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Title: Acrid Black Smoke
Author: Anonymous
Date: May 14, 2021
Language: en
Topics: insurrection, anti-politics, nihilism, George Floyd uprising, blessed is the flame
Source: Retrieve on May 14, 2021 from https://www.udrop.com/5rWw/Bless_final_reading.pdf

Anonymous

Acrid Black Smoke

Preface

The purpose of this zine is to revisit a particularly influential piece

of contemporary anarchist and nihilist writing in Blessed is the Flame

by Serafinski, with a heavy focus on history, and apply some of the

concepts explored to the uprisings of 2020. The book examines

concentration camp resistance during the holocaust, including

insurrections and sabotages carried out by those abducted, enslaved, and

slaughtered by the nazi regime. Most, if not all of these rebellions

“failed”, they did not lead to the liberation of the camps in which they

occurred, if people managed to escape, most of the time they were

recaptured and executed. Worse so, in some cases the nazis would execute

all those involved, as well as many who were not, as a form of

collective punishment. This was a situation in which there were no

illusions of the situation in rebellious minds. Fighting over crumbs of

bread for nazi entertainment, ribs poking through their paper thin skin,

confined to a factory of death...they had no reason to have even a

glimmer of hope that anyone would come rescue them. With their last bits

of strength and free will they chose to rebel, but what for? The author

uses the term jouissance to explain the fleeting moment of blissful

enjoyment in the now that one has in acting, and applies this concept to

resistance in a hopeless situation. The author draws an analogy of

concentration camp resistance to the present day through an

anarcho-nihilist analysis, with the catastrophes created by climate

change, industrial civilization, economy, and politics. In the face of

the all encompassing nature of these problems, the collective humanity

is nothing less than completely and utterly fucked.

This zine first explores the insurrections of 2020 through a negative

and anti-political framework, noting the autonomous affinity formations,

lack of explicit demands, fight for survival, and generalized

uncontrollability of them. It ties these concepts into rebellions seen

in nazi lagers[1], where in many cases, desperate Jews mounted

liberatory campaigns alone in final acts of rebellion against

domination. This section also touches on the use of modern technology

mobilizing to be used to facilitate extermination at the time, alongside

the most primitive technologies of domination. The same could be said

today, along with firearms, tasers, sound cannons, and pepper spray,

people are beaten with clubs, fists, and shields.

The next section touches on how fear and specifically fear of collective

punishment play into how people view and participate in rebellions. It

starts by examining the outside agitator and adventurist critiques

typically levied against those courageous enough to materially fight

back against domination, speaking on the history of them. Within both

these tropes and the narrative of collective punishment lies the blaming

of the oppressed rebel rather than forces of power that are doing the

collective punishing. It further touches on several instances where

Jewish rebellions were left without leftist accomplices because of fears

of collective punishment and for the leftists own self preservation.

Ultimately within these critiques lie unacknowledged personal fears and

from that comes blame laced with reactionary betrayal.

The subsequent section addresses the ideas of futurity and the marxist

myth of societal progression, countering with negative ideas. In many

cases in the lagers, Jews were left alone to revolt for their lives or

simply their dignity, while organized communists waited for the

nonexistent perfect revolutionary moment and planned for future

governance. It further goes on to discuss the difference between

positive projects being defined by their relation to conventional moral

frameworks and position within the progressive myth, and negative

projects in which the justification lies in the opposition to dominant

systems they seek to negate. This section finishes with a discussion of

the docility bred by future oriented thinking, putting emphasis on the

inspiration to be drawn from rebellious acts in seemingly hopeless

situations.

In the final section of this piece, the failures of left ideology are

explored, both contemporarily as well as in the nazi lagers. It explains

their irrelevance in the recent wave of insurrections as they straddle

the space between protecting the petty bourgeoisie academic status that

comes from minor embrace of the liberal left and waiting for their

fabled revolution, rather than materially participating in active

insurrection.

