in theory,

this would be a rather hollow assurance since it has no way to prevent

such a payment from being made to someone responsible.

Part 4

In part 3, I claimed that an organization could quite legally operate,

assisted by encryption, international data networking, and untraceable

digital cash, in a way that would (indirectly) hasten the death of named

people, for instance hated government employees and officeholders. I

won't attempt to "prove" this, for reasons that I think will be obvious.

First, even if such an operation were indeed "legal," that fact alone

would not stop its opponents from wanting to shut it down. However,

there is also another way of looking at it: If this system works as I

expect it would, even its claimed "illegality" would be irrelevant,

because it could operate over international borders and beyond the legal

reach of any law-abiding government. Perhaps the most telling fact,

however, is that if this system was as effective as it appears it would

be, no prosecutor would dare file charges against any participant, and

no judge would hear the case, because no matter how long the existing

list of "targets," there would always be room for one or two more. Any

potential user of this system would recognize that an assault on this

system represents a threat to its future availability, and would act

accordingly by donating money to target anyone trying to shut it down.

Even so, I think I should address two charges that have been made,

apparently quite simplistically, claiming that an implementation of this

idea would violate the law. Specifically: "Conspiracy to commit murder"

and "misprision of felony." As I understand it, in order to have a

"conspiracy" from a criminal standpoint, it is necessary to have at

least two people agree to commit a crime, and have some overt act in

furtherance of that crime. Well, this charge already "strikes out"

because in the plan I described, none of the participants _agrees_ with

ANYONE to commit a crime. None of the participants even informs anyone

else that he will be committing a crime, whether before or after the

fact. In fact, the only crime appears (hypothetically; this assumes that

a crime was actually committed) to be a murder committed by a single

individual, a crime unknown to the other participants, with his identity

similarly unknown. Remember, the "prediction" originally sent in by the

predictor was fully encrypted, so that the organization (or anyone else,

for that matter) would be unable to figure out the identity of the

person whose death was predicted, or the date on which it was predicted

to occur. Thus, the organization is incapable of "agreeing" with such a

thing, and likewise the donors as well. Only if the prediction later

came true would the decrypt key arrive, and only then would the

organization (and the public) be made aware of the contents. Even then,

it's only a "prediction," so even then, nobody is actually aware of any

crime that can be associated with the predictor. "Misprision of Felony"

This crime, sort of a diluted form of "accessory before and/or after the

fact," was claimed to qualify by "Tim of Angle," who subsequent to my

answer to him on this subject has totally failed to support his initial

claim. (A recent curiosity is that this crime is one that has been

charged against Michael Fortier, the person who claims he helped OKC

bombing suspect Tim McVeigh "case the joint" at the Federal building.) I

include it here, nevertheless, because his simplistic (and un-careful)

reading of my idea led him to perhaps the "closest" law that one might

allege that the participants would have broken. Tim claimed: No. That's

called "misprision of felony" and makes you an accessory before the

fact. Arguably, under the felony murder rule you could get TOA> capital

punishment in a state that has such. However, I did a little library

research, checking Black's Law Dictionary. Here is the entry for this

item: "Misprision of felony. The offense of concealing a felony

committed by another, but without such previous concert with or

subsequent assistance to the felon as would make the party concealing an

accessory before or after the fact. United State s v. Perlstein,

C.C.A.N.J., 126 F.2d 789, 798. Elements of the crime are that the

principal committed and completed the felony alleged, that the defendant

had full knowledge of that fact, that the defendant failed to notify the

authorities, and that defendant took an affirmative step to conceal the

crime. U.S. v. Ciambrone, C.A. Nev., 750 F.2d 1416, 1417. Whoever,

having knowledge of the actual commission of a felony recognizable by a

court of the United States, conceals and does not as soon as possible

make known the same to some judge or other person in civil or military

authority under the United States, is guilty of the federal crime of

misprision of felony. 18 U.S.C.A 4." See also Obstructing Justice .in

Black’s Law Dictionary. The only "element" of this crime which is

arguably satisfied is the first: Some person other than the defendant

for "misprision of felony") committed a crime. The second element fails

miserably: "...that the defendant had full knowledge of that fact... "

My previous commentary makes it clear that far from "full knowledge of

that fact," other participants are carefully prevented from having ANY

"knowledge of that fact." The third element, " that the defendant failed

to notify the authorities..." is also essentially non-existent: No other

participants have any information as to the identity of a predictor, or

his location, or for that matter whether he has had any involvement in

any sort of crime. In fact, it would be possible for each of the other

participants to deliver (anonymously, presumably) copies of all

correspondence they have sent, to the police or other agency, and that

correspondence would not help the authorities even slightly to identify

a criminal or even necessarily a crime. In fact, normal operation of

this organization would be to publicize "all" correspondence it

receives, in order to provide feedback to the public to assure them that

all participants are fulfilling their promises and receiving their

rewards. This publication would presumably find its way to the police,

or it could even be mailed to them on a "fail[ing] to notify

authorities." Nevertheless, none of this material could help any

authorities with their investigations, to their dismay. The fourth and

last element of the crime of "misprision of felony", "...and that

defendant took an affirmative step to conceal the crime," would totally

fail. The organization would not " conceal" the crime. In fact, it will

have no ability to do anything to the contrary, if for no other reason

that it _has_ no knowledge of the crime! And as described above, it

would carefully avoid having access to any information that could help

solve the crime, and thus it would escape any obligations along these

lines. Summary: In hindsight, it is not surprising that such an

organization could operate legally within the U.S., although at least

initially not without political opposition. First, this is at least

nominally supposed to be a "free country," which should mean that police

and other authorities aren't able to punish behavior just because they

don't like it. Secondly, it is obvious that most laws today were

originally written during an era in which laws assumed that

"conspirators" at least knew each other, had met each other, could

identify each other, or had (at least!) talked to each other. On the

contrary, in my scenario none of the participants even know on what

continent any of the others reside, let alone their country, city, or

street. They don't know what they look like, sound like, or for that

matter even "type like": None of their prose, save a few sparse

"predictions," ever gets communicated to anyone else, so even

text-comparison programs would fail to "target" anyone. Equally

surprising (to those who originally wrote the laws against "conspiracy")

would be "Person A's" ability to satisfy himself that "Person B"

deserves the award, without knowing that "Person B" is (or is not)

actually responsible for a particular death.

