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Title: This Is Not a Dialogue
Author: CrimethInc., Anonymous
Date: Spring 2010
Language: en
Topics: free speech, Freedom, dialogue, anti-fascism, CrimethInc.
Source: https://crimethinc.com/2017/01/26/this-is-not-a-dialogue-not-just-free-speech-but-freedom-itself

CrimethInc., Anonymous

This Is Not a Dialogue

Maybe you missed this, but you’re not in a dialogue. Your views are

beside the point. Argue all you want—your adversaries are glad to see

you waste your breath. Better yet if you protest: they’d rather you

carry a sign than do anything. They’ll keep you talking as long as they

can, just to tire you out—to buy time.

They intend to force their agenda on you. That’s what all the guns are

for, what the police and drones and surveillance cameras are for, what

the FBI and CIA and NSA are for, what all those laws and courts and

executive orders are for. It’s what their church is for, what those

racist memes are for, what online harassment and bullying are for. It’s

what gay bashings and church burnings are for.

This is not a dialogue. How could you be so naïve? A dialogue—from which

some of the participants can be deported at any time? A dialogue—in

which one side keeps shooting and incarcerating the other side? A

dialogue—in which a few people own all the networks and radio stations

and printing presses, while the rest have to make do with markers and

cardboard signs? A dialogue, really?

You’re not in a dialogue. You’re in a power struggle. All that matters

is how much force you can bring to bear on your adversaries to defend

yourself from them. You can bet that if you succeed, they will accuse

you of breaking off the dialogue, of violating their free speech. They

will try to lure you back into conversation, playing for time until they

need no more stratagems to keep you passive while they put the pieces in

place for tyranny.

This isn’t a dialogue—it’s a war. They’re gambling that you won’t

realize this until it’s too late. If freedom is important to you, if you

care about all the people marked for death and deportation, start taking

action.

Not Just Free Speech, but Freedom Itself

Anarchists have defended freedom of speech for centuries now. This is

important in principle: in an anarchist vision of society, neither the

state nor any other entity should be able to determine what we can and

cannot say. It’s also important in practice: as a revolutionary minority

frequently targeted for repression, we’ve consistently had our speeches,

newspapers, websites, and marches attacked.

But we aren’t the only ones who have taken up the banner of free speech.

More recently, the right wing in the US has begun to allege that a

supposed failure to give conservative views an equal hearing alongside

liberal views constitutes a suppression of their free speech. By

accusing “liberal” universities and media of suppressing conservative

views—a laughable assertion, given the massive structures of power and

funding advancing those views—they use First Amendment discourse to

promote reactionary agendas. Supposedly progressive campuses reveal

their true colors as they mobilize institutional power to defend

right-wing territory in the marketplace of ideas, going so far as to

censor and intimidate opposition.

Extreme right and fascist organizations have jumped onto the free speech

bandwagon as well. Fascists rely on the state to protect them, claiming

that racist, anti-immigrant, and anti-gay organizing constitutes a form

of legally protected speech. Fascist groups that are prevented from

publishing their material in most other industrialized democracies by

laws restricting hate speech frequently publish it in the United States,

where no such laws exist, and distribute it worldwide from here. In

practice, state protection of the right to free expression aids fascist

organizing.

If defending free speech has come to mean sponsoring wealthy right-wing

politicians and enabling fascist recruiting, it’s time to scrutinize

what is hidden behind this principle.

Despite the radical roots of organizations such as the American Civil

Liberties Union that advocate for state protection of free expression,

this form of civil liberties empties the defense of free speech of any

radical content, implying that only the state can properly guarantee our

ability to express ourselves freely and thus reinforcing the power of

the state above the right to free speech itself.

The Rhetoric of Free Expression

There appears to be a broad consensus in the US political spectrum in

favor of the right to free speech. While opponents may quibble over the

limits, such as what constitutes obscenity, pundits from left to right

agree that free speech is essential to American democracy.

Appeals to this tradition of unrestricted expression confer legitimacy

on groups with views outside the mainstream, and both fascists and

radicals capitalize on this. Lawyers often defend anarchist activity by

referencing the First Amendment’s provision preventing legislation

restricting the press or peaceable assembly. We can find allies who will

support us in free speech cases who would never support us out of a

shared vision of taking direct action to create a world free of

hierarchy. The rhetoric of free speech and First Amendment rights give

us a common language with which to broaden our range of support and make

our resistance more comprehensible to potential allies, with whom we may

build deeper connections over time.