The lager rebellions are incredibly inspirational, much of what is

typically taught about events such as the holocaust, US slavery/civil

war, and even the insurrections of today are propaganda of the

progressive myth of history. Populations upon which unimaginable

atrocities are perpetrated upon are more often than not portrayed as

docile and accepting of their conditions, playing into the myths of

innocence and moral goodness. In the way that these things are taught

there is typically some paternal military force that “liberates” those

in confinement accompanied by some legal outcome. While in many cases

this is a more complete end of such situations, this telling of history

discounts or neglects the rebellions of the subjugated. These are more

powerful expressions of human resilience than any military or

paternalistic action. Within the face of hopeless situations, with no

expectation of victory, fighting back simply because one can be

satisfied with nothing less of themself. Approaching the leviathan of

civilization, the perceived absolute control it has over everything, how

could one feel anything but the urge to destroy it in their bones, yet

absolutely powerless to do so. No individual action will in any

meaningful way harm the system, but they do provide little sparks in the

minds of those who think similarly. It only takes one spark to light a

fire under the right circumstances. Actual rebellion in the streets can

actively inspire others to rebel. This is why images such as the 3rd

precinct burning down are so important. It is the only time in manys

lives that there is seemingly a path being paved for a world without

police. There was no militaristic campaign waged against the Minneapolis

Police, it was simply the uncontrollability of thousands of peoples fury

and their desire for true freedom. The state is actively murdering

people, actively letting them die of disease, forcing them out of

shelter, actively protecting food as commodity. The state and all its

collaborators provide nothing but a constant cycle of misery for the

people who are unfortunate enough to be under its subjugation. In this

seemingly hopeless situation, when people were faced with the decision

of docility or hostility, they chose hostility in a spectacular fashion.

Anarchism in action does not occur because everyone in the riot has read

all of the texts and learned all the riot techniques, it happens when

people reach the same conclusion about their situation, there is myself

and there is my domination, and I am against my domination.

The generalized revolts of the summer of 2020 were awe inspiring, it was

likely the largest redistribution of wealth in US history, it also

attacked society on various levels ( capital, police, media, etc.).

After years of watching social movements form, flounder, and not a damn

thing changing...this is seemingly different. While nothing “officially”

has changed in terms of the system, this wave of insurrections

demonstrated peoples capacity to absolutely destroy the illusion of

order the state likes to project. The incomprehensibility of the

insurrections lended to their power, there was nothing for the state to

grasp at, nothing for the recuperative forces to hop onto, this was

something that lay outside of their frameworks. Once things cooled off

and got peaceful again, these forces were able to weasel their ways in

and manipulate “Abolish the Police” to “Defund the Police”... which even

that milquetoast rhetoric is too much. We must “Destroy the Police!”.

That is the only thing that people have the capacity to do, even

abolition is an appeal to law. Recuperative forces must actively be

fought against in insurrectionary moments and made to know they are

unwelcome. Going forward, there must be ways for these insurrections to

maintain their teeth for extended periods. Hopefully, in the coming

years the acrid black smoke of the infrastructure of domination will

become a more frequent sight to look upon in the sky.

Blessed is the Flame is a few years old at this point and revisiting it

in modern context would be interesting. This piece is not intended to be

a full critique and analysis of Blessed is the Flame, it is just meant

to flesh out some connections from the text to the current moment. With

that being said, this piece is not trying to minimize the atrocities of

the holocaust, nor embellish the current conditions that the average

person in the western world experiences. The holocaust was a unique

cruelty in the modern age because of the utilization of cutting edge

industrial technology to orchestrate planned mass death. The continued

anti-blackness and colonialism perpetuated by the US are inspirations

for the cruelties of the holocaust and are disgusting atrocities in and

of themselves. This is also not meant to be an all encompassing critique

of the US, that would take a much more long form piece ( i.e. some

things might be missing). For brevity’s sake, the white supremacist

colonial cis-heteropatriarchal system of oppression dominant in the US

will be referred to as “ the system” in this piece, unless otherwise

distinguished. The connections here to be emphasized are the

hopelessness of the situations and not a direct comparison of the

cruelties.

Contemporary Anti-Politics and Insurrection

Facing a global disease pandemic unlike any other in the past 100 years,

the forces of domination were originally confused about what to do in

2020. In an effort to stop spreading COVID-19, initially many cities and

towns stopped arresting people for minor offenses in efforts to avoid

what could become mass death events occurring from packing desperate

people into jails unfit to correctly implement pandemic protocols. There

were also calls to and action on active decarceration of people to

reduce population density in prisons, again to attempt to implement

correct pandemic protocols in the already overcrowded prison system. It

is unclear when the system decided to return to the heartless norm of

carceral functioning, but the pandemic protocols did not last for long.

On May 25th, police officer Derek Chauvin joyfully choked George Floyd

to death with his knee in Minneapolis, MN. The state once again murdered

a black person, this time the justification was Floyd using an allegedly

fake check for $20 at a grocery store. In a culmination of unpredictable

reaction, pandemic anxiety, and pure rage towards a system that

continues to demonstrate its callous anti-blackness, Minneapolis erupted

in days of unrest. Following George Floyds murder, people across the US

continued to exact their vengeance, furious at the murders of Ahmaud

Arbery, Breonna Taylor, and Rayshard Brooks, among many others.

Seemingly every city in the US erupted into immense rioting and looting.