Part 5

In the previous four notes on the subject of Digitaliberty, I've

suggested that this concept (collecting anonymous donations to, in

effect, "purchase" the death of an un-favorite government employee)

would force a dramatic reduction of the size of government at all

levels, as well as achieving what will probably be a "minarchist"

(minimal government) state at a very rapid rate. Furthermore, I pointed

out that I thought that this effect would not merely affect a single

country or continent, but might in fact spread through all countries

essentially simultaneously. But in addition to such (apparently)

grandiose claims, it occurs to me that there must be other changes to

society that would simultaneously occur with the adoption of such a

system. After all, a simplistic view of my idea might lead one to the

conclusion that there would be almost no governmental structure left

after society had been transformed. Since our current "criminal justice

system" today is based totally on the concept of "big government," this

would lead a naive person to wonder how concepts such as "justice,"

"fairness," "order," and for that matter protection of individual rights

can be accomplished in such a society. Indeed, one common theme I've

seen in criticisms of my idea is the fear that this system would lead to

"anarchy." The funny thing about this objection is that, technically,

this could easily be true. But "anarchy" in real life may not resemble

anything like the "anarchy" these people claim to fear, which leads me

to respond with a quote whose origin I don't quite remember: "Anarchy is

not lack of order. Anarchy is lack of ORDERS." People presumably will

continue to live their lives in a calm, ordered manner. Or, at least as

calm and ordered as they WANT to. It won't be "wild in the streets," and

they won't bring cannibalism back as a national sport, or anything like

that. It occurs to me that probably one of the best ways to demonstrate

that my idea, "assassination politics" (perhaps ineptly named, in view

of the fact that its application is far greater than mere politics),

would not result in "lack of order" is to show that most if not all of

the DESIRABLE functions of the current so-called "criminal justice

system" will be performed after its adoption. This is true even if they

will be accomplished through wholly different methods and, conceivably,

in entirely different ways than the current system does. I should

probably first point out that it is not my intention to re-write the

book of minarchist theory. I would imagine that over the years, there

has been much written about how individuals and societies would function

absent a strong central government, and much of that writing is probably

far more detailed and well thought out than anything I'll describe here.

One reason that ALMOST ANY "criminal justice system" would be better and

more effective than the one we currently possess is that, contrary to

the image that officialdom would try to push, anyone whose job depends

on "crime" has a strong vested interest in _maintaining_ a high level of

crime, not eliminating it. After all, a terrorized society is one that

is willing to hire many cops and jailers and judges and lawyers, and to

pay them high salaries. A safe, secure society is not willing to put up

with that. The "ideal" situation, from the limited and self-interested

standpoint of the police and jailers, is one that maximizes the number

of people in prison, yet leaves most of the really dangerous criminals

out in the streets, in order to maintain justification for the system.

That seems to be exactly the situation we have today, which is not

surprising when you consider that the police have had an unusually high

level of input into the "system" for many decades. The first effect of

my idea would be, I think, to generally eliminate prohibitions against

acts which have no victims, or "victimless crimes." Classic examples are

laws against drug sales and use, gambling, prostitution, pornography,

etc. That's because the average (unpropagandized) individual will have

very little concern or sympathy for punishing an act which does not have

a clear victim. Without a large, central government to push the

propaganda, the public will view these acts as certainly not "criminal,"

even if still regarded as generally undesirable by a substantial

minority for a few years. Once you get rid of such laws, the price of

currently illegal drugs would drop dramatically, probably by a factor of

100. Crime caused by the need to get money to pay for these drugs would

drop drastically, even if you assume that drug usage increased due to

the lowering of the price. Despite this massive reduction in crime,

perhaps as much as 90%, the average person is still going to want to

know what "my system" would do about the residual, "real" crime rate.

You know, murder, rape, robbery, burglary, and all that. Well, in the

spirit of the idea, a simplistic interpretation would suggest that an

individual could target the criminal who victimizes him, which would put

an end to that criminal career. Some might object, pointing out that the

criminal is only identified in a minority of crimes. That objection is

technically correct, but it's also a bit misleading. The truth is that

the vast majority of "victim"-type crime is committed by a relatively

tiny fraction of the population who are repeat criminals. It isn't

necessary to identify For example, even if the probability of a car

thief getting caught, per theft, is only 5%, there is at least a 40%

probability of getting caught after 10 thefts, and a 65% chance after 20

thefts. A smart car-theft victim would be happy to donate money

targeting ANY discovered car-thief, not necessarily just the one who

victimized him. The average car-owner would be wise to offer such

donations occasionally, as "insurance" against the possibility of his

being victimized someday: An average donation of 1 cent per day per car

would constitute $10,000 per day for a typical city of 1 million cars.

Assuming that amount is far more than enough to get a typical car

thief's "friends" to "off" him, there is simply no way that a

substantial car-theft subculture could possibly be maintained. Another

alternative is that insurance companies would probably get into the act:

Since they are going to be the financial victims of thefts of their

insured's property, it is reasonable to suppose that they would be

particularly inclined to deter such theft. It is conceivable that

current-day insurance companies would transmogrify themselves into

investigation/deterrence agencies, while maintaining their insurance

role, in view of the fact that they have the most to lose. This is

particularly true because if "assassination politics" (as applied to

criminals and crime) comes about, they could then actually DO SOMETHING

about the problem, rather than merely reporting on the statistics to

their customers and stockholders. Such companies would also have a

strong motivation to provide a workable system of rewards for solving

crimes and identifying criminals, rewards that (naturally enough!) can

be given out totally anonymously. While I would like to talk about the

other advantage of this new kind of justice, the fact that politicians

and other government employees would no longer have de-facto immunity in

most cases, the reality is that since we would no longer HAVE

"politicians and other government employees," to mention that advantage

would be redundant. The principle is valid, however: In today's system,

you can have people known to be guilty of crimes, but not prosecuted

because they are part of "the system." Classic examples would be heroes

of the right (Oliver North) and heroes of the left (Jim Wright) who

either escape prosecution or conviction for "political" or

"bureaucratic" reasons. With "assassination politics" that would simply

never happen.

Part 6

A frequent initial belief among people who have recently heard of my

"assassination politics" idea is the fear that this system will somehow

be "out of control": It would end up causing the death of ordinary,

"undeserving" people. This system, however, will not be without its own

kind of "control. "Not a centralized control, decidable by a single

individual, but a decentralized system in which everyone gets an

implicit "vote." A good analogy might be to consider a society in which

everyone's house thermostat is controlled to operate at a temperature

which is set for the entire country. Each person's control input is

taken as a "vote," whether to get hotter, colder, or to stay the same

temperature. The central control computer adjusts the national setpoint

temperature in order to equalize the number of people who want the

temperature colder and hotter. Each house is at the same, nationally set

temperature, however. Clearly, no one individual is in control of the

setting. Nevertheless, I think it would be generally agreed that this

system would never produce a REALLY "off the wall" temperature setting,

simply because so many people's inputs are used to determine the output.

Sure, if a group of 10,000 kids decided (assisted by the Internet)

together to screw with the system, and they all set their houses'

thermostat inputs to "hotter," they could SLIGHTLY increase the overall

setting, but since there are probably about 100 million separate

dwellings in the U.S., their fiddlings will be drowned out by the vast

majority of the population's desires. Is this system "out of control"?

True, it is out of the "control" of any single individual, but

nevertheless it is well within the control of the population as a whole.

It turns out that "assassination politics" actually has a rather similar

control mechanism to the one I've described above. First, I've pointed

out that if I were to operate a centralized system such as this, I'd

only accept donations naming people who are in violation of the

"Non-Initiation Of Force Principle" (NIOFP), well known to libertarians.

