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Title: Anarchy Is Order Author: Jeff Shantz Date: 2005 Language: en Topics: anarchy, theory, autonomy, autonomous zones, DIY, Mutual aid Source: Media/Culture Journal
The word âanarchyâ comes from the ancient Greek word âanarchosâ and
means âwithout a ruler.â While rulers, quite expectedly, claim that the
end of rule will inevitably lead to a descent into chaos and turmoil,
anarchists maintain that rule is unnecessary for the preservation of
order. Rather than a descent into Hobbesâs war of all against all, a
society without government suggests to anarchists the very possibility
for creative and peaceful human relations. Pierre-Joseph Proudhon neatly
summed up the anarchist position in his famous slogan: âAnarchy is
Order.â
Historically, anarchists have sought to create a society without
government or State, free from coercive, hierarchical and authoritarian
relations, in which people associate voluntarily. Anarchists emphasize
freedom from imposed authorities. They envision a society based upon
autonomy, self-organization and voluntary federation which they oppose
to âthe State as a particular body intended to maintain a compulsory
scheme of legal orderâ (Marshall 12). Contemporary anarchists focus much
of their efforts on transforming everyday life through the development
of alternative social arrangements and organizations. Thus, they are not
content to wait either for elite-initiated reforms or for future
âpost-revolutionaryâ utopias. If social and individual freedoms are to
be expanded the time to start is today.
In order to bring their ideas to life, anarchists create working
examples. To borrow the old Wobbly phrase, they are âforming the
structure of the new world in the shell of the old.â These experiments
in living, popularly referred to as âDIYâ (Do-It-Yourself), are the
means by which contemporary anarchists withdraw their consent and begin
âcontractingâ other relationships. DIY releases counter-forces, based
upon notions of autonomy and self-organization as motivating principles,
against the normative political and cultural discourses of
neo-liberalism. Anarchists create autonomous spaces which are not about
access but about refusal of the terms of entry (e.g. nationalism, etc).
The âDo-it-Yourselfâ ethos has a long and rich association with
anarchism. One sees it as far back as Proudhonâs notions of Peopleâs
Banks and local currencies which have returned in the form of LETS
(Local Exchange and Trade Systems). In North America, 19^(th) Century
anarchist communes, such as those of Benjamin Tucker, find echoes in the
Autonomous Zones and squat communities of the present day.
In the recent past, Situationists, Kabouters, and the British punk
movements have encouraged DIY activities as means to overcome alienating
consumption practices and the authority and control of work. Punks
turned to DIY to record and distribute music outside of the record
industry.
At the forefront of contemporary DIY are the âAutonomous Zonesâ or more
simply âA-Zones.â âAutonomous Zonesâ are community centres based upon
anarchist principles, often providing meals, clothing and shelter for
those in need. These sites, sometimes but not always squats, provide
gathering places for exploring and learning about anti-authoritarian
histories and traditions. Self-education is an important aspect of
anarchist politics. A-Zones are important as sites of re-skilling. DIY
and participatory democracy are important precisely because they
encourage the processes of learning and independence necessary for
self-determined communities.
A-Zones are often sites for quite diverse and complex forms of activity.
The âTrumbullplexâ in Detroit is an interesting example. Housed,
ironically, in the abandoned home of an early-Century industrialist, the
Trumbell Theatre serves as a co-operative living space, temporary
shelter, food kitchen and lending library. The carriage house has been
converted into a theatre site for touring anarchist and punk bands and
performance troops like the âBindlestiff Circus.â
Because of their concern with transcending cultural barriers, residents
of A-Zones try to build linkages with residents of the neighbourhoods in
which they were staying. The intention is to create autonomous free
zones that may be extended as resources and conditions permit. These
various practices are all part of complex networks that are
trans-national, trans-boundary and trans-movement. They encourage us to
think about writing against the movement as movement. Movement processes
involve complex networks outside of and alongside of the State
(trans-national and trans-boundary).
These are the building blocks of what Howard Ehrlich refers to as the
anarchist transfer culture, an approximation of the new society within
the context of the old. Within it anarchists try to meet the basic
demands of building sustainable communities.
A transfer culture is that agglomeration of ideas and practices that
guide people in making the trip from the society here to the society
there in the futureâŠ.As part of the accepted wisdom of that transfer
culture we understand that we may never achieve anything that goes
beyond the culture itself. It may be, in fact, that it is the very
nature of anarchy that we shall always be building the new society
within whatever society we find ourselves (Ehrlich 329).