Several moments from these riots stand out, the most prominent being the

burning down of the Minneapolis PD 3rd precinct, but also the siege of

CNN HQ by rebels in Atlanta, and the overhead footage of burning police

cars at city hall in Philadelphia come to mind immediately. These

rebellions were continual throughout much of the latter half of 2020,

with Portland, OR rioting for 100+ nights straight, an Autonomous Zone

being established in Seattle, as well as one in Philadelphia, rebellions

in Kenosha, WI , Chicago, and Lancaster, Pa as police continued to

murder people. The most recent riots at the time of this writing have

been those in Philadelphia and cities in solidarity against the murder

of Walter Wallace Jr. by Philadelphia PD.

One striking element of the recent black-led insurrection wave was its

anti-political nature. The people who were out there fighting back

against forces of domination were doing so not in adherence to some

political ideology or platform, but in negation of one. This is not to

say that people did not have individual political ideologies, however

the cohesive force of these insurrections was pure negativity towards

the totality of the US by black people fighting for their literal lives

and those in affinity with that fight. This negativity is an active

force that seeks the absolute destruction of the system, in contrast

with a positivity that aims to change the system (or at least hopes to).

Within riotous moments there were massive redistributions of wealth,

direct combat with the police, even momentary possibilities of

liberation. The insurrections were not a body the state could negotiate

with, they were an amorphous collective lashing out, to which the state

had 2 options, crush with massive force or hopelessly throw concessions

to the public until the anger has subsided. There are no formal

declarations to the end of a riotous moment, in one instance the

destruction of all we’ve ever known radiates through the streets and in

the next, life goes on amongst the broken glass, glimmering in the

sunlight like the first snow flurries of winter. Anecdotally, to

paraphrase a common refrain heard, “people have tried sit-ins, peaceful

protest, boycotts, petitioning, legislation, training, funding, yet the

police stay killing black people in the US and getting away with

it...what options are left besides riot?” Within this sentiment exists

the sobering reality that there is not a positive project that will stop

the United States from murdering black people, or operating prisons, or

subjecting people to the existential punishment of poverty. These

systems require absolute destruction, pulling them up by the root so not

a remnant is left, in order to end them.

The dynamics of anti-political rebellion brings to mind 2 uprisings

highlighted in Blessed is the Flame, those of Sobibor and Treblinka.

Philip Bialowitz wrote of Sobibor “... I am witnessing the tools of the

modern age, trains, assembly lines, and gas engines to efficiently

murder thousands of people on any given day. And yet, how new is this

really? The primitive whips used by the germans are no different from

those used by brutal slave masters for thousands of years”. This quote

wraps up well a core concept of this piece, namely how intertwined the

systems we struggle against today are with those they owe their brutal

lineage to. It also highlights the use of the most advanced technology

of the industrial age as tools of domination being used along the oldest

tools of domination. The all encompassing lineage of domination has only

expanded its capacity for violence and surveillance in an attempt to

control more of our lives as time progresses.

This piece will not go into great detail about the specifics of the

uprisings for brevities sake. The Sobibor uprising was a planned

uprising involving ~650 inmates. 365 people tried to escape, of those

185 died by either gunfire or landmines surrounding the camp. Everyone

who remained in the camp was killed. In the following 10 days, 107

liberated prisoners were recaptured and murdered. About 40 to 60 people

survived the Sobibor extermination camp and the end of the war.

Following the uprising, Jewish slaves were brought from Treblinka to

dismantle the camp. They demolished most of the buildings and planted

them over with pine trees. The Jewish slaves were subsequently shot.

This, however, marked the end of the Sobibor extermination camp. Another

such uprising was that at Treblinka, where a worker could expect to live

1 to 2 weeks. The uprising at Treblinka was also planned. Prisoners had

gained access to the armory and engage in armed combat with their

overseers, however this happened prematurely before the phone lines

could be cut and everyone could be armed. Arson was the method of choice

for structure destruction. Richard Glazer, an escapee that survived the

war, wrote of that night “The fiery glow that poured forth over

Treblinka that night had a different color...than the one of all

previous nights”. Estimates of 150 to 600 prisoners escaped, where

ultimately 52 survived the war.

In the cases of the Sobibor and Treblinka uprisings, they were

clandestinely planned and executed. These acts were not political acts,

these were acts of survival. They were an acknowledgment that there was

no hope for savior, with all the capacity the prisoners had, they needed

to fight back if themselves or anyone from the camps were to have a

chance to survive, to tell the stories of the horrors they had

witnessed. These uprisings were messy, they were not carried out by

experts, they were carried out by people who saw these revolts as their

only chance at survival. If they weren’t to survive, at least they may

take some nazi’s with them. To gauge the success of these uprisings is

difficult, a lot of the rebels and others were killed. However, the end

of Sobibor as an extermination camp was a victory, as was every one that

escaped and experienced even momentary liberation, and even more so

those who survived to the end of the war. These revolts were only

possible because some were brave enough to act in the face of

hopelessness against an absolutely heinous system of domination. The

fiery night sky over Treblinka and watching the 3rd precinct being set

ablaze demonstrate the beauty in possibility, if people dare try to

succeed.

