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Title: The Question of Preservational Violence
Author: Tatanka
Language: en
Topics: anti-civ, insurrectionist, Jacques Camatte, primitivist
Source: Retrieved on January 1, 2005 from http://www.coalitionagainstcivilization.org
Notes: A response to Jacques Camatte’s “The Question of Violence”. (In This World We Must Leave and Other Essays by Jacques Camatte. 1995, Autonomedia.)

Tatanka

The Question of Preservational Violence

...the groupuscles of the left and extreme left, but not the anarchists,

preach about the necessity of learning to kill because they think they

can make death “rebound” on capital. But none of them (and this is

particularly true of the most extreme elements) ever take into account

the fact that they are suggesting the necessity of destroying human

beings in order to accomplish this revolution. (Pg. 114)

Perhaps Camatte was right in respects to this statement. The majority of

remarks made towards the use of violence were aimed at the ‘defenders of

capital’, primarily cops, mirroring a large sentiment of revolutionaries

(especially the Class Warriors). Twenty-seven years after this essay was

written, that movement and sentiment still stands somewhat strong. But

what of those who share that sentiment for different reasons? I’m

getting at the comprehension that his statement may be true, but what if

the violence is not an act of revolution?

“Violence is a fact of life in present-day society; the question now is

how that violence can be destroyed.” (Pg. 115). This is true, but the

understanding of this fact cannot be simplified into a categorical

answer as Camatte, and numerous others, have done. The actual reality of

daily life, in light of the all-encompassing techno-industrial death

machine is reason for a split of the obligations of revolutionaries

(that is those who understand the techno-industrial mega-machine to be

their enemy). S/he must see the dualism that lies here. On the one hand

there is the goal, which, presumably, is the abolition of civilization

(or industrial/consumer society, more immediately). However noble this

is in itself, cannot be the sole recipient of one’s actions. In the

possibility that this revolution may not arrive for decades, lays the

other directive, the preservation of what remains undestroyed. This is

where the tactics must be reconsidered. The light of the everyday

destruction (and possibility of total annihilation) by the mega-machine

requires a new level of immediacy and directly aimed actions to lessen

the blow that tomorrow will likely bring in civilized nations (and even

to all others). Camatte asks, “How can you celebrate a revolution with a

rifle butt??” (pg. 114), and so we must ask, ‘How can we have a

revolution with no world left?’

“If human beings are to be destroyed, they must first be despoiled of

their humanity. And so if, during the revolutionary struggle people

choose to proceed according to this view, are they not simply imitating

the methods used by the capitalists, and thus furthering the destruction

of human beings?” (pg. 116). This is a very real possibility. There is

only one way to deal with this issue, and that is to fully declare the

deplorement of violence as non-revolutionary, but as an act of desperate

preservation. (It should be noted here that violence is not the primary

measure being advocated by any means. Direct action and property

destruction should always be used primarily for this, only in cases were

these actions will not stop a person/persons/corporation/etc. from

making a largely destructive action.)[1] This may seem like a slight

technicality to some, but is really requiring an overturn in tactics and

deplorement.

To partake in violence to preserve wildness or prevent destruction is

hypocritical. There should be little debate. A person is a person is a

living thing. To take this away is by no means upholding the sanctity of

all life, there should be no illusions made about this. The person/s who

undertake these acts are doing away with one’s integrity. (Of course, in

light of this act, this is obviously not the primary issue.) So in this

context, justifying persons as targets of violence must meet strict

criteria.[2] (I do not feel or claim to be one to set this in stone, but

I will suggest what I see a criteria for further debate.)

Camatte himself lays out a basis for this criterion, “The

representations that justify an individual person’s defense of capital

must be revealed and demystified; people in this situation must become

aware of contradiction, and doubts should arise in their minds.” (Pgs.

117–118). As people from civilization, we recognize that all of us are

various representations of that civilization, “’the system’ [...]

produces cops and revolutionaries alike.” (Pg. 117). For Camatte this

implies that civilization had denied our humanity, so it lies deep

within all of us as human beings. So kill the representation and you

kill the potential to be human as well. There can be no formula for

this, there comes a point were the actual destruction brought about by a

person overrides the sanctity of the potential humanity that lies

buried. It is vague and problematic to leave it this unclear, but there

are few ways to have a set point (especially considering the varying

targets of potential humans). So a viable target must be one whom is

proven to not be merely a spoke in the machine (as a layperson may be.

Someone who has not reached their potential, who carries on in the

destructiveness of everyday civilized life, but is a function of the

machine, not an active proponent.), but a primary controller. (A

position highly reserved for CEOs and the like. Those whose potential to

be human is actively pushed away as they reap in destructiveness as a

cost of their own profiteering.)

Precautions must be made as to ensure the person/s who carries out such

acts won’t lapse into an unattached killing machine (or a mirror of the

dominant society). While justifications must show the target is a

primary part of the death machine (not just a representation), it must

never be seen only in this light. The perpetrator must acknowledge the

target as a living being, and keep this in mind. But they must not allow

this segregation of this individual from the whole to become habit. How

this can be ensured is an individual case basis, and I will not pretend

to make an overarching statement regarding this. But I hope this may

have opened the air for further discussion on this topic.

[1] As well it should be stated that these actions are by no means an

appeal to any state or authority, but a means of direct preservation

showing the complete unwillingness to compromise the sanctity of the

Earth.

[2] As should go without saying, more strict targets than those

Camatte’s opponents seem to have taken up. (Cops, ‘defenders of

capital’, etc.)