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Title: The Question of Preservational Violence Author: Tatanka Language: en Topics: anti-civ, insurrectionist, Jacques Camatte, primitivist Source: Retrieved on January 1, 2005 from http://www.coalitionagainstcivilization.org Notes: A response to Jacques Camatte’s “The Question of Violence”. (In This World We Must Leave and Other Essays by Jacques Camatte. 1995, Autonomedia.)
...the groupuscles of the left and extreme left, but not the anarchists,
preach about the necessity of learning to kill because they think they
can make death “rebound” on capital. But none of them (and this is
particularly true of the most extreme elements) ever take into account
the fact that they are suggesting the necessity of destroying human
beings in order to accomplish this revolution. (Pg. 114)
Perhaps Camatte was right in respects to this statement. The majority of
remarks made towards the use of violence were aimed at the ‘defenders of
capital’, primarily cops, mirroring a large sentiment of revolutionaries
(especially the Class Warriors). Twenty-seven years after this essay was
written, that movement and sentiment still stands somewhat strong. But
what of those who share that sentiment for different reasons? I’m
getting at the comprehension that his statement may be true, but what if
the violence is not an act of revolution?
“Violence is a fact of life in present-day society; the question now is
how that violence can be destroyed.” (Pg. 115). This is true, but the
understanding of this fact cannot be simplified into a categorical
answer as Camatte, and numerous others, have done. The actual reality of
daily life, in light of the all-encompassing techno-industrial death
machine is reason for a split of the obligations of revolutionaries
(that is those who understand the techno-industrial mega-machine to be
their enemy). S/he must see the dualism that lies here. On the one hand
there is the goal, which, presumably, is the abolition of civilization
(or industrial/consumer society, more immediately). However noble this
is in itself, cannot be the sole recipient of one’s actions. In the
possibility that this revolution may not arrive for decades, lays the
other directive, the preservation of what remains undestroyed. This is
where the tactics must be reconsidered. The light of the everyday
destruction (and possibility of total annihilation) by the mega-machine
requires a new level of immediacy and directly aimed actions to lessen
the blow that tomorrow will likely bring in civilized nations (and even
to all others). Camatte asks, “How can you celebrate a revolution with a
rifle butt??” (pg. 114), and so we must ask, ‘How can we have a
revolution with no world left?’
“If human beings are to be destroyed, they must first be despoiled of
their humanity. And so if, during the revolutionary struggle people
choose to proceed according to this view, are they not simply imitating
the methods used by the capitalists, and thus furthering the destruction
of human beings?” (pg. 116). This is a very real possibility. There is
only one way to deal with this issue, and that is to fully declare the
deplorement of violence as non-revolutionary, but as an act of desperate
preservation. (It should be noted here that violence is not the primary
measure being advocated by any means. Direct action and property
destruction should always be used primarily for this, only in cases were
these actions will not stop a person/persons/corporation/etc. from
making a largely destructive action.)[1] This may seem like a slight
technicality to some, but is really requiring an overturn in tactics and
deplorement.
To partake in violence to preserve wildness or prevent destruction is
hypocritical. There should be little debate. A person is a person is a
living thing. To take this away is by no means upholding the sanctity of
all life, there should be no illusions made about this. The person/s who
undertake these acts are doing away with one’s integrity. (Of course, in
light of this act, this is obviously not the primary issue.) So in this
context, justifying persons as targets of violence must meet strict
criteria.[2] (I do not feel or claim to be one to set this in stone, but
I will suggest what I see a criteria for further debate.)
Camatte himself lays out a basis for this criterion, “The
representations that justify an individual person’s defense of capital
must be revealed and demystified; people in this situation must become
aware of contradiction, and doubts should arise in their minds.” (Pgs.
117–118). As people from civilization, we recognize that all of us are
various representations of that civilization, “’the system’ [...]
produces cops and revolutionaries alike.” (Pg. 117). For Camatte this
implies that civilization had denied our humanity, so it lies deep
within all of us as human beings. So kill the representation and you
kill the potential to be human as well. There can be no formula for
this, there comes a point were the actual destruction brought about by a
person overrides the sanctity of the potential humanity that lies
buried. It is vague and problematic to leave it this unclear, but there
are few ways to have a set point (especially considering the varying
targets of potential humans). So a viable target must be one whom is
proven to not be merely a spoke in the machine (as a layperson may be.
Someone who has not reached their potential, who carries on in the
destructiveness of everyday civilized life, but is a function of the
machine, not an active proponent.), but a primary controller. (A
position highly reserved for CEOs and the like. Those whose potential to
be human is actively pushed away as they reap in destructiveness as a
cost of their own profiteering.)
Precautions must be made as to ensure the person/s who carries out such
acts won’t lapse into an unattached killing machine (or a mirror of the
dominant society). While justifications must show the target is a
primary part of the death machine (not just a representation), it must
never be seen only in this light. The perpetrator must acknowledge the
target as a living being, and keep this in mind. But they must not allow
this segregation of this individual from the whole to become habit. How
this can be ensured is an individual case basis, and I will not pretend
to make an overarching statement regarding this. But I hope this may
have opened the air for further discussion on this topic.
[1] As well it should be stated that these actions are by no means an
appeal to any state or authority, but a means of direct preservation
showing the complete unwillingness to compromise the sanctity of the
Earth.
[2] As should go without saying, more strict targets than those
Camatte’s opponents seem to have taken up. (Cops, ‘defenders of
capital’, etc.)