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Title: Defending Ourselves Author: Jeff Shantz Date: 2017 Language: en Topics: mutual aid, self defense, community self-defense, community, solidarity, antifascism, antifa, anti-racist, Anti-Racist Action, Black Bloc, IWW Source: Fifth Estate
The rising tide of fascism and organized political violence of the
Right, particularly the mobilization of street-level right-wing forces,
such as the Proud Boys and the Oathkeepers, have returned the question
of self-defense to the center of anarchist and antifascist concerns.
This has become more burning following the brutal fascist mobilization
and violence in Charlottesville, Virginia in August. The murder there of
Heather Heyer by a neo-Nazi gives the issue of self-defense life or
death importance.
The present period demonstrates the inescapable necessity of anarchists
engaging in self-defense training. But it also shows that this is
insufficient if it remains on an individual basis. The current context
of rising tides of alt-right threats underscores the need for
self-defense on a collective and organized basis of mutual aid and
solidarity.
There are already some forms of collective defense anarchists can draw
on. One of the most familiar among anarchists in recent years has been
the Black Bloc tactic. It originated as a means for countering fascists
and police in Germany in the 1980s, where it provided crucial defense
for squats that were subject to disruption or attack by both.
Obviously, the Black Bloc in North America has been highly effective in
street demos and protests. But it does not translate directly to
regular, day-to-day neighborhood defense. Wearing a mask or black
bandana is not the best way to introduce or ingratiate yourself to your
neighbors. The anonymity that is necessary in street demonstrations is
counter-productive, even self-defeating, in the context of building
neighborhood solidarity and protection.
Anarchist organizing against fascists and white supremacist groups in
the period from the 1980s through the early 2000s was largely carried
out by Anti-Racist Action (ARA), founded in Minneapolis. ARA groupings
were active in numerous cities in North America.
ARA was organized largely as a reactive street fighting force of
anti-racists who were willing to take risks confronting fascists when
they gathered publicly or at events like concerts. Though not regimented
and trained militarily as a fighting force for self-defense, ARA was
made up of committed people ready to fight to break up public fascist
presence. While some members of ARA practiced martial arts, it was not
always the case that ARA as a whole did systematic training. Nor did
they organize on the basis of ongoing defense formations. Action tended
to be spontaneous and reactive.
Reliance on reactive or spontaneous defense is often the case in
antifascist actions today, carried out through quick responses to the
fascists. In free-for-all assaults on them such as frontal charges,
there is little strategic or tactical preparation or discipline.
Over the years, there have been various projects for martial arts
training among anarchist and antifascist activists, spaces, and
communities. At the Anarchist Free Space and Free Skool in Toronto, this
was provided along with classes on anarchism. Notably, there was some
sense among Free Skool participants and collective members that the
martial arts courses were less necessary or relevant than theoretical
and historical ones.
For some anarchists, another self-defense practice takes the form of
Copwatch patrols. Copwatching involves organized surveillance—grassroots
observation from below of authorities as opposed to the top down
surveillance by authorities.
In Surrey, near Vancouver, we have initiated copwatching crews to
record, document, and publicize the violent actions of Royal Canadian
Mounted Police (RCMP) officers and City bylaw enforcement officers
against homeless people. As these actions have been publicized, police
have changed their actions considerably, becoming less abusive. At least
one bylaw enforcement officer has been canned.
The structural basis for a defense organization is already provided by
the example of the labor flying squad utilized by the Industrial Workers
of the World (IWW) at the start of the 20th century. A defense force on
these lines could be mobilized quickly through a phone list accessible
to all members.
Not only does it allow for quick deployment, it also builds on
pre-existing relationships of trust and action. Members know each other
and have important experiences working together during political
actions, protests, and/or workplace strikes and pickets. They also
typically have relationships of activity and trust with people in other
social movements and community organizations, such as anti-poverty or
migrant defense groups. Such was the case in Toronto with various, both
union-based and autonomous flying squads and relationships with the
Ontario Coalition Against Poverty.
Training can be extended throughout a given community or neighborhood,
thus providing spaces and practices of solidarity building. On a larger
basis they can provide alternatives to statist intrusions on
communities. Doing so would involve developing self-defense on a broad,
more regular, community basis.
Community self-defense is an important expression of mutual aid, the
basic anarchist impulse and organizing principle.
Solidarity on this basis moves beyond dependence on the state for
protection or response to crisis. It helps people develop relationships,
skills, and confidence to support community members rather than turning
to the authorities. It also helps break the reflex response of looking
to the state to address social problems or threats.
Anarchists should not have illusions they can satisfactorily meet
community needs for protection at this point. There is much work to be
done and many cities with anarchist movements have minimal self-defense
capacities. This is a real challenge to anarchists.
It is impossible to speak meaningfully of alternatives to the state and
to provide compelling evidence to people that anarchism offers something
of a realistic or practical alternative if these resources and
capacities are not developed. It does not provide a bridge from the
current state of affairs to anarchism if such needs cannot be met in an
anarchic manner.
And it leaves people unconvinced. This is not to say that full
self-defense capacities must be achieved. But more work needs to be done
to approach an effective and compelling level of community care.
Self-defense efforts offer an important means for bringing
non-anarchists into relationships with anarchists. People will become
involved in protective efforts against fascists and/or against police
violence even if they have not identified themselves as, or will not
ever see themselves as, anarchists.