In this sense, anarchist autonomous zones are liminal sites, spaces of
transformation and passage. As such they are important sites of
re-skilling, in which anarchists prepare themselves for the new forms of
relationship necessary to break authoritarian and hierarchical
structures. Participants also learn the diverse tasks and varied
interpersonal skills necessary for collective work and living. This
skill sharing serves to discourage the emergence of knowledge elites and
to allow for the sharing of all tasks, even the least desirable,
necessary for social maintenance.
For Paul Goodman, an American anarchist whose writings influenced the
1960s New Left and counterculture, anarchist futures-present serve as
necessary acts of âdrawing the lineâ against the authoritarian and
oppressive forces in society. Anarchism, in Goodmanâs view, was never
oriented only towards some glorious future; it involved also the
preservation of past freedoms and previous libertarian traditions of
social interaction. âA free society cannot be the substitution of a ânew
orderâ for the old order; it is the extension of spheres of free action
until they make up most of the social lifeâ (Goodman quoted in Marshall
598). Utopian thinking will always be important, Goodman argued, in
order to open the imagination to new social possibilities, but the
contemporary anarchist would also need to be a conservator of societyâs
benevolent tendencies.
As many recent anarchist writings suggest, the potential for resistance
might be found anywhere in everday life. If power is exercised
everywhere, it might give rise to resistance everywhere. Present-day
anarchists like to suggest that a glance across the landscape of
contemporary society reveals many groupings that are anarchist in
practice if not in ideology.
Examples include the leaderless small groups developed by radical
feminists, coops, clinics, learning networks, media collectives, direct
action organizations; the spontaneous groupings that occur in response
to disasters, strikes, revolutions and emergencies; community-controlled
day-care centers; neighborhood groups; tenant and workplace organizing;
and so on (Ehrlich, Ehrlich, DeLeon and Morris 18).
While these are obviously not strictly anarchist groups, they often
operate to provide examples of mutual aid and non-hierarchical and
non-authoritarian modes of living that carry the memory of anarchy
within them. It is within these everyday examples that anarchists
glimpse the possibilities for a libertarian social order. If, as Colin
Ward suggests, anarchy is a seed beneath the snow of authoritarian
society, daily expressions of mutual aid are the first blooms from which
a new order will grow.
In viewing the projects that emerge from contemporary anarchist
movements, I would suggest that, in the words of Castells, Yazawa and
Kiselyova, such projects offer âalternative visions and projects of
social transformation that reject the patterns of domination,
exploitation and exclusion embedded in the current forms of
globalizationâ (22). Following Leslie Sklair I suggest that
autonomist/anarchy movements exemplify a âdisruptionâ model of social
movements and resistances to capitalism (as opposed to an
âorganizational modelâ or an âintegrationist modelâ). Through their
uncompromising rhetoric and immodest strategies they resist attempts to
divert their disruptive force into normal politics. Activists attempt to
reject the entire context within which they can be either marginalized
or assimilated; they occupy their own ground. This âautonomyâ must be
constantly constructed, reconstructed and defended in the face of
powerful foes as events of the last four years have shown.
Autonomy movements in abandoned or impoverished inner-city areas are
movements involving individuals, social groups or territories excluded
or made precarious by the ânew world orderâ. This distinguishes them
somewhat from institutional global social movements that seek increased
participation by members who are not yet rendered irrelevant (and who
thus have something with which to bargain). In any event, how does one
ask a global (or national) body to grant the âsubversion of the dominant
paradigmâ or the âliberation of desire?â
Reinventing Anarchy, Again. Ed. H. J. Ehrlich. Edinburgh: AK Press,
1996: 329â330.
Culture.â Reinventing Anarchy, Again. Ed. Howard J. Ehrlich. Edinburgh:
AK Press, 1996: 331â349.
âQuestions and Answers about Anarchism.â Reinventing Anarchy, Again. Ed.
Howard J. Ehrlich. Edinburgh: AK Press, 1996: 4â18.
London: Verso, 1985.
Western Journal of Speech Communication 54 (1990): 473â94.
London: Fontana Press, 1993.
Garden City: Anchor Books, 1969.
Sociology 29.3 (1995): 495â512.
Movements. New York: World Publishing, 1962.