By this standard, government employees (who have accepted paychecks paid

for with funds stolen from citizenry by taxes) and criminals whose

crimes actually had a victim would be included. Let's call this

hypothetical organization "Organization A," or OrgA for short. True,

somebody else might be a little less scrupulous, accepting donations for

the termination of ANYBODY regardless of whether he "deserves" his fate

(call them "Organization B," or OrgB, for short.) Most potential donors

(who, I suggest, would have "typical" levels of scruples) would see that

if they patronize OrgB, their interests wouldn’t be protected. For

example, OrgB (if it survives and thrives) might later come back to

target them, because of some other donor. OrgA would not. Naturally, our

"ethical" donors don't want this, so they would choose to give their

donation to the most "ethical" organization that will accept it. This

maximizes the donors' benefit, and minimizes the potential harm. Since

BOTH organizations will accept donations for "deserving" victims, while

only OrgB will accept them for "just anybody," it is reasonable to

conclude that (capitalism being what it is) OrgB's rates (the percentage

of the price it keeps as profit) can be and will be higher for its

donations (that's because there is less competition in its area of

specialization.) Thus, it would be more economical to target "deserving"

people through OrgA, and thus donors will be drawn to it. In addition,

OrgA will become larger, more credible, believable and trustworthy, and

more potential "guessers" (assassins?) will "work" its system, and for

lower average potential payments (all else being equal.) Even so, and

ironically, the average donation level for people listed by OrgA would

likely be higher, since (if we assume these are "deserving" people) more

people will be contributing towards their demise. After all, if a

potential donor wants to "hit" some government bigwig, there will be

PLENTY of other donors to share the cost with. Millions of donations of

$1 to $10 each would be common and quite economical. On the other hand,

if you just selected a target out of the telephone directory, an

"undeserving" target, you'll probably be the only person wanting to see

him dead, which means that you'll probably have to foot the whole bill

of perhaps $5K to $10K if you want to see any "action. " Add to that

OrgB 's "cut," which will probably be 50%, and you're talking $10K to

$20K. I contend that the likelihood of this kind of thing actually

happening will be quite low, for "undeserving victims." Now, the

die-hards among you will probably object to the fact that even this tiny

residual possibility is left. But consider: Even _today_ it would be

quite "possible" for you to pick a name randomly out of a list, find him

and kill him yourself. Does this frequently happen? Apparently not. For

just one thing, there's no real motive. Unless you can show that the

application of "assassination politics" would dramatically increase the

likelihood of such incidents, I suggest that this "problem" will likely

not be a problem after all. For a while, I thought that the "lack of a

motive" protection was momentarily overturned by a hypothetical: I

thought, suppose a person used this system as part of a sophisticated

extortion scheme, in which he sends an anonymous message to some rich

character, saying something like "pay me a zillion dollars anonymously,

or I put out a digital contract on you." For a while, this one had me

stumped. Then, I realized that an essential element in this whole play

was missing: If this could be done ONCE, it could be done a dozen times.

And the victim of such an extortion scheme has no assurance that it

won't happen again, even if he pays off, so ironically he has no

motivation to pay off the extortion. Think about it: The only reason to

make the payment is to remove the threat. If making the payment can't

guarantee to the target that the threat is removed, he has no reason to

make the payment. And if the target has no reason to make the payment,

the extortionist has no reason to make the threat! Another, related (and

equally simplistic) fear is that political minorities will be

preferentially targeted. For example, when I pointed out that

"establishment" political leaders would probably "go" quite quickly, one

wag suggested to me that "libertarian leaders" could likewise be

targeted. Such a suggestion reflects a serious misunderstanding of

political philosophy, and libertarians in particular: I consider it

obvious (to me, at least) that libertarians NEED no leaders. (You don't

need leaders if you don't want to control a population, or achieve

political power. The only reason libertarians "need" leaders today is to

take places in the government and (then) to shut it down.) And if my

idea is implemented, "libertarian leaders" represent no more of a threat

to anyone than the average libertarian citizen. Fully recognizing this,

another (and far more credible) person thought a while, and in a proud

revelation suggested that one way that the establishment would "fight

back" is to convert to a government that is based on fully decentralized

authority, as opposed to the leader-centric system we have today. Such a

system could not be attacked by killing individual people, any more than

you can kill a tree by pulling off a single leaf. His "solution" was, in

effect, to totally disband the current government and turn it over to

the public at large, where it highly de-centralized system that is not

controlled by a tiny fraction of the population in a structure called a

"government," essentially identical to his idea. So in effect, the only

way the government can survive is to totally surrender. And once it

surrenders, the people win. And in practice, it will have no

alternative. Will this idea be "out of control"? To a great extent, that

depends on what your definition of the word "control." I have come to

believe that "assassination politics" is a political Rorschach

(ink-blot) test: What you think of it is strongly related to your

political philosophy.

Part 7

Dear libertarian Friend, I very much understand the concerns you voiced

about my idea which I call, "Assassination Politics," because this essay

is nothing if it is not radical and extreme. I wrote it, in the middle

of last year, partly because I think libertarianism and libertarians in

particular need to address what is, if not a contradiction," is at least

an intolerable reality: On the one hand, we are told not to initiate

aggression, but on the other we are aggressed against by the government

every time it collects a tax. I much appreciate the way some people I

know have "dropped out" of the system, and the guts that such a tactic

requires. But that's the problem, I think: Only those with the "guts" do

it, which gives the government fewer targets so that it can spend more

time attacking the few who oppose it. The reality is that the government

STILL collects taxes, and it STILL uses that money to violate our

rights. We all know that's wrong. My position is quite simple: If tax

collection constitutes aggression, then anyone doing it or assisting in

the effort or benefiting from the proceeds thereof is a criminal. This

is quite analogous to current law that prosecutes co-conspirators. While

I am not holding out "current law" as some sort of gold-standard of

reasonableness that we must always accept, on the other hand I think

it's plausible to use it to show that once we have come to the

conclusion that taxation is theft, the prescription follows directly by

a form of reasoning allegedly acceptable to society: It is reasonable to

"attack the attackers" and their co-conspirators, and everyone who is

employed by the government is thus a co-conspirator, even if he is not

directly involved in the collection of those taxes. That's because he IS

involved in _benefiting_ from the proceeds of these taxes, and he

presumably provides a certain level of "backup" to the young thugs that

governmental organizations often hire. I realize, and you should too,

that the "non-aggression principle" says nothing about the EXTENT of the

self-defense/retaliation that one might reasonably employ in defending

one's own rights: In a sense, that sounds like an omission because it at

least suggests that a person might "unreasonably" defend himself with

lethal force when far less drastic means might normally be called for.

For what it's worth, I think most people will behave responsibly. But I

think it is pretty straightforward to argue that whatever means are

necessary to stop the attack, are reasonable given the terms of the

non-aggression principle: If a given means are known to be inadequate to

actually stop the attack, then further and more serious means are

reasonable and called-for. To set up a reasonable analogy, if I'm

walking down the canonical "dark alley" and am accosted by a man

wielding a knife threatening me with it, it is presumably reasonable for

me to pull a gun and threaten back, or possibly take the encounter to

the final conclusion of gunfire. Even if I should choose to hold my fire

and test to determine whether my actions deterred him, I can't see that

this possibility binds me morally. And should he advance, despite the

gun, as if to attack, I should feel no remorse in shooting him and

taking myself out of danger. If you accept the premises so far, you

apparently accept the principle that escalation of the

self-defense/retaliation is reasonable as long as if the current level

of returned counter-threat is inadequate to stop the aggression

initiated by the other party. To believe otherwise is to believe that

ultimately, you are obligated to accept a certain high level of

aggression simply because you do not have the resources (yet) to resist

it. I totally reject this concept, as I hope you would. So if,

hypothetically, I could have an anonymous conversation with a hard-nosed

government employee, and asked him, "If I killed one of your agents,

would you stop trying to collect that tax from me," his predictable

reaction would be, "no, we would continue to try to collect that tax."