What distinguishes between the passivity of everyday and active

rebellions? Blessed is the Flame talks of Lauren Berlants work on the

concept of “cruel optimisms”, the idea that people, even when facing

unimaginable horrors, would rather live governed by the “well”

structured options set before them, out of some misguided sense of hope

that eventually the progressive myth of history will be realized. This,

for many, is easier to conceive of than that they may have to be the one

to act themselves to achieve their desires...and they may fail. To rebel

in situations such as the holocaust or in the face of police occupation

is to acknowledge the true seriousness of the situation one is in, to

dissolve these cruel optimisms, and understand that no structure will

save or protect you, there is you, the people around you, and the

choices you make. Accepting the seriousness of a situation and acting in

accordance to that seriousness allows for the possibility of liberation,

if only momentary. It is in these moments that the composure of an

individual is evident, do they talk the talk as well as walk the walk.

The US rebellions of 2020 were insurrections proliferated by units of

affinity. The affinities in these insurrections are frequently not

political (however, in some cases they may be), but more often than not

seem based on peoples relationships and goals. Affinity in this instance

is a simple definition of the word, namely sharing a commonality of

thought with others, whether that be goals, desires, friendship, etc.

People may roll up to a thing with their friends having the intentions

of being a presence, or looting, or fighting the police, or this or

that, these are pre-existing networks of affinity that participated in

these insurrections. Other affinity formations are the goal oriented

ones that happen in a moment. When people are fighting the police to get

them off the block, they are not taking a democratic survey of everyone

there to determine who is down to throw a rock or not. There simply are

the people who are throwing rocks, together, in momentary affinity with

each other to accomplish this specific goal. This obvious point is

stated to undermine notions of preconceived or orchestrated attack that

have been dominant in public discussion, these affinity formations are

not the product of some form of organized political agitation, but

micro-scale pre-existing formations that freely come together and apart

incoherently in specific moments. These moments accounted for some of

the most beautiful interactions of the insurrections, whether it was

people congratulating strangers for beaming cops in the head with cement

pieces, people sharing projectiles with strangers, strangers jacking

open the roll down of the pharmacy together, breaking windows to get

into the store, liquidating an entire store onto the sidewalk, or

letting people know what stores were open so car caravans could make

their way there. These momentary affinities not only lend oxygen to the

fire of insurrection, but these formations build a communal knowledge of

rebellion in the streets that is unbreakable by infiltration.

The anti-political nature of these insurrections is exemplified by an

explicit lack of demands or appeals to authority within them. That is

not to say individuals within the rebellions do not try to negotiate or

make demands in bad faith, but ultimately the state can not negotiate

with chaos. The chaos of the insurrection is what gives our desires

power. The simultaneous asymmetric attacks on the system that is the

riot undermines a central operating principle of the state in

maintaining the order of the system, that of centralization of resources

and force that allow for the illusion of the security of the state to be

preserved. As the police themselves have stated in many cities, they can

handle one 10000 person protest, but not 10 1000 person protests. Thus,

the riot is not some apolitical desire to destroy for destructions sake,

but a strategic manifestation of the fact that absolute destruction is

the most meaningful response that can be mustered against the all

encompassing systems of domination. To paraphrase Bakunin, “destruction

is a creative passion”, within the void of a blank canvas one can

imagine infinite possibilities. The lagers were not liberated by reform,

appeals to the SS’s humanity, petition, peaceful protest. They were

liberated by people dedicated to the destruction of the nazi regime.

There are many comparisons of the US government being akin to the nazi

regime in the ways that they murder and incarcerate those deemed

undesirable by the underlying national philosophy. What people are doing

now is exactly what they would have been doing in the 1930’s and 40’s.

The liberal voices who advocate defunding, more funding, more training,

etc. have been successful at recuperating messaging around the more

peaceable space on the edges of the insurrections, but these voices have

not been the dominate voices, just the ones given the majority of

mainstream attention. The recuperative efforts did not end the riots,

but became louder voices after they had burned out. How can milquetoast

calls for reform compete with the image of the 3rd precinct being burnt

to the ground? How does one recuperate that? This is the point of a

decentralized anti-political insurrection... they can not. Try as they

might, one can not logically work within the system to burn down every

police station and loot every target. That’s why there has been so much

effort put into snitch jacketting, othering, and moralizing how people

participate in these insurrections. The burning down of the 3rd

precinct, the now ritualistic burning of police cars, these are symbols

in our collective consciousness that recuperative forces can never take

away. These are hopeful symbols, not because they will aid in the

progression of society towards something better, but because in the

acrid black smoke of these acts of symbolic destruction liberatory

possibility demonstrated. There is nothing stopping every precinct from

being the 3rdaside from our collective desire to do so.