But at what cost? This discourse of rights seems to imply that the state

is necessary to protect us against itself, as if it is a sort of Jekyll

and Hyde split personality that simultaneously attacks us with laws and

police and prosecutors while defending us with laws and attorneys and

judges. If we accept this metaphor, it should not be surprising to find

that the more we attempt to strengthen the arm that defends us, the

stronger the arm that attacks us will become.

Once freedom is defined as an assortment of rights granted by the state,

it is easy to lose sight of the actual freedom those rights are meant to

protect and focus instead on the rights themselves—implicitly accepting

the legitimacy of the state. Thus, when we build visibility and support

by using the rhetoric of rights, we undercut the possibility that we

will be able to stand up to the state itself. We also open the door for

the state to impose others’ “rights” upon us.

The Civil Liberties Defense

In the US, many take it for granted that it is easier for the state to

silence and isolate radicals in countries in which free speech is not

legally protected. If this is true, who wouldn’t want to strengthen

legal protections on free speech?

In fact, in nations in which free speech is not legally protected,

radicals are not always more isolated—on the contrary, the average

person is sometimes more sympathetic to those in conflict with the

state, as it is more difficult for the state to legitimize itself as the

defender of liberty. Laws do not tie the hands of the state nearly so

much as public opposition can; given the choice between legal rights and

popular support, we are much better off with the latter.

One dictionary defines civil liberty as “the state of being subject only

to laws established for the good of the community.” This sounds ideal to

those who believe that laws enforced by hierarchical power can serve the

“good of the community”—but who defines “the community” and what is good

for it, if not those in power? In practice, the discourse of civil

liberties enables the state to marginalize its foes: if there is a

legitimate channel for every kind of expression, then those who refuse

to play by the rules are clearly illegitimate. Thus we may read this

definition the other way around: under “civil liberty,” all laws are for

the good of the community, and any who challenge them must be against

it.

Focusing on the right to free speech, we see only two protagonists, the

individual and the state. Rather than letting ourselves be drawn into

the debate about what the state should allow, anarchists should focus on

a third protagonist—the general public. We win or lose our struggle

according to how much sovereignty the populace at large is willing to

take back from the state, how much intrusion it is willing to put up

with. If we must speak of rights at all, rather than argue that we have

the right to free speech let us simply assert that the state has no

right to suppress us. Better yet, let’s develop another language

entirely.

Free Speech and Democracy…

The discourse of free speech in democracy presumes that no significant

imbalances of power exist, and that the primary mechanism of change is

rational discussion. In fact, a capitalist elite controls most

resources, and power crystallizes upward along multiple axes of

oppression. Against this configuration, it takes a lot more than speech

alone to open the possibility of social change.

There can be no truly free speech except among equals—among parties who

are not just equal before the law, but who have comparable access to

resources and equal say in the world they share. Can an employee really

be said to be as free to express herself as her boss, if the latter can

take away her livelihood? Are two people equally free to express their

views when one owns a news network and the other cannot even afford to

photocopy fliers? In the US, where donations to political candidates

legally constitute speech, the more money you have, the more “free

speech” you can exercise. As the slogan goes, freedom isn’t free—and

nowhere is that clearer than with speech.

Contrary to the propaganda of democracy, ideas alone have no intrinsic

force. Our capacity to act on our beliefs, not just to express them,

determines how much power we have. In this sense, the “marketplace of

ideas” metaphor is strikingly apt: you need capital to participate, and

the more you have, the greater your ability to enact the ideas you buy

into. Just as the success of a few entrepreneurs and superstars is held

up as proof that the free market rewards hard work and ingenuity, the

myth of the marketplace of ideas suggests that the capitalist system

persists because everyone—billionaire and bellboy alike—agrees it is the

best idea.

…So Long as You Don’t Do Anything

But what if, despite the skewed playing field, someone manages to say

something that threatens to destabilize the power structure? If history

is any indication, it swiftly turns out that freedom of expression is

not such a sacrosanct right after all. In practice, we are permitted

free speech only insofar as expressing our views changes nothing. The

premise that speech alone cannot be harmful implies that speech is

precisely that which is ineffectual: therefore anything effectual is not

included among one’s rights.