In fact, he would probably hasten to add that he would try to have me

prosecuted for murder, as well! If I were to ask if killing ten agents

would stop them, again they would presumably say that this would not

change their actions. The conclusion is, to me, obvious: Clearly, there

is no practical limit to the amount of self-defense that I would need to

protect my assets from the government tax collector, and to actually

stop the theft, so I suggest that logic requires that I be morally and

ethically allowed (under libertarian principles) to use whatever level

of self-defense I choose. You raised another objection that quite

frankly I believe is invalid. I believe you implied that until a

specific level of escalation is reached (such as the Feds showing up on

your doorstep, etc) then it is not legitimate to defend oneself.

Delicately, I must disagree. As we all well know, government ultimately

operates primarily not on actual, applied force, but simply the threat

of future force if you do not comply. True, there are people who have

decided to call the government's bluff and simply drop out, but the

reality is that this is not practical for most individuals today. This

is no accident: The government makes it difficult to drop out, because

they extort the cooperation of banks and potential employers and others

with which you would otherwise be able to freely contract. In any case,

I fail to see how not "dropping out" makes one somehow morally obligated

to pay a tax (or tolerate the collection of one). I trust you did not

inadvertently mean to suggest this. The reason, morally, we are entitled

to shoot the mugger if he waves the knife in our face is that he has

threatened us with harm, in this case to our lives, but the threat the

government represents to the average citizen (loss of one's entire

assets) is just as real, albeit somewhat different. Since government is

a past reality, and a present reality, and has the immediate prospects

of being a future reality as well, I sincerely believe that the average

citizen can legitimately consider himself CONTINUOUSLY threatened. The

aggression has already occurred, in continuously occurring, and has

every prospect of continuing to occur. If anything would justify

fighting back, this would. To continue the analogy, if you've been

repeatedly mugged by the same guy down the same dark alley for each day

of last month, that DOES NOT mean that you've somehow consented to the

situation, or that your rights to your assets have somehow been waived.

With my "Assassination Politics" essay, I simply proposed that we (as

libertarians as well as being ordinary citizens) begin to treat

aggression by government as being essentially equivalent to aggression

by muggers, rapists, robbers, and murderers, and view their acts as a

continuing series of aggressions. Seen this way, it should not be

necessary to wait for their NEXT aggression; they will have always have

been aggressing and they will always BE aggressing, again and again,

until they are stopped for good. At that point, the question shifted to

one of practicality: Sure, theoretically we might morally have the

"right" to protect ourselves with lethal force, but if they have any

reputation at all, government agents have a habit of showing up in large

numbers when they actually apply direct force. To take a position that

you can only defend yourself when _they've_ chosen the "where" and

"when" of the confrontation is downright suicidal, and I hope you

understand that I would consider any such restriction to be highly

unfair and totally impractical. Understand, too, that the reason we're

still stuck under the thumb of the government is that to the extent it's

true, "we've" been playing by THEIR rules, not by our own. By our own

rules, THEY are the aggressors and we should be able to treat them

accordingly, on our own terms, at our own convenience, whenever we

choose, especially when we feel the odds are on our side. I understand,

obviously, that the "no initiation of aggression" principle is still

valid, but please recognize that I simply don't consider it to be a

valid counter-argument to "Assassination Politics," at least as applied

to targets who happen to be government agents. They've "pre-aggressed,"

and I don't see any limit to the defenses I should be able to muster to

stop that aggression completely and permanently. Not that I don't see a

difference between different levels of guilt: I fully recognize that

some of them are far worse than others, and I would certainly not treat

a lowly Forest Service grunt in the same fashion as an ATF sniper. Now,

there is one more thing that I would hope we could get straight: As I

originally "invented" this system, it occurred to me that there could be

certain arguments that it needed to be "regulated" somehow; "unworthy"

targets shouldn't be killed, etc. The "problem" is, what I've "invented"

may (as I now believe it to be) actually a "discovery," in a sense: I

now believe this kind of system was always inevitable, merely waiting

for the triad of the Internet, digital cash, and good encryption in

order to provide the technical underpinnings for the entire system. If

that is genuinely the case, then there is no real way to control it,

except by free-market principles. It would be impossible, for example,

to set up some sort of "Assassination Politics Dictator," who decides

who will live and who will die, because competition in the system will

always rise to supply every demand, albeit at possibly a very high

price. And if you believe the maxim that "absolute power corrupts

absolutely," you wouldn't want to accept any form of centralized control

(even, perhaps, that of your own!), because any such control would

eventually be corrupted. Most rational people recognize this, and I do

too. I would not have invented a system where "Jim Bell" gets to make

"all the decisions." Quite the contrary, the system I've described

absolutely prevents such centralization. That, quite frankly, is the

novelty and dare I say it, the beauty of this idea. I believe that it

simply cannot be hijacked by centralized political control. As I pointed

out in the essay, if _I_ were running one of the organizations accepting

those donations and offering those prizes, I would selectively list only

those targets that I am genuinely satisfied are guilty of the violation

of the "non-aggression principle." But as a practical matter, there is

no way that I could stop a DIFFERENT organization from being set up and

operating under DIFFERENT moral and ethical principles, especially if it

operated anonymously, as I anticipate the "Assassination Politics"-type

systems will be. Thus, I'm forced to accept the reality that I can't

dictate a "strongly limited" system that would "guarantee" no

"unjustified" deaths: I can merely control my little piece of the earth

and not assist in the abuse of others. I genuinely believe, however,

that the operation of this system would be a vast improvement over the

status quo. This, I argue, is somewhat analogous to an argument that we

should be entitled to own firearms, despite the fact that SOME people

will use them wrongly/immorally/illegally. The ownership is a right even

though it may ultimately allow or enable an abuse that you consider

wrong and punishable. I consider the truth of such an argument to be

obvious and correct, and I know you would too. I realize that this lacks

the crisp certitude of safety that would be reassuring to the average,

"pre-libertarian" individual. But you are not the "average individual"

and I trust that as long-time libertarians you will recognize rights

must exist even given the hypothetical possibility that somebody may

eventually abuse them. I do not know whether I "invented" or

"discovered" this system; perhaps it's a little of both. I do genuinely

believe that this system, or one like it, is as close to being

technologically inevitable as was the invention of firearms once the

material we now know as "gunpowder" was invented. I think it's on the

way, regardless of what we do to stop it. Perhaps more than anyone else

on the face of this planet, this notion has filled me, sequentially and

then simultaneously, with awe, astonishment, joy, terror, and finally,

relief. Awe, that a system could be produced by a handful of people that

would rid the world of the scourge of war, nuclear weapons, governments,

and taxes. Astonishment, at my realization that once started, it would

cover the entire globe inexorably, erasing dictatorships both fascistic

and communistic, monarchies, and even so-called "democracies," which as

a general rule today are really just the facade of government by the

special interests. Joy, that it would eliminate all war, and force the

dismantling not only of all nuclear weapons, but also all militaries,

making them not merely redundant but also considered universally

dangerous, leaving their "owners" no choice but to dismantle them, and

in fact no reason to KEEP them! Terror, too, because this system may

just change almost EVERYTHING how we think about our current society,

and even more for myself personally, the knowledge that there may some

day be a large body of wealthy people who are thrown off their current

positions of control of the world's governments, and the very-real

possibility that they may look for a "villain" to blame for their

downfall. They will find one, in me, and at that time they will have the

money and (thanks to me, at least partially) the means to see their

revenge. But I would not have published this essay if I had been

unwilling to accept the risk. Finally, relief. Maybe I'm a bit premature

to say it, but I'm satisfied we _will_ be free. I'm convinced there is

no alternative. It may feel like a roller-coaster ride on the way there,

but as of today I think our destination is certain. Please understand,

we _will_ be free. Your libertarian friend, Jim Bell

jimbell@pacifier.com Something is going to happen... Something...