Fear & Collective Punishment

There is an interesting connection to be made between the collective

punishment experienced in the lagers and the collective punishment

warned about in the modern day leftist critique of “adventurists” and

“outside agitators” that is used to paint escalatory rebels as other to

a movement or to collective goals. The crux of this critique is that one

will get others hurt if one decides to rebel too “aggressively”. This

conclusion, is not only naive on the part of those levying the

criticism, but it also does not come from a place of tactical

understanding or genuine wisdom, it is a fear response. The argument of

“collective punishment” as a consequence for “outside agitators” being

“adventurists” is an overall harmful argument at best, taking away power

from those courageous enough to directly confront the dominant forces

that stand in the way of collective liberation. Those making this

critique eschew radical solidarity to tie themselves in a Gordian knot

of pseudo-radicalism to side with domination. There is nothing wrong

with experiencing fear, however that is a personal response one must

deal with themselves and not project their fears onto others. Not only

is it a projection of fear and a failing of solidarity, it plays into

the historically racist trope of the “outside agitator”, as well as the

privileged perception that the police will not hurt people if they are

not doing anything “wrong”. Both of these gut-reaction ideas are

ridiculous. The outside agitator trope was used to disempower and

delegitimate organic black resistance in the southern US in the 60’s by

casting blame on northern white radicals instigating and driving

protests. The wrongfulness of this concept should not need to be

explained, however, the problem with perpetuating this concept is the

erasure of people rebelling in any circumstance. Whether it is

spontaneous rebellion over the police killing of another black person, a

planned targeted attack, or a more rowdy break off of a “peaceful”

march, this concept homogenizes and erases people participating in

resistance because of assumptions that are made to perpetuate the trope.

The “adventurist” trope is similar, but is usually used by communists to

critique anarchistic action from a place of paternalism and their lack

of control over a situation, separating rebels into “good” and “bad” and

homogenizing both categories. Again, the wrongfulness of “the police

won’t hurt us unless we’re bad” should not have to be explained, but

it’s something that gets perpetuated EVEN at the protest against police

brutality. The police can act as cruelly as they desire and murder

people with near impunity, they don’t need an excuse to use violence,

their entire existence is to perpetuate violence.

While on the surface level collective punishment might seem blame

worthy, drawing comparison to the lagers, nazis would subject those in

the camps to all kinds of atrocities and torture. While one may assign

blame to rebels due to the perceived action/consequence dynamic between

collective punishment and rebellion, this is both a reactionary and

reductivist view. It neglects to take into account the material reality

people were facing in the camps. Upon entry people deemed not fit to

work were systematically exterminated using the peak of modern

industrial technology. Those left alive only heard whispers of what

happened in the showers, but as they were digging mass graves, sifting

through piles of teeth for valuable metals, and collecting human hair

for pillow stuffing they knew what fate they had in store. There were no

illusions, no reason to believe that they would escape the all

encompassing reality that was the hell of concentration camp life. They

never knew whether or not they would survive for another day, let alone

see their friends and family again. The perceived total control of the

nazis and the brutalism that they exhibited toward the enslaved was

designed to make them lose all hope and depersonify them, in many cases

it did. In the loss of hope, however, many discovered a freedom. If they

were completely and utterly fucked, there was no escape from the death

camps, the only certainty was misery and pain, than why not rebel, if

not for the mere satisfaction of the look on a nazi’s face when they saw

the last bit of free will of the imprisoned was pure hostility towards

their oppressors.

For those of us living in the shadows of colonization and capital the

illusion of safety for some is predicated on the institutional

domination and mass death of others. The use of extraordinary violence

to maintain this illusion is built into the philosophy of civilization.

The subjugation intended by violent oppression is a commonality among

regimes of domination. A particularly striking anecdote exemplifying

this comes from Elie Wiesel, a survivor of Buchenwald and Auschwitz. In

Buchenwald, Elie listened as his father was beat to death by nazis, his

father crying out for him. Elie was unable to mutter a word, lest he

suffer the same fate. This brings to thought the many, mostly black men,

the US has watched be murdered by police, crying out for their loved

ones. The cruelty of those who can do that can not be overstated. This

cruelty is intended to breed a desired response in populations...fear.

