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Title: Smash the state! Author: Andrew Flood Date: 1994 Language: en Topics: anti-state, Workers Solidarity Source: Retrieved on 15th November 2021 from http://struggle.ws/ws94/state41.html Notes: Published in Workers Solidarity No. 41 ā Spring 1994.
ONE OF THE best known catch phrases of Anarchism has got to be āSmash
the Stateā. Itās also one thatās easily open to misunderstanding.
Particularly in Ireland, where the 26 counties once had the rather
humorous title of āFree Stateā, many see state as meaning the
geographical area of a country. This slogan has also been misrepresented
by anarchismās opponents as meaning opposition to all forms of
organisation and decision making. Obviously neither of these is what
anarchists mean, but what exactly is the state and how do we smash it?
Anarchists see the state as a mechanism by which a minority imposes its
will on the majority of the population. To maintain its hold of power
the state forms whatever armed forces and judicial apparatus are deemed
necessary to keep the level of dissent manageable. This is different
from how most Marxists define the state, concentrating on the mechanism
by which the state stays in power (bodies of armed men) rather then the
function of the state. It is the characteristic of minority rule which
defines the state for anarchists, the ābodies of armed menā serve to
protect this minority rather then defining the state in itself. This
distinction has some important consequences.
The state apparatus cannot maintain a permanent separation from the
ruling economic power. In fact most of the time its function is carrying
out a crude expression of the wishes of the ruling class. It represents
the limited ability of this class to control and plan the economic life
of a country. In advanced capitalism the state is used to regulate the
level of exploitation of the workforce through various labour laws.
At the outbreak of World War 1 Britain found that a huge percentage of
the working class had been so exploited that they were unfit for
military service. Although the almost unhindered exploitation had been
good for individual bosses up to that time, in the war when it came to
using the working class to win colonies and markets it turned out to be
against their collective interest. At the end of the war revolutions and
army mutinies swept across Europe.
To defuse the level of class struggle and prepare for the next war the
bosses used the state apparatus to impose limitations on themselves and
the level of exploitation they could use. It also started to use it to
divert part of every workersā wage to form a new social wage which would
be used for the education of workers and limited social security. In
this it hoped to head off future periods of struggle.
The state is the collective body through which the bosses keep
themselves in power. Itās judiciary and police force protect each boss
from his own workers, intervening where necessary to smash strikes,
criminalise activists and censor critics. This is its most direct and
obvious intervention but through its control of the education system and
its ability to criminalise social behaviour which goes against the
bosses wishes it intervenes into every aspect of workers lives.
In itās scapegoating of single mothers, immigrants or Travellers it
directs the anger of workers away from the real causes of their poverty.
It ensures that much of the care for the sick and the raising of new
generations of workers is kept cheap by keeping it in the home. It
therefore is hostile to non-family relationships, or even family
relations which might challenge the prevalent ones and thus pose an
indirect threat. This is why the state is so opposed to single parent
families or families where both parents are of the same sex.
The state in modern capitalism provides safe channels for dissent. By
funding unemployed centres it achieves a political veto on their
activities, effectively ensuring a concentration on services like the
production of CVās ā with campaigning limited to minor tinkering with
the system. Through the use of elections it creates a veneer of ordinary
people being in control while the decisions are being made elsewhere. By
pretending neutrality it can set up and arbitrate on disputes between
workers and bosses through the use of bodies like the Labour Court. All
these are methods to defuse and control social unrest.
The state can also be the organ of transformation and creation of a new
ruling class. With positions in the state hierarchy come powers over
both people and goods. Well placed individuals can make a fortune in
bribes. After the Russian revolution a minority, in the shape of the
Bolshevik party, came to control the state.
Their distrust in the ability of workers to run the economy themselves
was to result in armed force being used against the very workers they
claimed to be liberating. From that point on the party attracted power
seekers, within a short period of time this resulted in a new ruling
elite. Socialism can not be built through use of the state structure,
the existence of such a structure will lead to the development of a new
ruling elite.
The anarchist rejection of the state as an organ for the transformation
of society is often deliberately misrepresented. Leninists, for
instance, typically try to confuse undemocratic and unaccountable state
regimes like those of the Bolsheviks with democratic bodies like workers
councils or āsovietsā. In general it is implied that anarchism is
against all forms of organisation.
This says a lot about the people making such arguments. Do they believe
that the only form of organisation that is feasible is one where the
mass of society are told what to do by a leadership? Anarchists say
socialism can only be created by mass democracy, that why we define the
state as being an unaccountable leadership capable of forcing its will
on society. We explicitly reject any form of running society that relies
on such methods.
Against the statists we propose; decision making at the lowest possible
level: election of recallable, mandated delegates for decisions that
cannot be made by mass assemblies, and for all delegates to remain part
of the workforce where possible. Where this takes them away from their
workplaces their positions should be held for short periods only, and
without any special privileges. This, a society based on mass democracy,
is our alternative to the state. Its not just our aim to achieve such a
society after the revolution but also to use such methods now in our
struggle for such a society. We argue for such methods in our unions,
associations and campaigning groups.