Wonderful!

Part 8

The following article appeared in the Sunday, February 4, 1996 issue of

Asahi Evening News, in an article written by columnist Paul Maxwell,

page 6. He writes a regular column about the Internet for this

newspaper. "Networks: Paul Maxwell" "Dial Internet for murder" 'The

first thing we do, let's kill all the lawyers." (Shakespeare, Henry VI).

A startling and controversial idea has surfaced on the Internet

recently--fear with me for a moment while I explain it. It is based on

two technological developments: digital cash and encryption software.

Briefly, digital cash is a system for transferring funds from one person

to another on the Net. For this system to be as good as cash, the

transactions must be capable of being conducted anonymously, just like

in real life. (You go into the Seven-Eleven, buy a Cafe Latte, and

nobody knows your name or your credit history. The purchase is not

recorded in a database of your consumer preferences.) Several competing

schemes for digital cash have been launched, but the one that eventually

gains universal acceptance will surely have this anonymity feature. The

second innovation is a kind of software called public-key encryption. It

allows you to send a file or an email message that is "locked" in such a

way that it can only be opened by the intended recipient. The recipient,

however, cannot open it until given a "key." This "key" may then be used

to encrypt a return message that can only be opened by the original

sender. Freelance visionary and tinkerer Jim Bell has been following

both of these developments for the past few years. Recently, he asked

himself a couple of tough questions: "How can we translate the freedom

afforded by the Internet to ordinary life?" How can we keep government

from banning encryption, digital cash, and other systems that will

improve our freedom?" Suddenly, Bell had a revolutionary idea.

("Revolutionary" is the word he uses, and it fits.) You and me--the

little guys, the ordinary working people of the world--could get

together, all pitch in, and pay to have every rotten scoundrel in

politics assassinated. And we could do it legally. Sort of. Bell

imagined an organization that would award "a cash prize to somebody who

correctly 'predicted' the death of one of a list of violators of rights,

usually either government employees, officeholders, or appointees. It

could ask for anonymous contributions from the public, and individuals

would be able to send those contributions using digital cash." He

explains that "using modern methods of public-key encryption and

anonymous digital cash, it would be possible to make such awards in such

a way so that nobody knows who is getting awarded the money, only that

the award is being given. Even the organization itself would have no

information that could help the authorities find the person responsible

for the prediction, let alone the one who caused the death. "Are you

following this? Let's say that we, the public, decide we've finally had

enough of [insert name of villain]. Ten dollars from me, ten from

you--suddenly there's a million dollars in a fund. The money will go to

the first person that can "predict" the date, time, and circumstances of

the villain's death. Obviously, this information is only known in

advance by the assassin. He sends an anonymous, "locked" message. He

kills the villain. He sends the "key" to the message. He has, without

ever revealing his identity, "correctly predicted" the murder. The "key"

that he has provided is then used to "lock the award money in a file

that is then publicly posted on the Internet. Only the person who

originated the key may open the file and claim the digital cash. In

other words, public anger could finance cash awards for assassinations.

The organization that collected the money and announced a list of

possible targets would never know about a crime in advance, and would

never know the identity or whereabouts of a criminal. It would not

technically be guilty of conspiracy or complicity. Jim Bell has thought

about this a lot, and feels that the idea is technically feasible,

practical, even foolproof. Suppose for a moment he's right? What are the

implications? World leaders live with the threat of assassination every

day of their lives. But at the local level, this could really have an

impact. And the "target" list wouldn't necessarily to politicians--any

offensive public personality would be fair game. Picture yourself a year

from now, sitting around with friends. Somebody says, "Remember when

Juice Newton got whacked?" And you say, "Yeah--best ten bucks I ever

spent." Satisfying as it might be to declare war on asinine pop singers,

Bell has a more civic-minded suggestion: Let's kill all the car thieves.

He reasons that a very small number of career criminals are responsible

for nearly all car thefts. If one million car owners in a given

metropolitan area contributed just four dollars a year, it would create

$10,000 a day in "prize money" for the "predictor" of any car thief's

death. "Assuming that amount is far more than enough to get a typical

car thief's 'friends' to 'off' him," he writes, "there is simply no way

that a substantial car-theft subculture could possibly be maintained."

Jim as high hopes for his plan--he thinks it could eventually lead to

the end of political tyranny. But if you don't like this idea, he has

others. In a recent email exchange, I asked what he was doing now. "I

recommend that you rent the movie, "The Day the Earth Stood Still," he

answered. "I'm working on a similar project."

Part 9

by Jim Bell, February 27, 1996 For about a year I have been considering

the implications of "Assassination Politics," and for more than six

months I've been sharing the subject and my musings with you, the

interested reader. I've also been debating the issue with all comers, a

self-selected bunch who range from enthusiastic proponents to clueless

critics. Ironically, some of you have even chided me for "wasting time"

with some of the less perceptive among my numerous "opponents." In

defense, my response has always been that when I respond to a person, I

do it not primarily for his benefit, but for others who might be

fence-sitting and are waiting to see if my idea will break down

anywhere. If there is anything which has fascinated me as much as the

original idea, it is this vast and dramatic disparity between these

various responses. It's been called everything from "a work of genius"

to "atrocious," and probably much worse! Clearly, there must be a

fundamental, social issue here that needs to be resolved. While nobody

has quite yet said it in those terms, I'm sure that more than one of you

have probably wanted to react to my prose with the line, "See a shrink!"

