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Title: Beyond Workerism — Beyond Syndicalism
Author: Anonymous
Language: en
Topics: anti-work, insurrectionist, organization, trade unions
Source: Retrieved on August 11, 2009 from http://325collective.com/library_beyond%20workerism.html
Notes: From the magazine Insurrection

Anonymous

Beyond Workerism — Beyond Syndicalism

The end of syndicalism corresponds to the end of workerism. For us it is

also the end of the quantitive illusion of the party and the specific

organization of synthesis. The revolt of tomorrow must look for new

roads. Trade unionism is in its decline. In good as in evil with this

structural form of struggle an era is disappearing, a model and a future

world seen in terms of an improved and corrected reproduction of the old

one. We are moving towards new and profound transformations. In the

productive structure, in the social structure. Methods of struggle,

perspectives, even short term projects are also transforming.

In an expanding industrial society the trade union moves from instrument

of struggle to instrument supporting the productive structure itself.

Revolutionary syndicalism has also played its part: pushing the most

combative workers forward but, at the same time, pushing them backwards

in terms of capacity to see the future society or the creative needs of

the revolution. Everything remained parceled up within the factory

dimension. Workerism is not just common to authoritarian communism.

Singling out privileged areas of the class clash is still today one of

the most deep-rooted habits that it is difficult to lose.

The end of trade-unionism therefore. We have been saying so for fifteen

years now. At one time this caused criticism and amazement, especially

when we included anarcho-syndicalism in our critique. We are more easily

accepted today. Basically, who does not criticize the trade unions

today? No one, or almost no one. But the connection is overlooked. Our

criticism of trade unionism was also criticism of the “quantitive”

method that has all the characteristics of the party in embryo. It was

also a critique of the specific organizations of synthesis. It was also

a critique of class respectability borrowed from the bourgeoisie and

filtered through the cliché of so-called proletarian morals. All that

cannot be ignored. If many comrades agree with us today in our now

traditional critique of trade-unionism those who share a view of all the

consequences that it gives rise to are but a few.

We can only intervene in the world of production using means that do not

place themselves in the quantitive perspective. They cannot therefore

claim to have specific anarchist organizations behind them working on

the hypothesis of revolutionary synthesis. This leads us to a different

method of intervention, that of building factory “nucleii” or zonal

“nucleii” which limit themselves to keeping in contact with a specific

anarchist structure, and are exclusively based on affinity. It is from

the relationship between the base nucleus and specific anarchist

structure that a new model of revolutionary struggle emerges to attack

the structures of capital and the State through recourse to

insurrectional methods.

This allows for a better following of the profound transformations that

are taking place in the productive structures. The factory is about to

disappear, new productive organizations are taking its place, based

mainly on automation. The workers of yesterday will become partially

integrated into a supporting situation or simply into a situation of

social security in the short-term, survival in the long one. New forms

of work will appear on the horizon. Already the classical workers’ front

no longer exists. Like-wise the trade union as is obvious. At least it

no longer exists in the form in which we have known until now. It has

become a firm like any other.

A network of increasingly different relations, all under the banner of

participation, pluralism, democracy, etc, will spread over society

bridling almost all the forces of subversion. The extreme aspects of the

revolutionary project will be systematically criminalized. But the

struggle will take new roads, will filter towards a thousand new

subterranean channels emerging in a hundred thousand explosions of rage

and destruction with new and incomprehensible symbology.

As anarchists we must be careful, we are carriers of an often heavy

mortgage from the past, not to remain distanced from a phenomenon that

we end up not understanding and whose violence could one fine day even

scare us, and in the first case we must be careful to develop our

analysis in full.