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Title: Review: On Fire Author: Anarcho Date: April 28, 2009 Language: en Topics: book review, anti-capitalism, Genoa 2001 Source: Retrieved on 29th January 2021 from https://anarchism.pageabode.com/?p=238
On Fire: The Battle of Genoa and the anti-capitalist movement (One-Off
Press: ISBN 1 902593 54 5)
This is an excellent book. It contains sixteen eye-witness accounts and
analyses of the protests at Genoa earlier this year. All shades of
opinion within the libertarian wing of anti-capitalist movement are
contained in it and so it is a diverse but always interesting (and at
times, moving) account of ordinary people doing extra-ordinary things in
difficult circumstances. That is in itself enough to recommend it. These
are the accounts of the people who want to make history rather than the
interpretations of journalists (mainstream or so-called “revolutionary”)
and the specialists in ideology (again, mainstream or “revolutionary”).
As such, the accounts of those involved in the Black Block should be
read by all. Combined with the personal accounts is some excellent
political analysis. All in all, a wonderful account and analysis of what
contributor calls “the ecstasy of resistance.”
Needless to say, it will be impossible to cover all the issues raised,
never mind all the lessons that can be gained from these accounts. I
would suggest that the following can be considered among the most
important.
Firstly, the need to (to use Jazz’s words) get “out into workplaces and
communities, getting beyond the narrow activist base and its
marginalised periphery... Politics has to be made real to everyday life
... and not just dependent on six monthly spectaculars for a political
fix.” Only once the movement has strengthened its links it has been
building with working class struggle and life can we actually start to
transform society for the better. Until then, events like Genoa may
inspire by they will never transform (as participants are aware, of
course. As one says, “we were not in Genoa to destroy capitalism, so
that kind of criticism misses the point. What happened in Genoa was a
generalised riot, not an anti-capitalist insurrection.” In Genoa, many
(most?) Italian anarchists (including the two national federations)
worked with the base unions (COBAS) and striking workers and marched
with them. The way RTS and other groups here are linking up with workers
in struggle is the way forward.
Secondly, the need for organisation comes through clearly from the
accounts. While, of course, organisation is generated spontaneously
through struggle, it means reinventing the wheel every time there is a
demo (and, of course, it does not address what we do between demos). As
such, Massimo de Angelis makes a valid (and extremely old anarchist
point) when he argues that “not even the slogan on T-shirts in Genoa was
entirely correct: another world is not only possible. Rather, we are
already patiently and with effort building another world — with all its
contradictions, limitations and ambiguities — through the form of our
networks.” This clearly ties in the first point. We do have to build the
new world in the shell of the old is we want to end capitalism.
Thirdly, communication between activists is essential. As numerous
contributors argue, by (for example) Black Blockers and pacifists
talking to each other then there will be less likelihood that the cops
and media can use splitting tactics. As Starhawk put it, we “have to
communicate. We can no longer afford to wage parallel but disconnected
struggles at the same demonstrations. We need to clearly state our
intentions and goals for each action, and ask others to support them.”
But, as she stresses, “agreements are only agreements when everyone
participates in making them.” As such equality, solidarity and respect
are essential and that, of course, flows naturally from point two (the
need to build the new world, as far as possible, today in our
struggles). It may be difficult, but it is essential.
Fourthly, the question of police violence in Genoa. As one contributor
argues, the “police could carry out such a brutal act openly ... means
that they do not expect to be held accountable for their actions. Which
means that they had support from higher up, more powerful politicians
... That those politicians also do not expect to be condemned ... means
that they too have support from higher up, ultimately, from Berlusconi
... That Berlusconi could support such acts means that he must be
certain of support from other international powers” (Brian S). As
Starhawk rightly puts it, blaming the Black Block misses the point (as
the State wants). The Black Block was “not the source of the problem in
Genoa. The problem was state, police and Fascist violence.” In Genoa “we
encountered a carefully orchestrated political campaign of state
terrorism.” The police planned to attack the march and by blaming the
Black Block (as liberals and trots have done) has effectively let the
state off the hook.
Fifthly, the book helps others to understand those who take part in the
Black Block tactic. It clearly shows that the Block in Genoa was not
exclusively anarchist and that its roots lie in the German Autonomists
and not anarchism as such. It also allows its participants to refute
some of the charges against them (such as being “elitist,” being
“responsible” for the police violence, being police agents and so on).
As such, it helps to push the debate on tactics forward by allowing
people to understand where others are coming from.
Lastly, the importance of (in Starhawk’s words) “staying on the
streets.” The very fact the state went to such lengths to attack the
anti-globalisation demonstrations (and to split the movement) shows that
we are a threat to the status quo. While the leaders of the world may
like to dismiss it as “an anarchist travelling circus” the fact is that
these demos, regardless of their limitations, do show that people are
resisting and that there is an alternative to capitalism. Particularly
in these days of war, we must stay on the streets and show that there is
only one war worth fighting — the class war.
This book is, it is to be hoped, the start of a process in which we can
discuss our ideas, our tactics, our movement and actions. We are clearly
considered as a threat, hence the attempts to spilt the movement along
the lines of “violence” and “non-violence” by the state (although, as
Starhawk says, “if breaking windows and fighting back when the cops
attack is ‘violence,’ then give me a new word, a word a thousand times
stronger, to use when the cops are beating non-resisting people into
comas.”). We cannot let them succeed, particular as the events in Genoa
show that state violence was pre-planned and would have occurred even if
the Black Block did not exist.
Ultimately, in order to build a militant anti-capitalist movement we
need to make it relevant to the class who keep the global system going
by its labour and which has the power to end it. The class which most
anarchists are members of, the working class. This may well be a harder
task than participating in a Black Block at demonstrations but until
every workplace, community and school is a black block in terms of
militancy, solidarity and politics an alternative to capitalism will
never be on the cards.
Dare to dream, yes, but also dare to put that dream into practice!