[American slang for a psychiatrist, for the international readers out

there.] Well, in a sense that's exactly what I did, but the "shrink" I

"saw" had been dead for over five decades: Sigmund Freud. Much to my

surprise, I was handed a copy of a book, Introduction to Great Books

(ISBN 0-945159-97-8), which contained (page 7) a letter from Freud to

Albert Einstein. On page 6, there is an introduction, describing the

reason for this communication. It says: "In 1932, the League of Nations

asked Albert Einstein to choose a problem of interest to him and to

exchange views with someone about it. Einstein chose "Is there any way

of delivering mankind from the menace of war?" as his problem and

Sigmund Freud as his correspondent. In his letter to Freud, Einstein

said that one way of eliminating war was to establish a supranational

organization with the authority to settle disputes between nation as and

power to enforce its decisions. But Einstein acknowledged that this

solution dealt only with the administrative aspect of the problem, and

that international security could never be achieved until more was known

about human psychology. Must right always be supported by might? Was

everyone susceptible to feelings of hate and destructiveness? It was to

these questions Freud addressed himself in his reply." Interestingly

enough, when I first started thinking about the idea that I would later

term "Assassination Politics," I was not intending to design a system

that had the capability to eliminate war and militaries. What I was

targeting, primarily, was political tyranny. By my standards, that

included not merely totalitarian governments but also ones that many of

us would consider far more benign, in particular the Federal government

of the United States of America, "my" country. Only after I had thought

of the fundamental principle of allowing large numbers of citizens to do

away with unwanted politicians was I "forced," by my work up to that

point, to address the issue of the logical consequences of the operation

of that system, which (by "traditional" ways of thinking) would leave

this country without leaders, or a government, or a military, in a world

with many threats. I was left with the same fundamental problem that's

plagued the libertarian analysis of forming a country in a world

dominated by non-libertarian states: It was not clear how such a country

could defend itself from aggression if it could not force its citizens

to fight. Only then did I realize that if this system could work within

a single country, it could also work worldwide, eliminating threats from

outside the country as well as corrupt politicians within. And shortly

thereafter, I realized that not only could this occur, such a spread was

absolutely inevitable, by the very nature of modern communications

across the Internet, or older technologies such as the telephone, fax,

or even letters written on paper. In short, no war need ever occur

again, because no dispute would country he intended to war with,

obviously, but he would also draw the ire of citizens within his own

country who either didn't want to pay the taxes to support a wasteful

war, or lose their sons and daughters in pointless battles, or for that

matter were simply opposed to participating in the aggression. Together,

all these potentially affected peoples would unite (albeit quite

anonymously, even from each other) and destroy the tyrant before he had

the opportunity to make the war. I was utterly astonished. Seemingly,

and without intending to do so, I had provided a solution for the "war"

problem that has plagued mankind for millennia. But had I? I really

don't know. I do know, however, that very few people have challenged me

on this particular claim, despite what would normally appear to be its

vast improbability. While some of the less perceptive critics of

"Assassination Politics" have accused me of eliminating war and replace

it with something that will end up being worse, it is truly amazing that

more people haven't berated me for not only believing in the impossible,

but also believing that the impossible is now actually inevitable! A

little more than a week ago, I was handed this book, and asked to read

Freud's letter, by a person who was aware of my "little" philosophical

quandary. I began to read Freud's letter in response to Einstein, having

never read any other word Freud had written, and having read essentially

none of the works of the giants of Philosophy. (Now, of course, I feel

tremendously guilty at the omission in my education, but I've always

been attracted more to the "hard sciences," like chemistry, physics,

mathematics, electronics, and computers.) Since this letter was

specifically on war, and the question of whether man could ever avoid

it, I felt perhaps it would contain some fact or argument that would

correct what was simply a might end up being right, but alternatively

hoped that if wrong, I would be soon corrected. I was fearful that I was

wrong, but also fearful that there would be nothing in this essay that

would assist me in my analysis of the situation. About a third of the

way through Freud's letter, I had my answer. Below, I show a segment of

Freud's reply, perhaps saving the whole letter for inclusion into a

later part of this ongoing essay. While I could drastically oversimplify

the situation and state, "Freud was wrong!," it turns out that this

brief conclusion is at best highly misleading and at worst flirting with

dishonesty. By far the greater part of Freud's analysis makes a great

deal of sense to me, and I would say he's probably correct. But it is at

one point that I believe he goes just a bit wrong, although for reasons

which are entirely understandable and even predictable, given the age in

which he lived. It must be remembered, for example, that Freud was born

into an era where the telephone was a new invention, broadcast radio was

non-existent, and newspapers were the primary means that news was

communicated to the public. It would be highly unreasonable for us to

have expected Freud to have anticipated developments such as the

Internet, anonymous digital cash, and good public-key encryption. In

some sense, at that point, my biggest regret was that I couldn't discuss

the issue with either of these two communicants, Freud having died in

1939, and Einstein in 1955, after having helped initiate research that

led to the development of the atomic bomb, the weapon that for decades

and even now, makes it absolutely, vitally important to eliminate the

possibility of war from the world. But I'll let Dr. Freud speak, as he

spoke over sixty years ago, because he has much to say: "Such then, was

the original state of things: domination by whoever had the greater

might--domination by brute violence or by violence supported by

intellect. As we know, this regime was altered in the course of

evolution. There was a path that led from violence to right or law. What

was that path? It is my belief that there was only one: the path which

led by way of the fact that the superior strength of a single individual

could be rivaled by the union of several weak ones. "L'union fait la

force." [French; In union there is strength.] Violence could be broken

by union, and the power of those who were united now represented law in

contrast to the violence of the single individual. Thus we see that

right is the might of a community. It is still violence, ready to be

directed against any individual who resists it; it works by the same

methods and follows the same purposes. The only real difference lies in

the fact that what prevails is no longer the violence of an individual

but that of a community." [But below is where I think Freud falls into a

certain degree of error, perhaps not by the standards and realities of

_his_ day, but those of ours. My comments are in square brackets,], and

Freud's comments are quoted "". Freud continues: ] "But in order that

the transition from violence to this new right or justice may be

effected, one psychological condition must be fulfilled. The union of

the majority must be a stable and lasting one. If it were only brought

about for the purpose of combating a single dominant individual and were

dissolved after his defeat, nothing would be accomplished. The next

person who though himself superior in strength would once more seek to

set up a dominion by violence and the game would be repeated ad

infinitum. The community must be maintained permanently, must be

organized, must draw up regulations to anticipate the risk of rebellion

and must institute authorities to see that those regulations--the laws--

are respected and to superintend the execution of legal acts of

violence. The recognition of a community of interests such as these

leads to the growth of emotional ties between the members of a united

group of people--communal feelings which are the true source of its

strength." [end of Freud's quote] [Those of you who truly comprehend the

idea of "Assassination Politics" will, I'm confident, understand exactly

why I considered this segment of Freud's letter to be important enough

to include, and will probably also recognize why I consider Freud's

analysis to go wrong, albeit for comparatively minor and understandable

reasons. I will address the last paragraph in greater detail, to explain

what I mean. I will repeat Freud's words, and address each of his points

from the standpoint of today's situation and technology.] "But in order

that the transition from violence to this new right or justice may be

effected, one psychological condition must be fulfilled. The union of

the majority must be a stable and lasting one." [In a sense, Freud is

absolutely correct: Whatever system is chosen to "govern" a society, it

must continue to operate "forever.”] Freud continues: " If it were only

brought about for the purpose of combating a single dominant individual

and were dissolved after his defeat, nothing would be accomplished."