These cruelties are designed into systems such that resistance to the

dominant order illicits a fear response in a dominated population.

However, by explicit design, these cruelties are not relegated to just

those who resist dominant systems actively, they are also relegated to

those whose very existences were explicitly excluded from the benefits

of white civil society by the mythos upon which it is constructed. This

is evident through the murders of Tamir Rice, a 12 year old child who

was legally murdered by police for playing in a park or Breonna Taylor

who was legally murdered by the police in a botched raid, as she was

asleep, the only crime[2] committed by her murderers being a stray

bullet in the wall that put her neighbors in danger. The design of the

laws of the US justified these murders because anti-blackness is

fundamental to them, they are not anomalies in the law, but explicitly

how the law is meant to function. Many live under the assumption that if

they behave, that if they obey the laws of the US, that they can steer

clear of these cruelties. For black people in the US, this is simply not

an option, the murders of Tamir and Breonna, among many others shows

this. It should be noted that the entrenched cruelty foundational to the

US can be waged against anyone whose existence or actions deviate from

that codified by the norms of white civility. This is exemplified in the

way that white supremacists are able to murder rebels in the street and

get away with their lives. Resistance to white supremacy and colonial

power is always a life or death issue. Extra-legal white supremacist

murderers are functionarys of the philosophy of the US, not deviant from

it. They are more often than not peaceably apprehended by police, with

rounds upon rounds of extra ammunition, their weapons still strapped to

their bodies. They are even taken to Burger King on their ways to jail

or are able to make their 2 million dollar bail because of the

coalescence of support by the forces of white supremacy. The police and

these murderers are 2 wings of the same ideology, they are not

adversaries, and thus the cruelties of the system are not waged upon

them. While fear of these forces is understandable, resistance to the

system is an urgent issue and this fear should not be reason for

hesitation and inaction, but intuitive planning in the ways one resists.

At the very least it is courageous to actively resist the institutions

of violence that govern our lives, the lineage of violence that upholds

domination will not be brought down by good vibes and intentions.

Reiterating the inspiration Hitler took from the US, the lagers were

designed explicitly to “shatter the adversaries capacity to resist”,

where Jews were experimented upon to create a sterile race of animal

like creatures solely adapted for work. In the face of these realities,

a spontaneous lager rebellion was enacted in Sachsenhausen by Jewish

communists who caught wind of their imminent transportation to the gas

chambers. They appealed to the communist leaders of a resistance

organization with a plan for open revolt and an appeal for weapons. The

communists, citing fear of collective punishment, let their supposed

comrades fight back alone, perishing empty handed, striking back at the

nazis with all they had, their bare fists. Time and time again this

narrative comes up of desperate people looking at others who proclaim to

be their comrades, only to be met with apprehension and fear. Another

example from Auschwitz, where a detail of mostly Jews who operated the

crematoriums, the Sonderkommando, were spurred to action by the ongoing

liquidation of Hungarian Jews. Their detail was known for its frequent

turn over as well. The Sonderkommando approached the resistance

organization, the Fighting Group, about planning a revolt, but in a

familiar rebuke were met with reluctance and told “the time was not ripe

for revolt”. The reluctance may have been due to the fact that the

Fighting Group was not in any immediate danger. The Sonderkommando

concluded that they stood alone, and although the Fighting Group did not

provide arms, they did provide a small amount of explosives. On the day

of the revolt, the Sonderkommando attacked their SS overseers in

Crematorium IV using hammers, axes, stones, and handmade grenades.

Eventually, they blew up a crematorium. Crematorium II also was

attacked, a guard was shoved into an oven, the building lit on fire, and

SS men attacked. People were also able to momentarily escape the camp.

Eventually, everyone who participated in the revolt was executed, as

well as 200 additional people accused of participation in some degree.

This action was took near the end of the war, so the absolute effect of

this rebellion can not really be gauged, but it was certainly more

effectual than preparing for an uprising that would never come, as the

Fighting Group did. The instances of rebellion at Sachsenhausen and

Auschwitz demonstrate the differences of those who talk and those who

act, and the possibilities that lie within action.

Applying this collective punishment critique to the modern day

concentration camps that are prisons, themselves a continuation of the

chattel slavery that inspired Hitler, its odd that the

adventurism/collective punishment critique is not typically levied

against prison rebels. It should be noted that prisoners today face

similar conditions to those in nazi concentration camps. That would be

the conclusion to thinking about prison rebellion with the same logic.

After a large scale prison rebellion, collective punishment can

certainly be expected. The rebels, who know this and have weighed that

reality, still opt to rebel. They realize that the actions that they

take will have consequences, but they see action as the most meaningful

response to their situation. Are these rebellions seen as other to

rebellions on the outside? Are they neglected by the people who

typically are making this adventurist/collective punishment critique?