During World War I, the Espionage Act criminalized any attempt to “cause

insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, [or] refusal of duty” or to

obstruct recruiting for the armed forces. President Woodrow Wilson urged

the bill’s passage because he believed antiwar activity could undermine

the US war effort. Alexander Berkman and Emma Goldman were arrested

under this law for printing anarchist literature that opposed the war.

Likewise, the Anarchist Exclusion Act and the subsequent Immigration Act

were used to deport or deny entry to any immigrant “who disbelieves in

or who is opposed to all organized government.” Berkman, Goldman, and

hundreds of other anarchists were deported under these acts. There are

countless other examples showing that when speech can threaten the

foundation of state power, even the most democratic government doesn’t

hesitate to suppress it.

Thus, when the state presents itself as the defender of free speech, we

can be sure that this is because our rulers believe that allowing

criticism will strengthen their position more than suppressing it could.

Liberal philosopher and ACLU member Thomas Emerson saw that freedom of

speech “can act as a kind of ‘safety valve’ to let off steam when people

might otherwise be bent on revolution.” Therein lies the true purpose of

the right to free speech in the US.

Not Free Speech, but Freedom Itself

Obviously, anarchists should not organize against free speech. But the

stranglehold of the state on the discourse of free speech seems to set

the terms of the debate: either we condone censorship, or we condone

state protection of our enemies and their right to organize against us

and others. This results in paradoxes, such as radicals being accused of

opposing freedom for shutting down a fascist speaker.

In contrast to state protection of KKK rallies and the like, there are

models of free expression that neither depend upon the enforcement of

rights from above nor sanction oppressive behavior. Anarchists might

judge speech not as something fundamentally different from action, but

as a form of action: when it harms others, when it reinforces

hierarchies and injustices, we confront it the same way we would

confront any other kind of abuse or oppression. This is simply

self-defense.

When a xenophobic politician comes to speak at a public university, his

honorarium is paid with tax money extorted from workers and given to

universities so it will continue to circulate among the rich and

powerful. Regardless of right-wing whining about the marginalization of

conservative opinions, the fact that he is powerful enough to secure

lucrative speaking engagements indicates that his views are hardly

suppressed. As a wealthy white citizen and public figure, his

opportunity to express himself can’t reasonably be compared to the

opportunity of, say, the immigrants he scapegoats. If their voices and

agency actually held equal weight, the politician could say whatever he

wanted, but would be powerless to subject others to his schemes.

When we confront him directly rather than politely disagreeing, we’re

not attacking his right to express his opinions. We’re confronting the

special advantages he is accorded: taxpayer money, police protection, an

exclusive soapbox. We’re confronting the power he wields over our lives

through institutions built on violence, a power he means to extend by

using speaking events to gain wealth, legitimacy, and recruits to his

racist endeavors. Confronting him is a political practice that does not

reduce freedom to rights, but challenges the privileges of the

state—that makes no false dichotomy between speech and action, but

judges both by the same standards—that does not enable the state to

frame itself as the defender of free speech, but asserts that we are the

only ones who can defend and extend our own freedom.

Less civil, more liberties!

Appendix: Free Speech FAQ

Stopping fascists from speaking makes you just as bad as them.

You could just as easily say that not stopping fascists from speaking

makes you as bad as them, because it gives them the opportunity to

organize to impose their agenda on the rest of us. If you care about

freedom, don’t stand idly by while people mobilize to take it away.

Shouldn’t we just ignore them? They want attention, and if we give

it to them we’re letting them win.

Actually, fascists usually don’t want to draw attention to their

organizing; they do most of it in secret for fear that an outraged

public will shut them down. They only organize public events to show

potential recruits that they have power, and to try to legitimize their

views as part of the political spectrum. By publicly opposing fascists,

we make it clear to them—and more importantly, to anyone else interested

in joining them—that they will not be able to consolidate power without

a fight. Ignoring fascists only allows them to organize unhindered, and

history shows that this can be very dangerous. Better we shut them down

once and for all.

The best way to defeat fascism is to let them express their views so

that everyone can see how ignorant they are. We can refute them more

effectively with ideas than force.