[This is where the problem begins to creep in. Freud is leading up to

justifying the existence of a formal government as he knew them in the

1930's, based on the continuing need for keeping the peace. The first,

and I think, the most obvious problem is that Freud seems to implicitly

assume that the purpose of the union will actually be fulfilled by the

formation of a government. Freud, who died in 1939, didn't see what his

survivors saw, a "legitimate" government in Germany having killed

millions of people in the Holocaust, or many other incidents subsequent

to that. And Freud, whose letter was written in 1932, was probably not

aware of the slaughter of the Russian Kulaks in the late 1920's and

early 1930's, or the purges that followed. Freud could have felt,

generally, that the problems with a country's governance were caused

either by inadequate government or simply a rare example of government

gone bad. We know, to the contrary, that governments very frequently "go

bad," in the sense of violating citizen's rights and abusing the power

entrusted to them. Few may end up killing millions, but to assume that

we must continue to tolerate governments just because they don't go

quite as far as Nazi Germany would be foolish in the extreme.] [The

second problem is the implicit assumption that the long-term control he

(correctly) sees MUST come from an organization like a traditional

government. True, in the era in which Freud lived, that conclusion made

a great deal of sense, because a well-functioning government appeared

superior to none at all. And it was at least plausible that such control

COULD come from a government. But as the old saying goes, "Power

corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely."] [To use a house's

thermostat as an analogy, but differently than I did in "Assassination

Politics part 6," a person who lived in an era before automatic furnace

thermostats would always conclude that a person's efforts would have to

be continually directed towards maintaining an even temperature in his

house, by adding fuel or limiting it, by adding more air or restricting,

etc. To the extent that this manual control constitutes a "government,"

he will believe that this hands-on control will always be necessary. But

we now live in a time where a person's time is rarely directed towards

this effort, the function having been taken over by automatic

thermostats which are cheap, reliable, and accurate. They are also,

incidentally, essentially "uncorruptible," in the sense that they don't

fail except for "understandable" reasons, and repair is cheap and easy.

(And a thermostat can never be bribed, or get tired, or have its own

interests at heart and begin to subvert your own commands.) Quite

simply, the progress of technology has put control of temperature in the

hands of an automatic, error-free system that is so reliable as to be

ignorable most of the time.] [I argue that likewise, the progress of

technology would allow an automatic system to be set up, which I called

"Assassination Politics" (but could probably use a more apt name, since

its application extends far beyond the issue of politics) different from

traditional government, a difference somewhat analogous to the

difference between a person's full-time efforts and an automatic

thermostat. Aside from the dramatic reduction in effort involved, an

automatic system would eliminate the errors caused by inattention by the

operator, such as leaving, falling asleep, or other temporary lack of

concentration. These failures are somewhat analogous to the failure or

misbehavior of a corruptible or indifferent or even a malicious

government.] [This makes a government like Freud saw totally

unnecessary. Of course, Freud could not have anticipated the

technological developments that would make an "automatic" replacement

for government even possible, and thus he followed his contemporary

paradigms and sought to justify the governments, as they then existed.]

Freud continues: "The next person who thought himself superior in

strength would once more seek to set up a dominion by violence and the

game would be repeated ad infinitum." [This statement is correct, but I

think it misses the point: Many functions of individuals and machines

are never "completed", and must "be repeated ad infinitum." (The most

basic example: If we are optimistic about the future of the human race,

by definition reproduction and survival must be "repeated ad

infinitum.") That does not mean that the mechanism which handles that

need must be any more complicated that the minimum necessary to achieve

the control needed. I agree that a system of long-term control is

necessary; where I disagree with Freud is simply that I believe that a

vastly better method of control now can potentially exist than the

traditional governments that he knew. To the extent that he couldn't

have anticipated the Internet, anonymous digital cash, and good

encryption, he had no reason to believe that government could be

"automated" and taken out of the hands of a tiny fraction of the

population, a fraction which is corruptible, malicious, and

self-interested. Also, by not being aware of modern technology, he is

unaware how easy it has become, conceptually, for people to come

together for their self-defense, if that self-defense required only a

few kilobytes be sent over fiber-optic cables to a central registry.

Freud's objection to an "endlessly repeating" system breaks down in this

case, so his conclusion need not be considered valid.] Freud continues:

"The community must be maintained permanently, must be organized, must

draw up regulations to anticipate the risk of rebellion and must

institute authorities to see that those regulations--the laws-- are

respected and to superintend the execution of legal acts of violence."

[Again, I think Freud misses the point. He refers to "the risk of

rebellion," but I think he forgets that the main reason for "rebellion"

is the abuse by the government then in control. (Naturally, it looks

differently from the standpoint of that government!) If the latter

problem could be eliminated, "rebellion" would simply never occur, for

there would be no reason for it. If those that were "rebelling" were in

the wrong, violating somebody's rights, then my "Assassination Politics"

system would be able to take care of it. This, presumably and

understandably, Freud could never have foreseen. Also, Freud does not

address the question of whether or not the government which promulgates

those laws is doing so in a way primarily for the benefit of the public,

or those who populate the government itself. Graft was well known if

Freud's time; it seems to me that he should have addressed the question

of whether or not an entity called a "government" could actually achieve

the benefits he claims justify the government, without being subverted

by those who control it, for their own interests. If not, then there is

certainly an issue to be addressed: At what point do the depredations of

a parasitic government exceed its benefits? And can we find a way to do

without it?] Freud continues: "The recognition of a community of

interests such as these leads to the growth of emotional ties between

the members of a united group of people--communal feelings which are the

true source of its strength." [this is end of the portion of Freud's

letter which I quote here.] One of the interesting things about this

statement is that it is the development of tools such as the Internet

which will be eliminating the very concept of "foreign" and "foreigner."

They will become artificial distinctions. There is clearly much

precedent for this, from the country in which I live, America. When

formed, it contained people whose primary loyalty was to their _state,_

not to the Federal government as a whole. Even our civil war, from 1861

to 1865, was based on loyalty to states or regions, rather than the

country as a whole. To cite just one example, myself, while I reside in

the state called Washington, I've lived in a number of other states, but

I don't consider myself loyal to any particular state. (Perhaps using

myself as an example is misleading, because at this point I don't

consider myself "loyal" to any government at all!) In fact, later in

Freud's letter, he says, "Anything that encourages the growth of

emotional ties between men must operate against war." Sadly, Freud did

not live to see the development of the Internet, and the massive

international communication which it has already begun to foster. In

_his_ day, the ordinary people of one country and another rarely

communicated, except perhaps for letters with relatives from "the old

country" that emigrated. The idea of going to war with people from whom

you get email on a daily basis is, in itself, a "foreign concept" to me,

and I hope it will remain so! In that sense, Freud was very right:

"Assassination Politics" active or not, it will be much harder for

governments to whip up their citizens into a frenzy to kill the enemy if

they can type to them every day. Frustratingly left unanswered is a

question whose answer I'd like to know: Could I have convinced Freud, or

Einstein, that "Assassination Politics" is not only a necessary or even

an unavoidable system, but also a GOOD one? Could I convince them today,

had they miraculously survived until today, aware of the last 64 years

of history subsequent to their correspondence? Jim Bell

jimbell@pacifier.com Klaatu Burada Nikto Something is going to happen...

Something...Wonderful!

Part 10

"Non-Euclidean Thinking” by Jim Bell An interesting communication I had

recently on the subject of "Assassination Politics." My commentary is

preceded with >> or nothing; the other person's commentary starts with a

">". The subject is how to actually implement this system, and my first

comment notices the fact that despite my efforts, the government has not

attempted to use this issue to justify some sort of crackdown on net

rights, or anything like that. I think they're actually afraid to start

the debate, I think they don't believe you're a threat. You're probably

right about this. I guess I'll have to think of something to change

their minds, huh? Remember, they have incredible >amounts of money with

which to hire bright but greedy people. All they have to do is find the

people running the "Guess the Death Date" lottery. They would have great

incentive to apply their considerable resources to this end. Your logic

is excellent. But as strange as it may seem, there may be a different

way... Let's see, how do I explain? First, a little diversion that may

or may not be relevant to this subject, but initially won't appear to be

so. Somewhere around 20-25 years ago, I read some item concerning Howard

Hughes, the late billionaire. It described the history of his business

ventures, in fields such as aircraft ("Spruce Goose" is a well-known

example) but also mentioned that Hughes Tool was (originally?) into

oil-well drilling equipment. I don't know how much you know about oil

well drilling and drill bits, but they look nothing like the classic

fluted drill bits common in hardware stores. Oil well drill bits consist

of multiple ultra-hard carbide points mounted on rotating shafts mounted

at the end of the drill "string," and these shafts must be connected to

the main shaft with bearings. They roll around on the rock, not sliding,

and they "spall" off pieces of rock due to enormous applied pressure.