Orthogonal Futures of the Now

Positive illusions of the future continue to be an obstruction to

liberation. The myth that as linear time progresses, society progresses

to be more equitable, easy to live in, i.e. better, is pervasive in

society writ large, as well as in utopian left thinking. Within this

notion lies a sense of hope that motivates organizations to hold the

rally or the leftist to vote for the democrat, the idea that they will

be on the right side of history in a future that will eventually come to

pass. The rejection of this futurity is present in many contemporary

anarchist critiques and calls to action. The notion that nothing is

guaranteed and the only semblance of time one has any ability to act in

is the now is a powerful notion in inspiring people to act. In Blessed

is the Flame, the author touches on the unwillingness to act by the

communist underground orgs in the camps saying they were focused on

“political fantasizing and planning future governments” while those who

acted in spontaneous or “premature” insurrections were focused on

“saving lives and staging resistance”. The case for action in the now

can be summed up in the phrase “there is no need to know what is

happening tomorrow to destroy a today that makes you bleed”. Herein lies

the conflict between political positions and fighting against the system

of civilization, politics as a whole is a positive project, building and

planning for a future within some anthropocentric structure that exists

or one hopes to exist. A more negative project accepts the

uncontrallability of the future, throwing this notion by the wayside. In

the insurrection, the only time that exists is the liberatory space of

the now. The question becomes how does one act to liberate oneself in

the immediacy? In the insurrectionary moment time both ceases and moves

a million miles an hour, every moment is a lifetime, while also being

precious in the necessity for immediate action. Within these moments lie

the ability to rupture futurity itself, that is the futurity all but

guaranteed by the status quo. The seemingly most effective means at

combating that future are the complete ruptures seen in generalized

insurrections. In these circumstances, the financial future is attacked

by the looting and redistribution of goods and money en masse. The

future of the police state is attacked through decentralized conflict

with the police and the veil of control they presumably have on social

situations. The police being a physical manifestation of the law, this

is an attack on legality itself and thus the futurity of the state.

Systems of repression have worked such that they mobilize to protect the

future desired by those in power. Whether that is a future dominated by

an aryan race at the expense of “undesirables” or the ideological

forefather of that in the white supremacist colonial system of the US.

In defense of that future, the entire lineage of violence these systems

are built upon will be used against those who wish to negate it. That is

why the more desirable fantasy is the one of the positive project, in

which people are planning for a different future within the context of

existing in the same linear time as the current system. As the marxist

theology states, the progression of production society is from primitive

forms, to feudalism, through capitalism, then to socialism and

communism. The political position does not require one to be at war with

the existent, it only requires one to desire to conserve and reform it.

Positive projects appeal to the respectability politics maintained by

the status quo in order to take up a position of opposition to the

system that demonstrates an illusion of choice in the matter. People

participate in positive projects to make the status quo more livable,

not to destroy the status quo. As put in Blessed is the Flame, there is

a “magnetic compulsion to identify ourselves positively in society”, the

text gives the examples of food not bombs, music, and community

organizing as examples of positive projects that play into

respectability politics on the terms of the status quo. Within this

positive identification of oneself in the context of also being in

opposition to domination, one plays into the system of morality defined

by the very system itself. Food Not Bombs, for example, justifies its

anarchism by saying something akin to “anarchists don’t want to just

destroy, we give food to the hungry, we are good people”. This plays

into a need to justify anarchism within the context of mainstream moral

“goodness” and through doing so weakens an anarchistic practice of

mutual aid through a food distribution that is more similar to charity

than the mutual aid it strives to be. The lacking part is the mutual

sustenance and relationships that propagate struggle against

domination.[3] The positive politic views a need for moral justification

of the positivity of the project, in reality boosting the positivists

activist credentials through the game of clout. The negative position

has no need for justification any further than the system of dominations

existence. The differences in position here being that, as Serafinski

puts it, “positive projects are the means of surviving the order,

negative projects are the means of destroying it completely”.

To finish this section with a poignant quote from the text about

futurity in the lagers “the ongoing promise of futurity kept many docile

in a system that ultimately produced two things, german wealth and

corpses”. The brevity and power of this sentence speaks volumes, and a

contemporary analogy to the US would not be an exaggeration. The promise

of a future is a carrot on a stick that leads many to a docile state in

even the most dire situations. There was no rational positive political

project to liberate the lagers from the inside, just as there is no

positive political project that will destroy the US or the police. When

presented with a futile situation, does one remain docile or does one

decide to fight? The decision to fight against an insurmountable system

is not a rational political project aimed at progressing to a better

future, it is a decision to do so in spite of the lack of that future.