People don’t become fascists because they find their ideas persuasive;

they become fascists for the same reason others become police officers

or politicians: to wield power over other people. It’s up to us to show

that fascist organizing will not enable them to obtain this power, but

will only result in public humiliation. That is the only way to cut off

their source of potential recruits.

History has shown over and over that fascism is not defeated by ideas

alone, but by popular self-defense. We’re told that if all ideas are

debated openly, the best one will win out, but this fails to account for

the reality of unequal power. Fascists can be very useful to those with

power and privilege, who often supply them with copious resources; if

they can secure more airtime and visibility for their ideas than we can,

we would be fools to limit ourselves to that playing field. We can

debate their ideas all day long, but if we don’t prevent them from

building the capacity to make them reality, it won’t matter.

Neo-Nazis are irrelevant; institutionalized racism poses the real

threat today, not the extremists at the fringe.

The bulk of racism takes place in subtle, everyday forms. But fascist

visibility enables other right-wing groups to frame themselves as

moderates, helping to legitimize the racist and xenophobic assumptions

underlying their positions and the systems of power and privilege they

defend. Taking a stand against fascists is an essential step toward

discrediting the structures and values at the root of institutionalized

racism.

Here and worldwide, fascists still terrorize and murder people because

of racial, religious, and sexual difference. It’s both naïve and

disrespectful to their victims to gloss over the past and present

realities of fascist violence. Because fascists believe in acting

directly to carry out their agenda rather than limiting themselves to

the Rube Goldberg machine of representative democracy, they can be more

dangerous proportionate to their numbers than other bigots. This makes

it an especially high priority to deal with them swiftly.

Free speech means protecting everyone’s right to speak, including

people you don’t agree with. How would you like it if you had an

unpopular opinion and other people were trying to silence you?

We oppose fascists because of what they do, not what they say. We’re not

opposed to free speech; we’re opposed to the fact that they advance an

agenda of hate and terror. We have no power to censor them; thanks to

the “neutrality” of the capitalist market, they continue to publish hate

literature in print and the internet. But we will not let them come into

our communities to build the power they need to enact their hatred.

The government and the police have never protected everyone’s free

speech equally, and never will. It is in their self-interest to repress

views and actions that challenge existing power inequalities. They will

spend hundreds of thousands of taxpayers’ dollars on riot police,

helicopters, and sharpshooters to defend a KKK rally, but if there’s an

anarchist rally the same police will be there to stop it, not to protect

it.

Anarchists don’t like being silenced by the state—but we don’t want the

state to define and manage our freedom, either. Unlike the ACLU, whose

supposed defense of “freedom” leads them to support the KKK and others

like them, we support self-defense and self-determination above all.

What’s the purpose of free speech, if not to foster a world free from

oppression? Fascists oppose this vision; thus we oppose fascism by any

means necessary.

If fascists don’t have a platform to express their views peacefully,

it will drive them to increasingly violent means of expression.

Fascists are only attempting to express their views “peacefully” in

order to lay the groundwork for violent activity. Because fascists

require a veneer of social legitimacy to be able to carry out their

program, giving them a platform to speak opens the door to their being

able to do physical harm to people. Public speech promoting ideologies

of hate, whether or not you consider it violent on its own, always

complements and correlates with violent actions. By affiliating

themselves with movements and ideologies based on oppression and

genocide, fascists show their intention to carry on these legacies of

violence—but only if they can develop a base of support.

Trying to suppress their voices will backfire by generating interest

in them.

Resistance to fascism doesn’t increase interest in fascist views. If

anything, liberals mobilizing to defend fascists on free speech grounds

increases interest in their views by conferring legitimacy on them. This

plays directly into their organizing goals, allowing them to drive a

wedge between their opponents using free speech as a smokescreen. By

tolerating racism, homophobia, anti-Semitism, and xenophobia, so-called

free speech advocates are complicit in the acts of terror fascist

organizing makes possible.

They have rights like everybody else.

No one has the right to organize violence against our community.

Likewise, we reject the “right” of the government and police—who have

more in common with fascists than they do with us—to decide for us when

fascists have crossed the line from expressing themselves into posing an

immediate threat. We will not abdicate our freedom to judge when and how

to defend ourselves.