Oil well drilling is done by lubricating the drilling operation with

what is called "drilling mud," which is actually a slurry of solids in

water, which is primarily used to cool the cutter and wash away the rock

chips and dust produced in the operation. Now, since the rotating cutter

wheels must spin on their axis, that means they have to be run on shafts

with bearings installed. These bearings cannot be perfectly sealed and

thus protected against rock and mud dust, and their useful lifetime is

strongly limited by their quality. And since every time they wear out

the whole drill string has to be pulled from the well, that's an

EXTREMELY expensive proposition for well drillers. So it should not be

surprising that these guys considered bearing quality to be very, very

important. A little improvement was worth a lot of money. "Quality", to

a bearing manufacturer, is strongly related to surface hardness, and

traditionally, the best bearings were (and, mostly, still are) the

hardest. But there's a problem: Ultimately, a very hard circular bearing

rotating on a very hard flat surface (especially if its heavily loaded)

applies nearly all its for on a single point (for ball bearings) or on a

single line (for roller bearings) and that eventually causes bearing

failure. So there was an upper limit, generally, on how good you could

get in bearings. And the hardest won. Until Hughes. [Don’t go to sleep

yet... it gets relevant real soon] According to the source I read, what

Hughes Tool did that made them really rich was quite simple and

counter-intuitive: Rather than trying to make his bearings as HARD as

you can get, he made them SOFT, very soft, "almost as soft as lead."

(Which, if you know anything about metals, is very soft indeed.) The

bearings deformed on their raceways, spreading out the load over a far

larger area, and the resulting bearings were the best in the business.

(He probably also applied a lot of research into how to avoid "metal

fatigue," but that's quite another story.) Very counter-intuitive, but

he "won" precisely because he did exactly the opposite of what everyone

"knew" was the proper way to go. Okay, so that explains a genius that

later became a billionaire who later turned into a neurotic, or worse.

"What," you will ask, "does this all have to do with Assassination

Politics?" Well, to draw an observation originally posited in an essay

titled the "Libertech Project," about 7 years ago, libertarians (of all

people) are "non-Euclidean thinkers." Basically, this means that we

recognize that the best way to go from "point A" to "point B" is NOT

NECESSARILY a straight line. And like Columbus, who sailed west in order

to go east, sometimes it is necessary to sit down, and totally re-think

your strategy if you're trying to accomplish some goal. By "classical"

thinking, "Assassination Politics" would have to be the best,

tightest-security, more protected organization that has ever existed on

the face of this planet. Just about EVERY powerful person would want to

kill anybody who had anything to do with such a system. The codes would

have to be unbreakable, the remailers would have to be certain, but most

importantly, each and every participant would have to be perfectly

anonymous to even have a prayer of pulling it off. Especially the

operators of such a system. Especially them. That's classical thinking.

And that's what I thought a few months ago. I thought, "it's do-able,

but it's gonna be a lot of work!" But let's suppose, for a moment, that

somebody "pulls a Hughes." Rather than trying to make the hardest

bearings in the world, why doesn't somebody try to make the softest?

Rather than trying their darndest to stay anonymous, or wait and let

somebody else implement this system, why not just "let it all hang out,"

(as the saying went in the 1960's) and publicly announce that they're

implementing this system, come hell or high water, and invite anyone who

wants to participate to help form what will be the LAST revolution on

earth, the one that'll take down ALL the governments. This sounds crazy,

right? I mean, who wants to die? Who wants to commit suicide just to...

just to... just to... make an ENTIRE WORLD FREE FOREVER? Free from wars,

militaries, governments, taxes, political oppression. Free from the kind

of totalitarian governments that existed and currently exist. Free from

the Holocausts that have killed Jews, Cambodians, Armenians, Russian

Kulaks, Iraqi Kurds, Chinese dissidents, Native Americans, and oh so

many others? "Who, exactly, would be stupid enough to risk death to make

the world free???" Everyone who volunteered to fight to fight Hitler, to

name just one example. Remember, or have we forgotten so soon, that

occasionally people die to keep the rest of us free. That's the way it's

been for hundreds of years. The United States of America was founded by

people who risked death to shake off the yoke of a government that was,

by the standards of the day, not particularly bad. Think about it.

Somebody had to be the first one to start banging on the Berlin Wall,

with a sledgehammer, in 1989. Somebody had to be the first to walk

through. Somebody had to be the first to stand up and say, "Enough!" And

the ironic thing is, the most strangely unusual thing, is that the

entire Eastern Bloc fell, almost bloodlessly, in a couple weeks, because

one by one everybody realized that all that's sometimes required is to

finally stand up and be counted, and to just say no to the government.

When the time was right, all it took was a slight push and the dominoes

tumbled down. Now, don't get me wrong. I'm not suggesting that EVERYONE

would be identified. The "donors" to the system would remain perfectly

anonymous, and the "guessers" would likewise be perfectly anonymous, but

the organization itself would be made up of real people, who have

published addresses, who have simply decided that they have had enough

of the current system and are going to participate in a PERFECTLY LEGAL

enterprise by the laws of the country, and just DARE the government to

try to stop them. The organization wouldn't have to buy ads; the

publicity firestorm would be enormous. Suddenly, all the politicians

would be put on the spot! Instead of being asked by the reporters for

their position on the economy, pollution, the budget deficit, or some

other thing, they'll ask, "Why should the public NOT want to see you

dead?" When would be the best time to do it? Why, during a major

political campaign! When Congress is out of session, and they can't pass

legislation without calling some sort of emergency session. But it won't

matter anyway, for a few weeks the organization doesn't actually have to

take bets or make payments, they'll merely publicize their efforts for

all to see. To reassure the public, they could announce that they'll

only take bets on elected and appointed political officeholders...and

anyone who tries to stop the system. And the politicians will be

scurrying around, looking for political cover, trying to figure out how

to NOT look scared, but at the same time each is wondering if he'll be

the first to go. And all the while, the public will be loving it,

laughing at the efforts of the politicos to cover their collective

asses, and taking private bets among themselves on who will be the first

one to die. Prosecute the participants? On what charge? "Conspiracy to

commit gambling"? Which prosecutor would risk appearing to be impeding

the progress of a useful system? At that point, the organization's

members will just be publicly exercising their first-amendment rights.

Which judge would take the case? Now THEY'RE on the spot, THEY have to

decide what to do. I contend that in an election year, before the

election, there would be mass resignations from Congress, or members

deciding "it's just not fun anymore" and decline to return even if

re-elected, as well as the complete loss of whatever residual confidence

the public has in the government. Whew! Is this all just wishful

thinking? I really don't know!