Within this decision is a choice to pursue an unknowable orthogonal[4]

future, to break not just the perceived linearity of time, but break the

dimensionality of that time, it’s simply a yes or no. In the text there

is a story about a rebellion spurred by a woman whose name has been

confused by the oral tradition, who shot an SS guard to death inside a

woman’s dressing room. This action became mythos in the camp and also

inspired a later rebellion the same day. It also reminded those enslaved

that the SS were mortal. What happened at the 3rd precinct reminds us it

was just a building. Watching police drop to the ground after a brick

strikes them in the head reminds us they are mortal.

And What of The Left?

The police pose a material threat to people, particularly black people.

The reality of the US is that the police are an occupying force that use

monopolization of violence to enforce the colonization of this land and

its evolutions. The police grew out of the slave catchers and cut their

teeth in warfare in the labor wars, modernizing their armories and

tactics in the drug wars. Leftists who call for unity against a “common”

enemy are woefully naive in what they are asking for. To be a leftist in

the modern day is to have ignored the history of the 20th century,

doomed to repeat it, not out of ignorance, but out of some misguided

sense of historical progress and tradition. The irrelevance and history

of counter-revolution of various leftist sects is well documented. Here

again the focus will be on examples from Blessed is the Flame. While

Communists and political opponents of the nazi regime did comprise a

large percentage of population in the lagers, there are multiple

instances in which their unwillingness to act, out of self preservation,

lead to others rebelling and dying without allies. A few of these

instances are outlined in previous sections. A line that encompasses

this notion well is “It speaks to the very nature of our domestication

that we resist insofar as we think we can win”. This quote well

describes the attitudes of leftists, back in the 40’s and today, that

the capacity for resistance is proportional to the probability of the

desired outcome. Traditionally, this is some kind of revolution and

building some kind of “better” industrial production society. The odds

are never in the rebels favor. Underground resistance organizations in

the lagers and leftist orgs of today have a common problem of

“organizing” for a revolution that will never come. The underground

resistance organizations were organizing not for an uprising, but for

their own survival, fantasizing of the ways they could control others in

the future. In the modern day, leftists organizations are not interested

in rebellions. They turn their noses up and scoff at those brave enough

to directly oppose the systems they claim to be against. They are not

organizing for uprisings, their organizations exist only to feed their

own social and career aspirations, as well as virtue signal their moral

“goodness”. The left relishes in their own irrelevance, not realizing

that it is autonomous individuals acting in anti-political, asymmetric

formations that are proliferating insurrections and not their

“organizing” by any means. The paternalism of their concepts of

organizing should warrant active hostility, it is nothing but a

different domination. However, images such as the 3rd precinct burning

down gave people a new idea of what is possible. It sparked

insurrectionary ideas and actions in the collective consciousness that

far surpass anything that leftists can imagine, or even anarchists for

that matter.

Final Words

While the past year has been inspiring, we should not be complacent with

the spectacle of generalized insurrection coming to the US. Just as many

of the lager rebellions failed in liberation, the insurrections of 2020

are nothing but an inspiration, a demonstration of possibilities in

moments. The continued existence of the US, capital, and the police that

protect them shows that there is still much to do. 2020 was the instance

in which we learned that we can hurt the system, but it was nothing but

a minor scratch in the overall destruction of the monster. In the coming

years, may the police and their supporters look upon 2020 as a “good”

year. Rest in power to all those murdered by police! S/O to all rebels

against police and law! FUCK 12! FUCK AMERICA! BURN IT DOWN! BURN DOWN

EVERY FUCKING POLICE STATION! EMPTY ALL THE PRISONS!

Afterword

Since it’s taken me a while to edit this, on 4/20/21 Derek Chauvin was

found guilty of George Floyds murder. While it’s cosmically funny that

he will face the same conditions that he has forced on people, perhaps

interacting with some of his fellow prisoners who I’m sure will be

ecstatic at his presence, this is not something that anarchists or

abolitionists should be happy about. I don’t think prisons or police

should exist and I won’t justify either. It is the system trying to save

itself, not a beacon of change or retribution or justice (whatever that

is). Its disheartening, because this will likely have its intended

effect and pacify the intensity of struggle that we saw over the past

year, especially with covid restrictions easing and biden being

president. Those who desire freedom only have one option in getting free

and that is the total destruction of police and law. Grandiose goal, I

know, but there was a time without both of those and hopefully soon

there will be a time without them again. Now is a time for more intense

street conflict on a larger scale, not shying away from it. It will

forever be fuck the US until its burnt to the fucking ground.